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We analyse legislative bargaining in the European Union. In our model, EU member states bargain over the policy choices underlying legislation and over its `template': (1) the degree of discretion at the application stage, and (2) whether the discretionary power is delegated to the Commission (or retained by the Council). Our analysis classifies member states into `large', `medium-sized' and `small' based on their voting power in the Council. Large member states seek to adopt open-ended legislation in which the Council retains the discretionary power. Medium-sized ones prefer `clear rules' without discretion. Small member states prefer open-ended legislation in which discretion is delegated to the Commission. We discuss the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) as an illustrative example.

Most of the papers presented at the International Seminar on the European Union in World Politics, held at New Delhi during 21-22 May 2003

Are national governments responsive to citizens' opinions when negotiating policies in the Council of the European Union? Conceiving of the Council's policy-making space as encompassing left-right and pro-anti integration issues, I argue that governments apply different 'modes of responsiveness' on these issues. As left-right issues are more reliably and intensely salient in domestic elections than pro-anti integration issues, governments' responsiveness to left-right public opinion should be more systematic than to pro-anti integration opinion. Statistical analyses of 3700 policy positions of governments in the Council demonstrate that governments highly structure their responsiveness on left-right issues according to electoral cycles and systems ('systematic mode'). However, they only sporadically respond to public opinion on pro-anti integration issues, when parties and events trigger the public salience of integration ('sporadic mode').

We present a game-theoretical analysis of Commission appointment in the European Union. In the model, the European Parliament and the member states look ahead and consider the outcomes that result from the appointment of alternative Commissions. In contrast to earlier work, we assume the European Parliament and the member states have incomplete information on the consequences of policies, whereas the Commission acquires private information. We find that the increased use of codecision gives the Council an incentive to appoint a Commission that is closer to the European Parliament, because the European Parliament then trusts the Commission more and the Commission is more informative as a result. Thus, we shed new light on the Spitzenkandidaten Coup that preceded the appointment of the Juncker Commission.

Decades of co-rule have left EU citizens with attachments more complex than labels like 'European' or 'national identity' would suggest. But what kind of ties should we be looking for? How can they be studied, and where does their democratic significance lie? This book combines a conceptual elaboration of the political bond with a sociological study of commonsense suppositions, based on interviews with groups of taxi-drivers in Germany, Britain and the Czech Republic. The author investigates allegiance not in directly-solicited views on European matters but in the expectations and reference-points evoked spontaneously in political discussion. A willingness to take the transnational view on many issues is clear. But how those issues are understood raises doubts about their European dimensions and scepticism about the possibilities for addressing them. Without changes in the way politics is conceived, arguments for the European polity are likely to ring hollow, and with them the formal ties of EU citizenship.

"Visa Policy in the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Croatia and the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

There is no shortage of would-be leaders in EU climate change politics. The EU institutions (e.g. European Council, Council of the EU, Commission and the European Parliament (EP)), member states and societal actors have all, though to varying degrees and at different time periods, tried to offer leadership in EU and international climate change politics. Importantly, public support for EU environmental policy in general, and climate change policy in particular, has been consistently high (e.g. Eurobarometer 2015). The economic recession which followed the 2008 financial crises triggered only a moderate drop in public support for EU action on climate change, although considerable variation exists between member states.

"The Baltic States in the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

Over the past five years Europe has continued its growth towards closer financial ties and economic integration. Through specific policies on subfields including agriculture, trade, competition, banking and economic governance the economic fortunes of individual European countries are more closely tied than ever. The aim of this comprehensive collection is to provide an overview of these policy developments for those who wish to gain an understanding of European economic integration without assuming prior knowledge of economics or using technical terms but rather is written in an accessible style and geared towards a wider-readership. On top of this, the volume also deals with many of the current issues that the European economic integration is faced with such as the global financial economic and sovereign debt crisis.

Focuses on integration, diversity, plurality, territorial governance and reconstruction legitimacy, national identity, land ownership, EU enlargement, European integration, border issues, ethnic euro-regions, and geo-strategic perspective; 8 articles. Contents: Integration, diversity, plurality: territorial governance and the reconstruction of legitimacy in a Euoprean "postnational" state, by Enrico Gualini; Narrating crises and uncertainty, or, placing Germany: reflections of theoretical implications on the Standort Deutschland debate, by Judith Miggelbrink and Marc Pedepenning; A common European space? national identity, foreign land ownership and EU enlargement: the Polish and Czech cases, by Steve Wood; The Maas-Rhine Euroregion: a laboratory for European integration? by Hans Knippenberg; "Everyone creates one's own borders": the Dutch-German borderland as representation, by Anke Strüver; Transborder regional alliances in Europe: chances for ethnic Euroregions? by Jan Markusse; The frontiers of the European Union: a geostrategic perspective, by William Walters; Contending discourses of marginality: the case of Kalinigrad, by Christopher S. Browning and Pertti Joenniemi.

The collection of articles in this special issue provides a comprehensive analysis of European Union decision-making during the Eurozone crisis. We investigate national preference formation and interstate bargaining related to major reforms of the Economic and Monetary Union. The analyses rely on the new 'EMU Positions' dataset. This dataset includes information about the preferences and saliences of all 28 EU member states and key EU institutions, regarding 47 contested issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015. In this introductory article, we first articulate the motivation behind this special issue and outline its collective contribution. We then briefly summarise each article within this collection; the articles analyse agenda setting, preference formation, coalition building, bargaining dynamics, and bargaining success. Finally, we present and discuss the 'EMU Positions' dataset.

"Hungary and the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.