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This study examines the United Nations' efforts to effect Palestinian refugee compensation through its lead agency for resolving the ArabIsraeli conflict, the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP), from 1949 to 1966. It highlights the progressive shrinking of the UNCCP's role from overall conciliation to bringing about agreement on compensation to a tertiary status conducting technical studies. Examining in particular the ambitious twelve-year program for identifying and evaluating refugee property carried out by the UNCCP's Technical Office, the author details the vast land records used and generated by that office and publishes for the first time compensation estimates buried in the archives. In analyzing the reasons for UNCCP's ultimate failure in realizing its mission, the author highlights first and foremost the negative impact of the United States's undeclared but strict "red lines" for resolving the crisis.

This article describes and analyzes the processes the Internal Refugees have experienced since the establishment of the state till this day from the perspective of the struggle over the "refugee identity." While the state has tried to undermine this identity as part of its policy against the Right of Return, activists from the refugees' communities have done their best to preserve it. In the late 1980s it looked as if the state's goal of uprooting the refugee identity was achieved, but the last decade witnessed an awakening of this identity. This has a lot to do with the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks, but also, it is suggested here, with the very nature of "refugee identity," which has two components, of which one is positive ("my roots are there") and one is negative ("I am not from here"). ; Cet article décrit et analyse les processus vécus les réfugiés internes depuis l'établissement de l'État (d'Israël), jusqu'à aujourd'hui et ce, à travers de leur lutte pour leur « identité comme réfugié ». Bien que l'État se soit efforcé de saper cette identité dans le cadre de sa politique contre le Droit au retour, les militants des camps de réfugiés ont tout fait pour la préserver. Vers la fin des années 80, il a semblé que l'État avait effectivement réussi à atteindre son but, soit de déraciner l'identité des réfugiés; mais la dernière décennie a vu une renaissance de cette identité. Les négociations de paix israélo-palestiniennes ont grandement contribué à cet état de chose, mais l'article suggère, qu'en plus, cela se rapporte à la nature même de « l'identité du réfugié », qui comporte deux aspects, l'un positif (« mes racines sont ici ») et l'autre négatif (« je ne suis pas d'ici »).

This article examines the practices of humanitarian aid distribution from the perspective of aid recipients rather than providers through an immersion in the daily home life of Palestinian residents of Nahr al-Barid refugee camp (north Lebanon) in 2011. It argues that in the name of distributing aid fairly, humanitarian aid providers put in place a pervasive system of surveillance to monitor, evaluate, and compare residents' misery levels by relying on locally recruited aid workers. This regime of visibility was designed to be one directional; NGOs never disclosed how much aid they had available, nor when or how it would be distributed. The inclusion of local aid workers in this opaque framework turned a process that relied on community and neighborhood ties into an impersonal machine that fostered doubt and suspicion and ultimately hindered the community's ability to engage in collective political action.

Relying on demographic and labour surveys which the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics collected in 1995, this article investigates the profile of West Bank and Gaza refugees. Refugees are better educated and have higher fertility than non‐refugee Palestinians, but the difference is small. However, they have a significantly lower participation rate, a higher unemployment rate and a higher incidence of arrests and work stoppage than the corresponding rates among non‐refugee Palestinians. A smaller proportion of Palestinians commute to work into the Israeli labour market and refugees earn lower wages than non‐refugees. Returns to investment in education are small for both groups. High fertility among refugees imposes a future challenge for policy makers in terms of resources required for the provision of appropriate education and health facilities. Employing future labour market entrants is another serious policy challenge.

Examines the influence of Israeli historian Benny Morris's work for contemporary understandings of the 1948 Palestinian exodus. Breaking with the official Israeli position that the exodus was voluntary, Morris countered that the Israeli military had, either directly or indirectly, forced the refugees to leave. Morris's views helped shape the current debate over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well as affecting Israeli historiography & education, & molding public attitudes about a sovereign Palestinian state. Yet in recent years, Morris has revised his position on the coercive nature of the exodus. In the wake of the collapse of the July 2000 Camp David meetings & the ensuing, bloody intifada, Morris now emphatically opposes the Palestinian right of return for refugees. 1 photograph. Adapted from the source document.

Expected costs and benefits to one's own group; based on survey conducted by the Guttman Institute, May 1989-May 1991.

This introduction reviews the historical and political context that provides an essential background for exploring key contemporary issues in Palestinian Arab education in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Formal public education in Palestine, from its very beginnings, was never under the control of the Palestinian people but instead, has been controlled by successive colonial/external administrations. This introduction examines how major historical periods have affected the development of Palestinian Arab education from the Ottoman period (1516 to 1917) to the British Mandate period (1917 to 1948) to the post-1948 period after the establishment of Israel, which includes the post-1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the Oslo agreement period from 1993 to 2000, and the first and second Palestinian Intifadas.