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The mediatisation of politics is based on the logic of spectacle. Politainment defines the phenomenon in which political information is trivialised by the hybrid narratives in which it is included and its anecdotal tone, with the aim of reaching an audience that seeks entertainment rather than information. This phenomenon has reached the digital sphere; the media, political parties, and prosumers are interested in using the new communicative context to expand their audience or become producers of new narrative formulas that act as a loudspeaker for online infotainment policies or discourses. This research examines the engagement obtained by politainment producers on Twitter, a network where debates about television content are concentrated. The article examines the tweets issued by Spanish television programmes that carry out politainment. The research focuses on the Spanish general elections held in April 2019 to establish whether this social network acted as a sounding board for television broadcasts and how it contributed to fixing ideas and content. The researchers conducted a content analysis on a sample of 7,059 tweets and 2,771 comments. The results show that the production, promotion, and communication strategies of programmes on Twitter are still scarce and unoriginal. The behaviour of prosumers is not very creative, active, or interactive, preventing the creation of a debate on Twitter or the construction of a horizontal (user–user) or vertical (user–programme) interaction on the content published.

From the sea change in U.S. television in the 1980s emerged a programming trend variously described as "infotainment," "reality-based television," "tabloid TV," "crime-time television," "trash TV," and "on-scene shows."[1][open notes in new window] The welter of terms created by television critics to describe these new programs masked their underlying connection as a response to economic restructuring within the industry. This essay offers a rough categorization of these programs, sketches the industrial context from which they emerged, and points to the economic problems they were meant to solve.[2] Although my focus here is on political economy, rather than on textual or audience issues, I do not want to imply that these programs' cultural significance can be reduced to their relations of production and distribution. Yet without understanding the political-economic forces which drove the spread of this genre, textual and audience studies risk reifying it as an expression of audience demand, or of their creators, or of a cultural, discursive, or ontological shift unrelated to the needs of those who run the television industry. If this genre exhibits a kind of textual excess, its emergence reflects a relative scarcity of means. I conclude with suggestions for how textual and audience studies might link the new "reality" of television to shifts in the larger U.S. political-economy since the mid-1980s.

Der Wahlkampf als die hohe Zeit politischer Kommunikation spielt sich zu einem großen Teil in den Massenmedien ab. Der Prozess der Wahlkampfkommunikation lässt sich als ein Dreiecksverhältnis darstellen, das aus politischem System, Mediensystem und Wählerschaft gebildet wird. Politische Akteure (Parteien und ihre Kandidaten), die Massenmedien sowie WählerInnen bzw. das Medienpublikum bringen je unterschiedliche Interessen in den Prozess ein und stehen zueinander in einer wechselseitigen Einflussbeziehung. Die Autorin kennzeichnet die wichtigsten Entwicklungslinien des modernen Wahlkampfs: Professionalisierung, Entertainisierung und Personalisierung. Die Art und Weise, wie Wahlkampf geführt wird, hat sich aufgrund von Wandlungsprozessen im politischen System, im Mediensystem und in der Wählerschaft im Laufe der letzten Jahrzehnte verändert. Der mediengestaltete Wahlkampf hat einen Wandel der Wahlkampfkommunikation zur Folge und zeitigt auch Auswirkungen auf die allgemeine Rolle der Parteien. Es hat sich eine deutliche Unterhaltungsorientierung durchgesetzt, die Hand in Hand geht mit der entsprechenden Entwicklung des Fernsehangebots und von der Politik in Rechnung zu stellen ist. Wenn es um die Vermittlung von Politik an die Wählerschaft geht, stehen politische Akteure und Massenmedien in gegenseitiger Abhängigkeit und zugleich auch in Konkurenz. Der Wahlkampf selbst - Strategien, Mittel, Stil, Kandidaten - ist Thema der Kampagnenberichterstattung der Medien. Damit verlagert sich deren Blick von den Sachthemen auf eine Metaebene des politischen Diskurses. Die spezifischen Merkmale des modernen Wahlkampfs sind alle Ausdruck der Professionalisierung im Sinne einer Anpassung an die Bedingungen die sich durch die gesellschaftlichen Veränderungen und den medialen Wandel ergeben haben. Dies führt letzten Endes zu einer Schwächung der Parteienorganisation im politischen Prozess zugunsten einer Orientierung an den einzelnen Kandidaten. (RG)

L'esplosione della televisione privata avvenuta nei primi anni'80 ha ridisegnato il rapporto tra politica e media, permettendo una rapida mediatizzazione del panorama politico e delle modalità comunicative delle istituzioni, leader, partiti e candidati. È così che l'Italia ha iniziato l'iter di popolarizzazione della politica; nel prima parte del mio lavoro mi occuperò di tracciare le linea guida del processo di popolarizzazione della politica, definita da Ilvio Diamanti come ‹‹la trasformazione del sistema politico e della comunicazione politica verso forme di spettacolarizzazione e personalizzazione, di cui i media sono i motori, ma di cui i politici sono attori entusiasti›› (2009, p. 7). Con la personalizzazione il politico si è adeguato ai registri comunicativi dei mass media per la visibilità, l'azione, il look, l'immagine in modo da generare una rivalità non più tra politici ma tra personaggi, mentre con la spettacolarizzazione si assiste all'affermazione della logica della politica-spettacolo in cui il politico è alla ricerca di luoghi gratificanti in termini di audience e di popolarità, come talk show di intrattenimento e alla cura della propria immagine; fatti e personaggi, storie e parole, che appartengono al territorio della politica, diventano grazie ai media realtà familiari, oggetti di curiosità e interesse, argomenti di discussione, fonti anche di divertimento. Tale mediatizzazione della politica può essere spiegata attraverso tre neologismi, infotainment, ossia quando l'informazione vuole intrattenere, essere piacevole e quando i programmi di intrattenimento si interessano a fatti e personaggi della politica, le soft news che fanno riferimento a notizie raccontate in modo sensazionalistico e sottoforma di pettegolezzo e infine il politainment, forma nuova di comunicazione politica che sottolinea l'unione della politica e dell' intrattenimento che sfocia in spettacolarizzazione dell'informazione, presentandosi con due sfumature di significato, ossia politica divertente e intrattenimento politico. Personalizzazione e spettacolarizzazione della politica da un lato e soft news, infotainment, politaiment dall'altro, hanno favorito lo sviluppo della satira, tanto sui giornali, quanto in Tv e attualmente soprattutto sul Web; nella seconda parte del mio lavoro mi dedicherò proprio alla satira politica, al suo scopo e ai suoi linguaggi e come essa conviva tra nuovi e vecchi media attraverso un continuo remix di contenuti che va dalla televisione al Web e dal Web alla televisione, dando vita ad una nuova forma di cultura partecipativa. Nell'ultima parte del mia indagine svolgerò un' analisi empirica dello show televisivo satirico "Gazebo", che racconta in chiave ironica le vicende politiche italiane e in cui si assiste all'ibridazione dei media, dove il flusso informativo nasce in un contesto (es. i socialnetwork), in questo caso la piattaforma Twitter , per poi svilupparsi in un altro, la televisione, ed essere un 4 occasione di dibattito pubblico, di scoperta di nuova informazione, di scambi di battute satiriche etc, in cui i protagonisti oltre ad essere i politici, che scrivono costantemente sui social network, una nuova frontiera di cui non riescono più a farne a meno, diventano anche gli utenti, autori di commenti ironici sul web ai danni dei politici. La mia indagine e analisi ha l'obiettivo di constatare se effettivamente la satira politica, alimentata dalla trasformazione della comunicazione politica in "chiave pop", possa essere considerata una nuova forma di partecipazione politica e possa essere un'occasione di democraticità in un sistema ibrido mediale.

Cover -- Half Title -- About the Author -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Photo Sources -- Author's Note -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Agendas are Everywhere -- What Is Propaganda? -- How Do We Define Propaganda? -- Personal Propaganda -- Overt and Covert -- Victim or Perp? -- A Broad Reach -- A Historical Look at Propaganda -- Propaganda Throughout History -- The Behistun Inscription -- Ancient Greek Persuaders -- Roman Propagandists -- The Catholic Church -- War Propaganda -- Revolutionary Propaganda -- Civil War and Beyond -- The Wars of the World -- Airborne Leaflet Drops-Propaganda from the Sky -- The Cold War Era -- The Red Scare and McCarthyism -- Red Scare Number Two -- The Double Red Slogan -- Operation Mockingbird -- USIA: Propaganda as Public Policy -- Secret Agent Man -- War and Rumors of War -- Flower Power and the Peace Movement -- Jazz for America -- The 1980s and 1990s -- The Gulf War -- Toward the End of a Century -- 9/11 and Weapons of Mass Distraction -- Patriotic Propaganda -- Shared Values -- Twenty-First-Century Propaganda: Pundit Wars, Memes, and the Power of the Hashtag -- The Obama Years -- Russia, Russia, Russia -- Propaganda on a Pin: Selling a President to the Public -- Spin, Sponsored News, Fake News, and the "Lamestream" Media -- Corporate Clusters -- Anonymous Content -- Local News -- Advertising and Corporate Influence -- Corporate Money Talks -- Lobby Dollars -- Creative Arts and Digital Dictatorships -- Who Fact-Checks the Fact-Checkers? -- Wikipedia -- Yellow Journalism: Sensationalism Sells -- Deep Fake: The Ultimate Fake News -- Infotainment and Infomercials -- Manufactured Content -- Search This, Not That -- What You Get Is What You See? -- Things to Come -- Shadow Banning -- Tools of the Propaganda Trade: The Techniques of Coercion, Persuasion, and Disinformation -- Speed and Accuracy.

ObjectiveThe present study examines the effect of an existing driver training program, FOrward Concentration and Attention Learning (FOCAL) on young drivers' calibration, drivers' ability to estimate the length of their in-vehicle glances while driving, using two different measures, normalized difference scores and Brier Scores.BackgroundYoung drivers are poor at maintaining attention to the forward roadway while driving a vehicle. Additionally, drivers may overestimate their attention maintenance abilities. Driver training programs such as FOCAL may train target skills such as attention maintenance but also might serve as a promising way to reduce errors in drivers' calibration of their self-perceived attention maintenance behaviors in comparison to their actual performance.MethodThirty-six participants completed either FOCAL or a Placebo training program, immediately followed by driving simulator evaluations of their attention maintenance performance. In the evaluation drive, participants navigated four driving simulator scenarios during which their eyes were tracked. In each scenario, participants performed a map task on a tablet simulating an in-vehicle infotainment system.ResultsFOCAL-trained drivers maintained their attention to the forward roadway more and reported better calibration using the normalized difference measure than Placebo-trained drivers. However, the Brier scores did not distinguish the two groups on their calibration.ConclusionThe study implies that FOCAL has the potential to improve not only attention maintenance skills but also calibration of the skills for young drivers.ApplicationDriver training programs may be designed to train not only targeted higher cognitive skills but also driver calibration—both critical for driving safety in young drivers.

Producción Científica ; This article explores the application of the concept of transmedia narrative to the construction of the public image of political figures, in a media context characterised by the prevalence of infotainment and the dissolution of the boundaries of political content. To attain this objective, a casestudy on a specific leader is carried out; he is a regional leader recognised at a national level thanks to his discursive strategy: president of Cantabria, Miguel Ángel Revilla, chosen for his role as a regular guest on T.V shows of all kinds, as well as for having become the third most followed Spanish politician on social networks. Through content analysis, we examine the character's own performance on different media (television, social networks and an autobiographical book) along with the reactions provoked among the cybernauts. The results show a multiplatform narrative adapted to the specific formal language of each of those media and formats, constantly maintaining the application of politainment features (personalisation, entertainment, emotiveness and trivialisation of the issues). Regarding the effects, there is a high level of involvement and a love-hate dichotomy among the public, as proved in social networks. Consequently, in the transmedia political narrative (TPN) the users co-create the resulting image of the politician who is finally perceived by the audience. In addition, the success of Revilla's communication strategy is verified via ensuring that the self-assigned values in his speech, such as leadership and closeness to the people, match those that the audience identify with his figure.

"From the beginning of the Republic, members of Congress have been in the media spotlight. In recent years, the expansion of media venues has provided both challenges and opportunities to Representatives and Senators, the public, and even the media itself. Legacy media such as newspapers and broadcast television each carry with them their own needs and accepted usages affecting the kind and volume of news about Congress delivered to the public. These sources still serve important roles for much of the public and are covered here. This book goes beyond the traditional legacy media to include Congress' portrayal on live television, in political cartoons, in film, as a part of the emerging "infotainment" venues, and through social media such as web pages, Facebook, and Twitter. We increasingly live in a world where the lines between traditional news and others sources of information have been erased. This is an exciting, if challenging, time, for Congress, the media, and the public as each attempts to sort out the new media environment and employ it to its advantage. Using a comprehensive analysis of previous research, dozens of interviews, and the inclusion of empirical data, this book assesses the current status of the relationship between Congress and the media and sorts out the temporary changes from those likely to represent future trends. Whether one is associated with Congress, is an interested citizen, or is part of the media industry, understanding the relationships and developments between and among them is key to understanding how the public behaves in relation to Congress, and vice versa."--Provided by publisher

Intro -- Praise -- Title Page -- Dedication -- Preface -- Introduction -- CHAPTER 1 - The Top Censored Stories of 2008 and 2009 -- INTRODUCTION -- 1 -- 2 -- 3 -- 4 -- 5 -- 6 -- 7 -- 8 -- 9 -- 10 -- 11 -- 12 -- 13 -- 14 -- 15 -- 16 -- 17 -- 18 -- 19 -- 20 -- 21 -- 22 -- 23 -- 24 -- 25 -- CHAPTER 2 - Censored Déjà vu: What Happened to Previous Censored Stories -- Censored 2009 #1 -- Censored 2009 #2 -- Censored 2009 #4 -- Censored 2009 #6 -- Censored 2009 #7 -- Censored 2009 #8 -- Censored 2009 #10 -- Censored 2009 #15 -- Censored 2009 #17 -- Censored 2009 #25 -- Censored 2008 #3 -- Censored 2008 #7 -- Censored 2007 #1 -- Censored 2007 #4 -- Censored 2007 #18 -- Censored 2006 #10 -- Censored 1999 #10 -- Censored 1997 #2 -- CHAPTER 3 - Infotainment Society: Junk Food News and News Abuse for 2008/2009 -- NEWS ABUSE -- IN CONCLUSION: WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? -- Notes -- CHAPTER 4 - Signs of Health Stories of Hope and Change from 2008 and 2009 -- HEALTHY GOVERNMENT -- HEALTHY HUMANS -- HEALTHY ENVIRONMENT -- HEALTHY ECONOMY -- HEALTHY SOCIETY -- ACKNOWLEDGMENT TO YES! MAGAZINE -- CHAPTER 5 - Truth Emergency: Inside the Military Industrial Media Empire -- TRUTH EMERGENCY AND MEDIA REFORM -- THE GLOBAL DOMINANCE GROUP AND INFORMATION CONTROL -- UNDERSTANDING MODERN MEDIA CENSORSHIP -- ARE AMERICANS UNFEELING TOWARDS WAR? -- THE LEFT PROGRESSIVE PRESS -- INTERNATIONAL MODELS OF MEDIA DEMOCRACY IN ACTION: VENEZUELA -- INTERNATIONAL MODELS OF MEDIA DEMOCRACY IN ACTION: CUBA -- GRASSROOTS ANTIDOTES TO CORPORATE MEDIA PROPAGANDA -- BECOMING THE MEDIA: MEDIA FREEDOM FOUNDATION/MEDIA FREEDOM INTERNATIONAL -- THE HOPE FOR REAL INFORMATION CHANGE -- Notes -- CHAPTER 6 - Lying About War Deliberate Propaganda and Spin by the Pentagon -- CHAPTER 7 - Fear & -- Favor Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting -- FINANCIAL WOES ACCELERATE CORPORATE PRESSURE IN THE NEWSROOM.

AbstractRecently, Smartphone sales have surpassed the sales of all other computing devices including desktops, laptops and tablet PCs. Moreover, Smartphones have become a primary device to access the Internet as well as the most commonly used infotainment gadget among the Generations Y and Z (those born in 80s and 90s). Despite this widespread adoption of Smartphones among the youth, its usage in higher education is still a novice idea specifically in developing countries. This study is aimed at capturing the views of faculty members regarding usage of Smartphones for promoting learning at the tertiary level. In-depth interviews of 22 faculty members from different academic departments were conducted for this purpose. Responses of the interviewees were recorded which were later transcribed and analyzed to draw inferences. Results of this study indicate that the faculty members considered Smartphones to be an effective medium for off-campus learning and communication with peers and students. They also considered Smartphones suitable for explaining complex topics to their students as audio-visual content available over the Internet can easily be shared. However, majority of the respondents were skeptical about using Smartphones for educational purposes as they considered them to be a source of distraction, wastage of time, technostress, and emotional detachment. Moreover, they reported small size of both the screen and keyboard as an important limiting factor undermining the effective use of Smartphones in education. Lack of training and support, lack of technical knowledge and background, excessive work load and lack of incentives for using technology in education were reported as major barriers in adoption of Smartphones in higher learning landscape.

A "security by design" method achieves robustness against programming errors and malicious attacks. A security by design method must be simple to understand. It must be simple to implement, and also to simple to verify. It must enable the developer to create assurance evidence coherent with the design decisions. MILS is a security by design method. In short, application of the MILS approach starts with partitioning the system under design into isolated compartments. System resources, e.g. CPUs, CPU time, memory, IO devices, files, are assigned to compartments. After that the communication channels between compartments are defined with respect to the required API (e.g. POSIX, ARINC, AUTOSAR). Communication and resource sharing between security domains have to be explicit, i.e. everything is forbidden what is not explicitly allowed. In parallel threat modeling is executed, i.e. define system assets to be protected, threat agents and possible malicious actions, system objectives to fight the threats. MILS provides a way to execute mixed-critical applications of different pedigrees on one system. The system as a whole still can be certified to the highest security and safety assurance levels. This makes the approach extremely interesting for modern complex systems, e.g. in a car infotainment system: Android applications can run on the same platform as AUTOSAR applications that communicate with the engine. Until ca. 2000 the MILS concept was mainly used in the US military. Now the commercial interest has picked up. We explain a MILS Architectural Template that simplifies to set up MILS systems. We finish with applications of the MILS concepts across automotive and avionics.

"In der vorliegenden Fallstudie wurden ein Thema und seine Rahmungen in den Mittelpunkt gestellt. Konkret heißt dies: Es werden lediglich die Aussagen präsentiert, die zum Thema Regierungskonstellationen gemacht worden sind. Die übergeordnete Frage der Fallstudie lautete: Gibt es neue Formen der politischen Auseinandersetzung und welche Chancen haben Sachthemen gegenüber der Personalisierung? Als Fazit kann gelten: Neben der Tendenz zur Talkshowisierung - die sich allerdings hauptsächlich auf die Spitzenpolitiker beschränkt (...) kann von einer durchgängigen Übernahme des 'Game-Schemas' im nordrhein-westfälischen Landtagswahlkampf kaum die Rede sein. (...)" (Autorenreferat)

Is Trump our contemporary Berlusconi? In 2015, Frank Bruni coined the term 'Trumpusconi' when the media noticed some similarities between the then US presidential candidate Donald Trump and Italy's former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. At that time, while many Italians joked about Trump as a déjà-vu, scholars began to analyse these two political 'outsiders' in an attempt to imagine Trump's probable presidency by studying Berlusconi's career.Regardless of any political view, it is against this background that this work analyses these two political figures through discourse analysis, to understand whether their similarities go beyond their personality traits and lifestyles.The work is divided into two sections: the first part provides some information on Berlusconi and Trump's socio-cultural origins and educational backgrounds, their first steps in their real-estate careers, their progression into the world of media and politics, and their relationships with women. The second part of the study proposes a discourse analysis performed on a corpus of speeches held by each politician at the beginning of their political career, in order to understand whether their personalities and lifestyles are reflected in their idiolects.The book partially confirms the media's ideas about the 'Trumpusconi' phenomenon, acknowledging some similarities between the two moguls. However, it also shows that Berlusconi and Trump belong to two different eras: even if Berlusconi's lifestyle, language, scandals, and politics will continue to negatively and positively influence Italy for many years to come, the era of social media is leading the world towards models that differ from those of his time. Western politics is becoming ever more similar to a form of infotainment, and Trump is the perfect incarnation of this evolution. Only time will reveal his long-term legacy.