Suchergebnisse

Texte sur deux colonnes. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44

An analysis of most definitions of organized crime point to the fact that its main goal is the acquisition of financial profit. That is why one of the basic measures that most affects organized crime is confiscation of illegally acquired property. The purpose of that confiscation, through different historical epochs, was to punish the perpetrator of a criminal act, to compensate the injured party, or to prevent and deter others from committing criminal acts. The goal of this paper is to review scientific literature and analyze the content of various legal acts and documents, with the application of the comparative method, and to point out the specifics of the institute of confiscation of property acquired through criminal activities as one of the measures in the fight against organized crime. Property confiscation as a special measure in the fight against crime has encountered numerous criticisms and controversies in domestic and foreign literature, which will be the subject of a separate part of this paper. Seizures differ from country to country due to different legal qualifications, making it difficult to apply this institute in a uniform manner, on a global level. We point out the results that this measure gave at the international level and the success and criticism of its application in domestic legislation and practice.

Considerable research has investigated the effects of social facilitation on either positive or neutral behaviors, but little if any research has examined whether the presence of others can lead to greater levels of negative behavior. The purpose of this project was to explore the influence
of social facilitation on patterns and severity of offenses committed by juvenile delinquents. Study l compared the severity of crime (as measured by the offense classification) as a function of 130 currently incarcerated juvenile delinquents' self-reports of whether their crime was committed
alone or with others. Results suggested that juveniles tend to act in concert with others in delinquent acts. White females tended to act in concert with others more than African-American female adolescents in the commission of delinquent acts. However, no significant effects were found for
social facilitation and severity of crime, even when controlling for MMPI lie scores. Study 2 addressed the same question, but used an archival approach. Data was obtained for criminal charges and whether the crime happened in the presence or absence of others from random sample of
30 records from a juvenile delinquency home. The best predictor of severity of crime from this sample was the number of people involved with the crime. The study therefore provides limited support for Zajonc's drive theory that suggests social facilitation can have a non-directional effect
on behavior.

Discusses impeachment of elected officials, in aftermath of impeachment and acquittal of former President Clinton; constitutionality, identifying impeachable offenses, and purposes of impeachment; US.

Report of the trial of Zheli︠a︡bov and the others assassins of emperor Alexander II. ; Caption title: Zasi︠e︡danie Osobago prisutstvii︠a︡ Praviteli︠a︡0stvui︠u︡shchago senata dli︠a︡ suzhednii︠a︡ di︠e︡l o gosudarstvennykh prestuplenii︠a︡kh. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Criminological research has shown the relevance of examining offender–victim interaction and related factors to understand crime event outcomes. In sexual offenses against children, an obvious lack of knowledge exists regarding this issue. From a criminological perspective, we seek to improve our understanding of the offender–victim interaction in sexual offenses against children and, in particular, what factors might increase the risk of a more intrusive offense. We argue that modus operandi strategies play a central role in crime event outcomes and examine this hypothesis with data obtained from a semistructured interview conducted with offenders. As expected, modus operandi was found to have a strong effect on crime event outcomes, especially victim participation during sexual episodes. Victim effects also emerged from the analyses. Specifically, a strong interaction effect between age and gender of the victim was found for victim participation, which suggests that as the victim gets older, offenders are more likely to make their victim participate in sexual episodes when abusing a male victim but are less likely to do so when abusing a female victim.

This article deals critically with the process of coming to terms with 'genocide'. It starts from the observation that conventional philosophical and legal approaches to capturing the essence of 'genocide' through an improved definition necessarily fail to adapt to the ever-changing nature of political violence. Faced with this challenge, the article suggests that the contemporary debate on genocide (and its denial) should be complemented with a focus on transforming the perceptive and interpretive frameworks through which acts of violence are discussed in the public sphere. The main purpose of this article is to contribute, from the vantage point of political theory, to this debate by offering a novel normative perspective on negative reactions to genocide. Hence I argue that it is productive to speak of 'genocide blindness' in cases when the members of the public sphere are simply incapable of seeing an instance of violence as genocidal. To establish this claim, the article introduces Ludwig Wittgenstein's reflections on 'aspect-seeing' so as to underline the importance of changing the way that political violence is perceived and interpreted. In a second step, the article turns to Maria Pia Lara's theory of storytelling as a concrete mechanism for triggering and instituting this kind of change. Adapted from the source document.

Norms of political correctness dictate that people should avoid making "offensive" comments (particularly about marginalized groups), and that some offenders ought to be punished. While there is research on judgments of offense, it involves comparing sensitivity to criticisms delivered by ingroup versus outgroup members. Researchers have not yet addressed why individual differences in offense judgments exist, and little attention has been directed at offense judgments that are generated by political correctness concerns. What is more, there is little research on the relationship between offense and the desire to punish offenders. In an experiment testing the influence of the group membership and status of a speaker, this thesis found that women were more offended and more in favor of punishing the speaker than men, and both men and women were more offended when the comment came from a man. Additionally, individual differences that predict offense and endorsement of punishment were identified. Specifically, the more individuals valued status, the more likely they were to desire punitive action against a high status speaker. Finally, latent class analysis revealed a class of people who endorsed punitive action but were not offended, suggesting that for some, punishing political incorrectness stems from opportunity rather than offense. The findings indicate that taking offense and punishing perceived offenders is motivated by more than just objective rules of acceptable speech.