Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction Researching Journeys in Migration and Refugee Studies -- Part 1 Journey Stories -- Chapter 1 Building Independence: The Journey of Elisha from Syria -- Chapter 2 From Loss to Belonging: The Journey of Yirmi from Poland -- Chapter 3 Setting Out to the Open Spaces: The Journey of Bracha from Yemen -- Chapter 4 Towards the Place Where the Future Will Begin: The Journey of Yair from Transnistria -- Chapter 5 A Generation Going on the Way: The Journey of Oscar from Iraq -- Chapter 6 From Auschwitz to "Flowers from Israel": The Journey of Yigal from Germany -- Chapter 7 God Loves Me: The Journey of Rivka from the Ukraine -- Chapter 8 The Journey of the Jewish People: The Journey of Saul from Afghanistan -- Chapter 9 Going to "Paris": The Journeys of Alyna and Alex from Romania -- Chapter 10 A Journey of Reclaimed Honor: The Journey of Simon from Libya -- Chapter 11 The Partisan's Journey: The Journey of Frieda from Poland -- Part 2 Migration and Refugee Journeys: the Case of Jewish Migrants/Refugees Journeying to Israel -- Chapter 12 The Journey as a Meaning Category -- Chapter 13 Children on Journeys -- Chapter 14 Identity During the Journey -- Chapter 15 The Encounter with Israel as a Part of the Journey -- Maps of the Journeys -- Bibliography -- Index.

The Alliance for European Integration and the Transnistrian Conflict SettlementThis article examines the policy of the Alliance for European Integration – the coalition in power in Moldova since mid-2009 – with regard to the Transnistrian conflict settlement. This paper presents the principles of AEI's policy, the motivations behind it and its implementation, including results to date. The core of the Moldovan authorities' approach is identified as the gradual creation of positive on-the-ground conditions, which aim to facilitate Moldova and Transnistria reaching a final conflict settlement. In general, the AEI's policy is evaluated in a positive light, since it has potential to bring better results than the confrontational activities of the previous Communist government. However, the article also reveals some of the policy's shortcomings. Sojusz na rzecz Integracji Europejskiej wobec konfliktu naddniestrzańskiegoW artykule poddano analizie politykę Sojuszu na rzecz Integracji Europejskiej – koalicji rządzącej Republiką Mołdowy od połowy 2009 roku – mającą na celu uregulowanie konfliktu naddniestrzańskiego. Przedstawiono jej założenia, determinanty, realizację i dotychczasowe rezultaty. Za najważniejsze zadanie władz mołdawskich autor uznaje stopniowe stwarzanie warunków, które mają ułatwić Mołdowie i Naddniestrzu ostateczne rozwiązanie konfliktu pomiędzy nimi. Polityka Sojuszu została oceniona zasadniczo pozytywnie. Może bowiem przynieść lepsze rezultaty niż konfrontacyjne działania poprzedniego rządu komunistycznego. W artykule wskazano również główne wady polityki prowadzonej przez władze mołdawskie.

The Republic of Moldova, a small country landlocked between Romania to the west and the Ukraine to the east, is arguably the most complex of the fifteen countries born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Moldova is a borderland that is deeply divided between Romanian speakers drawn towards the European Union and Russian speakers who continue to feel the tug of old ties to Moscow. While Moldova may be on the path toward European integration, in many ways it is a country stuck in the unresolved problems of a Soviet past, especially with respect to territorial and national integrity. Our research will focus on the devolved region in the Republic of Moldova: Gagauzia. Much scholarship is devoted to study of the de facto state of Transnistria, but the situation in the autonomous region of Gagauzia is no less important. Upon the 20th Anniversary of the Gagauz Autonomy, we will provide an overview of the developments in Gagauzia from the proclamation of the Gagauz Republic and the conflict it generated to the present state of affairs in Gagauz Autonomy. We will then evaluate problems and prospects for devolution in Moldova, identifying some acute issues in Chisinau-Komrat relations. Once considered a success and a potential model for settlement of other conflicts in post-Soviet space, we will consider whether autonomy in Gagauzia has been achieved.

The Republic of Moldova, a small country landlocked between Romania to the west and the Ukraine to the east, is arguably the most complex of the fifteen countries born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Moldova is a borderland that is deeply divided between Romanian speakers drawn towards the European Union and Russian speakers who continue to feel the tug of old ties to Moscow. While Moldova may be on the path toward European integration, in many ways it is a country stuck in the unresolved problems of a Soviet past, especially with respect to territorial and national integrity. Our research will focus on the devolved region in the Republic of Moldova: Gagauzia. Much scholarship is devoted to study of the de facto state of Transnistria, but the situation in the autonomous region of Gagauzia is no less important. Upon the 20th Anniversary of the Gagauz Autonomy, we will provide an overview of the developments in Gagauzia from the proclamation of the Gagauz Republic and the conflict it generated to the present state of affairs in Gagauz Autonomy. We will then evaluate problems and prospects for devolution in Moldova, identifying some acute issues in Chisinau-Komrat relations. Once considered a success and a potential model for settlement of other conflicts in post-Soviet space, we will consider whether autonomy in Gagauzia has been achieved.

The European Union (EU) is frequently credited for the peace and stability in Western Europe since World War II. The Union's creation of the common market and its efforts to promote liberal ideals of democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights are among the many reasons cited. After the end of the Cold War with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the expansion of the EU through Eastern Enlargement became a prominent topic both within the EU and within the former Soviet states. Resolving conflicts in the region is vital to the stability of the region, and will create more secure borders for EU member states, making conflict resolution a concern of the EU. In this thesis, I assess how effective European Union efforts to help Moldova and Transnistria reach a peaceful settlement have been. Specifically I look at the ENP Action Plan along with the EU progress reports on the Action Plan, cooperation efforts among the EU, The Organization for the Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and the European Union Border Assistance Mission to Moldova (EUBAM) to arrive at conclusions, in the final chapter, about conflict resolution. I analyze this conflict and the importance of its resolution in the current context of the instability in neighboring Ukraine due to the secessionist movement of Crimea and the Russian support of it.

The European Union (EU) is frequently credited for the peace and stability in Western Europe since World War II. The Union's creation of the common market and its efforts to promote liberal ideals of democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights are among the many reasons cited. After the end of the Cold War with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the expansion of the EU through Eastern Enlargement became a prominent topic both within the EU and within the former Soviet states. Resolving conflicts in the region is vital to the stability of the region, and will create more secure borders for EU member states, making conflict resolution a concern of the EU. In this thesis, I assess how effective European Union efforts to help Moldova and Transnistria reach a peaceful settlement have been. Specifically I look at the ENP Action Plan along with the EU progress reports on the Action Plan, cooperation efforts among the EU, The Organization for the Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and the European Union Border Assistance Mission to Moldova (EUBAM) to arrive at conclusions, in the final chapter, about conflict resolution. I analyze this conflict and the importance of its resolution in the current context of the instability in neighboring Ukraine due to the secessionist movement of Crimea and the Russian support of it.

The Republic of Moldova, a small country landlocked between Romania to the west and the Ukraine to the east, is arguably the most complex of the fifteen countries born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Moldova is a borderland that is deeply divided between Romanian speakers drawn towards the European Union and Russian speakers who continue to feel the tug of old ties to Moscow. While Moldova may be on the path toward European integration, in many ways it is a country stuck in the unresolved problems of a Soviet past, especially with respect to territorial and national integrity. Our research will focus on the devolved region in the Republic of Moldova: Gagauzia. Much scholarship is devoted to study of the de facto state of Transnistria, but the situation in the autonomous region of Gagauzia is no less important. Upon the 20th Anniversary of the Gagauz Autonomy, we will provide an overview of the developments in Gagauzia from the proclamation of the Gagauz Republic and the conflict it generated to the present state of affairs in Gagauz Autonomy. We will then evaluate problems and prospects for devolution in Moldova, identifying some acute issues in Chisinau-Komrat relations. Once considered a success and a potential model for settlement of other conflicts in post-Soviet space, we will consider whether autonomy in Gagauzia has been achieved.

The European Union (EU) is frequently credited for the peace and stability in Western Europe since World War II. The Union's creation of the common market and its efforts to promote liberal ideals of democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights are among the many reasons cited. After the end of the Cold War with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the expansion of the EU through Eastern Enlargement became a prominent topic both within the EU and within the former Soviet states. Resolving conflicts in the region is vital to the stability of the region, and will create more secure borders for EU member states, making conflict resolution a concern of the EU. In this thesis, I assess how effective European Union efforts to help Moldova and Transnistria reach a peaceful settlement have been. Specifically I look at the ENP Action Plan along with the EU progress reports on the Action Plan, cooperation efforts among the EU, The Organization for the Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and the European Union Border Assistance Mission to Moldova (EUBAM) to arrive at conclusions, in the final chapter, about conflict resolution. I analyze this conflict and the importance of its resolution in the current context of the instability in neighboring Ukraine due to the secessionist movement of Crimea and the Russian support of it.

The objective of this article is to evaluate the effectiveness of the travel ban of the European Union (EU) on the leaders of Transnistria. This case study is revealing, as multiple actions were undertaken by Brussels to settle the conflict. In a strategy of divide et adduc (divide and influence), the travel ban seems to serve the purpose of limiting the capabilities of the targets to undermine their claim for independence and of weakening their power position in the Transnistrian society. This article argues that the travel ban contributes positively to the resolution of the conflict and that sanctions are meeting their primary purpose within a larger strategic context. The method used to achieve this conclusion is based on three different criteria and departs substantially from the behavioural change approach that is widely used in the literature. First, sanctions function according to different logics that may, or may not, aim at the behavioural change of targets. Second, sanctions can only contribute to policy goals that are pursued through complex strategies, and therefore, they are to be evaluated alongside other employed foreign policy tools. Finally, any foreign policy actions can be evaluated as negative or positive (i.e., as a failure or as a success) when compared to other policies that present better results.

The objective of this article is to evaluate the effectiveness of the travel ban of the European Union (EU) on the leaders of Transnistria. This case study is revealing, as multiple actions were undertaken by Brussels to settle the conflict. In a strategy of divide et adduc (divide and influence), the travel ban seems to serve the purpose of limiting the capabilities of the targets to undermine their claim for independence and of weakening their power position in the Transnistrian society. This article argues that the travel ban contributes positively to the resolution of the conflict and that sanctions are meeting their primary purpose within a larger strategic context. The method used to achieve this conclusion is based on three different criteria and departs substantially from the behavioural change approach that is widely used in the literature. First, sanctions function according to different logics that may, or may not, aim at the behavioural change of targets. Second, sanctions can only contribute to policy goals that are pursued through complex strategies, and therefore, they are to be evaluated alongside other employed foreign policy tools. Finally, any foreign policy actions can be evaluated as negative or positive (i.e., as a failure or as a success) when compared to other policies that present better results. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. The article deals with the European Union (EU) policy toward the post-Soviet secessionist conflicts in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-arabakh. The article argues that, in order to understand the EU as a crisis management actor, one has to study not just the patterns of EU intervention in conflict resolution and the impact of its actions but also EU decision not to intervene. These have a huge explanatory potential for the understanding of the EU as a foreign policy actor. Thus the article analyses in detail not just what the EU does vis-à-vis the post-Soviet secessionist conflicts but also what it failed to do. It analyses EU decisions to appoint special envoys, send civilian crisis management operations and offer assistance to the conflict zones, but also draws lessons from EU's refusal to consider the deployment of peacekeepers or the avoidance of conflict resolution strategies, which might upset Russia. The article concludes that EU intervention in conflict resolution is primarily driven by external constraints or opportunities rather than strategic design. When faced with a choice for possible intervention in conflict settlement, the EU tends to opt for the easier, rather than the necessary, foreign policy measures and tends to work around the hard issues of conflict resolution.

Conflict management is an area in which the EU has only recently begun to develop a profile, in particular through its involvement in the Western Balkans. The development of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has added a momentum to the management or resolution of the unresolved conflicts in the Former Soviet Union. This is a potentially risky undertaking. The ENP was not designed to address these conflicts; it remains politically, institutionally and financially under-equipped to do so, and it faces obvious external constraints, such as the role of Russia in the region. Through the ENP, the EU has assumed greater visibility in conflict management. By giving rise to local and international expectations, the EU runs the risk of becoming entangled in conflicts that it lacks the capacity to address, and of exposing its weaknesses as a foreign policy acotr. The comparison of Moldova and Georgia spells out the scope and limitations of the ENP in the area of conflict management. In the case of Moldova, domestic support for closer relations with the EU and a willingness to discuss the status of Transnistria have allowed the ENP and other EU instruments to shape the process of conflict management. By contrast, the case of Georgia illustrates the scope for instrumentalization and unintended consequences resulting from a loose policy framework. (Ethnopolitics)

Part 1: Dynamics of Bordering in the Post-Soviet Space -- Beate Eschment, Ketevan Kutsishvili, Sabine von Lèowis, Dynamics of Bordering in the Post-Soviet Space over the Last 30 Years -- Tatiana Zhurzhenko, Between the 'Opening to the West' and the Trauma of Re-Bordering: Towards a Genealogy of Post-Soviet State Border Studies -- Stephan Rindlisbacher, The Territorial Challenge in the Early Soviet State -- Johanna Jaschik, Machteld Venken, Dialoguing Borders in the Post-Soviet Space through Citizen Science, Ukrainian Borderland Perspectives -- Part 2: Western part -- Rita Sanders, Within and Across Borders: Trust and Distrust in Russia's Exclave of Kaliningrad -- Mikhail I. Klyuchnikov, Simon G. Pavlyuk, Nikita L. Turov, Transnistria: The Everyday of a De Facto Border -- Anton Gritsenko, Maria Zotova, Local Responses to the Contested Border in Crimea -- Part 3: South Caucasus -- Nino Aivazhvili-Gehne, Experiencing the Border, Encountering the State: The Ingiloy at the Azerbajani-Georgian Borderland -- Ariane Bachelet, Borderisation of South Ossetia: The Perspective of the Border Population -- Giorgi Cheishvili, Connected and Disconnected by the Border: The Shaping of the Turkish-Georgian Borderland -- Part 4: Central Asia -- Asel Murzakulova, Rethinking the Meaning of Neighbourhood: The Transformation of the Fergana Valley's Transborder Infrastructure -- Saodat Olimova, Muzaffar Olimov, Integration vs Disintegration: State Borders and Border Conflicts in the Isfara Valley -- Henryk Alff, Post-Soviet Decline or China-Induced Prosperity? Agricultural and Socio-Economic Change in the Kazakhstan-China Borderlands.