?Die Wahl der Linkspartei.PDS sorgt seit der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands fur großes politisches und mediales Interesse. Christian Zettl analysiert ihre Wahlerschaft und Programmatik im Zeitraum von 1994 bis 2009. Auf der Basis von Ansatzen der Extremismus- und Wahlforschung stellt er Zusammenhange von Parteibindung und -programm, extremen Einstellungen, Wertvorstellungen und sozialer Herkunft umfassend dar. Zudem untersucht er, ob sich Veranderungen in den Einflussfaktoren seit der Wiedervereinigung ergeben haben und wie sich die Wahlerschaft in Ost- und Westdeutschland unterscheidet.?.
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The aim of the article is to present the preliminary results of a survey conducted among Lithuanian students on their opinion about i-voting and the possibility of implementing this alternative voting method in Lithuania. The main aim of the research was to answer the following research questions: What is the attitude of young Lithuanians towards voting via the Internet? What threats, benefits and challenges related to the potential implementation of i-voting in Lithuania are perceived by the surveyed group. The research showed that the respondents believe that the greatest barriers to the introduction of i-voting in Lithuania are: the threat of cybercrime, the possibility of violating the principle of secret voting, the lack of political will, the need to change the law; young voters would be willing to vote via the Internet and this could have a positive impact on the turnout among this group of voters; the complexity of the challenges related to implementing i-voting means that there is no chance of its quick introduction.
Main objective of this paper is to improve the existing Indian voting system. In the present voting system, one can easily poll the fake vote by various wrong methods. This may lead to a big democratic problem. By implementing some changes in the previous systems, we can make the polling process more secured and counting process fast and efficient. By using biometric in voting systems, the process of polling will be more secured than the existing system. In this system, no one can vote instead of the legit voter. All voter information is stored in this system. Here, we are using the fingerprint for the verification purpose. Every individual has a unique fingerprint. So, there will not be any kind of misconduct done while using this system. At the time of counting, the process can be done by connecting the system to the computer making the process faster. Thakurendra Singh | Chirag Sharma | Rahul Sharma | Avadh Pratap Sharma | Yogesh Kumar Upadhayay "Biometric Electronic Voting Machine" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-3 , April 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd30597.pdf Paper Url :https://www.ijtsrd.com/engineering/electronics-and-communication-engineering/30597/biometric-electronic-voting-machine/thakurendra-singh
The effect of local fiscal policy perception on the electoral process in a representative democracy is investigated. The test is made by using an ordinary least squares regression on a sample of fifty Spanish municipalities. The dependent variable is the relative increase in the number of votes in support of the political party in power between the two previous local elections, and the independent variables are public investment and taxes collected by local government. The empirical evidence supports the hypothesis that fiscal perception affects voters' behaviour.
AbstractResearch has shown that first-time voting experiences affect subsequent voting behavior, with salient elections boosting subsequent turnout and non-salient ones suppressing it. We challenge this view. Following research on the context-dependent nature of habit formation, we argue that all elections should affect subsequent turnout in elections of the same type. Comparing individuals that differ only in how salient their first eligible election was (Presidential or Midterm), we find support for this expectation. Individuals are more likely to vote for, and be interested in, elections of the same type as their first voting experience. Leveraging voting age laws in the US, we also show that such laws affect subsequent participation by changing the type of election individuals are first eligible for.
Ecological regression is a statistical mainstay in litigation brought under the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The technique is discussed in the context of a suit against the County of Los Angeles that came to trial in 1990. Ecological regression depends on very strong assumptions about political behavior The authors identify these assumptions and show that they are not supported by the data. Also described is an alternative "neighborhood model, " which is a priori more plausible and fits the facts better. The neighborhood model leads to quite different conclusions about voting behavior.
AbstractThis study investigates the main legal determinants of corporate reorganization use. Three legal aspects of bankruptcy voting process were examined, such as the voting right of secured creditors (1), bankruptcy voting rule (2), and court's legal right to overrule creditors' decision (3). Using a sample of 20 countries, our estimations confirm that granting a voting right to secured lenders tends to be associated with more corporate reorganizations. Secured creditors' voting right may send a signal about firm's capacity to recover from financial distress. Such signal can encourage unsecured creditors to support the reorganization plan.
Voting behavior on selected issues during the 90th and 95th sessions of Congress is used to determine whether important generational differences altered congressional behavior during the 1970s. Voting differences between newer and older members are examined on issues concerning social welfare, government management, foreign policy, civil liberties and rights, and public interest issues such as environmentalism and consumerism. Some seniority-related differences were expressed in the 90th and 95th sessions. While the younger members of Congress are more likely to reflect the temper of the times, the longer Democrats are in Congress, the more conservative they become.
Writing about local elections in 1968, Charles R. Adrian and Charles Press report that, "It is not known whether … state and national voting-population characteristics fit municipal voting, too." Although a number of important studies of politics and elections in individual communities have emerged in recent years, the data are far from sufficient to permit more than the most speculative generalizations about the nature of the local electorate. This study draws back the curtain, albeit only a bit, on one aspect of local political participation—voting turnout. The data presented constitute, so far as we know, the first attempt at a comprehensive comparison among American cities with respect to turnout. As will be suggested and become obvious, the breadth of the data is not matched by their depth; data were received from only 80 percent of the 729 cities above 25,000 population in 1962, and we were able to utilize comparative turnout figures from only 282 of these. While relationships are suggested between turnout, political and governmental structure, and characteristics of the population, these relationships must be regarded more as leads to future research, than as clear and unambiguous findings.Previous work by the present authors has pointed to the importance of the political and social variables included in this analysis of American cities. Lee suggested in a study of nonpartisan elections and politics in California cities that nonpartisanship might tend to reduce voter participation. In a study of American cities, this hypothesis was confirmed in a preliminary analysis of the same data used in this article.