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"Political Neuroscience: Understanding How the Brain Makes Political Decisions" published on by Oxford University Press.

The Russian political system decision-making models are evolutionizing. Following the trend lobbying models and methods evolve from policy managing to informal practice. The analytical policy-managerial cycle model shows lowering of public and rising corporative lobbying tools. Which remove the lobbing institutionalisation problem. Russia legislative and managerial institutionalisation examples verify lobbying evolution from interest accommodation framework to obligatory tool for policy and public representatives interactions via lobbyists. ; Модели принятия решений в российской политической системе эволюционируют. Вслед за ними эволюционируют модели и методы лоббирования от политически регулируемой до неформальной практики. Использование аналитической модели политико-управленческого цикла показывает снижение значимости публичных и повышение корпоративных инструментов лоббизма, что снимает проблему его оформления как института политической системы. Российские примеры законодательной и административной формализации лоббизма подтверждают эволюцию лоббизма от механизма согласования и продвижения интересов к инструменту, обязывающему представителей органов власти к взаимодействию с представителями политической и общественной систем через лоббистов.

One of the most pressing concerns in the study of international relations today is to develop a systematic account of the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy. This paper argues that domestic politics frequently influences foreign policy through a process of decision‐making that grows out of the decision‐maker's awareness of the requirements for effective action in the political context. It is therefore necessary to develop a theory that can explain how the political context's characteristic features affect decision‐makers' thinking. In attempting to combine insights culled from the literature on political decision‐making with psychological theories of decision‐making processes, this paper offers a first step toward such a theory.

Many wonder what it takes to be a leader. Is it a natural or learned set of skills? This book examines the personalities of a selected group of political leaders, analyzes the forces that formed their nature-most notably their leadership tendencies-and then demonstrates how character has shaped important political decisions made during their regime. The authors profile 20 different leaders from across five continents, deriving shared personality traits and defining specific leadership styles based on characteristics and circumstances. The work begins by introducing the field of political p

'Mutmaßungen über Medienwirkungen können die Wahrnehmungen und das Verhalten des Publikums beeinflussen - und politische Einstellungen von Mediennutzern hängen auch davon ab, welchen Einfluss sie den Medien im Prozess der Meinungs- und Willensbildung generell zumessen. Diese Hypothese, die im Kontext von Studien zum 'Third-Person-Effekt' angesiedelt ist, wurde anhand einer empirischen Feldstudie anlässlich der Bundestagswahl 2002 untersucht. In einer Befragung wurde die Wahrnehmung erhoben, wie sehr man sich selbst, Freunde und Familie und die allgemeine Öffentlichkeit von sechs verschiedenen politischen Kommunikationsangeboten beeinflusst glaubt. Die Ergebnisse bestätigen die Wahrnehmungskomponente des Third-Person-Ansatzes - Wirkungen werden den Medien eher auf andere Personen zugeschrieben als auf einen selbst, aber Folgeeffekte auf das beabsichtigte Wahlverhalten sind nicht erkennbar.' (Autorenreferat)

A paper which purports to take a reductionist approach to the study of nat'l decision-making for focusing on the psychopathology of the individual decision-maker, who has any influence on the internat'l system. By 'psychopathology' is meant the study & existence of mental illness & aberration. Rationality of decisions, the utility concept in pol'al decision-making (connecting private motives & frustrations with public acts), psychopathology & the dictator, psychopathology & democratic participation, & psychopathology in the pop are among the topics under consideration. A variety of studies on the problem are discussed. 2 decision models are compared: the maximization-of-utility model & the Lasswell displacement model. Suggestions as to res on the connection between mental health & pol'al participation are offered. A res project on pol'al participation was undertaken in ward council gov within a psychiatric hosp. The limits of the project are found to be balanced by the accuracy of the available diagnoses & data. The instit'al setting assures the stability of variables which otherwise could only be assumed to be stable or randomly distributed. The res proceeded in 4 stages including the drawing of a random sample, interviewing, examining of R's files, & assessing the level of ward council participation & mental health level of each R. Results indicate that the members of the councils were more heterogeneous than homogeneous. They came from greatly diff backgrounds ranging from an attorney to a laborer. mean/average age was 37.44 yrs. It is concluded that there is little diff in pol'al interest between individuals in society & individuals with severe mental illness. No tendencies to engage in extremist or fighting-group pol were found. Paranoids emerged at both ends of a continuum running from totalitarianism to democratic proximate groups. This suggests the proposition that the paranoid is a general pol'al type. The characteristics of paranoia & their nexus with decisionmaking & participation are discussed. Future res should include identification of paranoid personality types among nonhosp'ized individuals & investigate the degree to which paranoia may be soc'ly functional rather than incapacitating to the individual. Finally, the hypothesis of possible paranoid personalities among pol'al decision makers is linked with the rhetoric of disarmament. M. Maxfield.

This text deals with main factors in the EU political decision making process in the context of its fractionalization. The main role of "center - periphery" relations within the EU and the degree of influence of its particular members in terms of geographical location, economic, political and sociocultural features in this process is underlined. ; В статье анализируются механизмы и системы принятия политических решений в Европейском Союзе в контексте структурной фракционализации сообщества, связей между центром и периферией. Исследуется степень влияния различных государств-членов Сообщества на этот процесс, исходя из их географического расположения, цивилизационных, экономико-политических и социокультурных характеристик. ; У статті розглядаються основні чинники процесу прийняття політичних рішень у Європейському Союзі в контексті фракціоналізації об'єднання та відносин між його центром і периферією. Досліджується ступінь впливу різноманітних держав-членів Співтовариства на цей процес, залежно від їх економіко-політичних, географічних і соціокультурних характеристик.

This dissertation aims to analyze the correlation between overconfidence and political ideologies. Because we live in the European Union that is facing social and economic disintegrations as well as new challenges, it's more usual to see the arising of more extreme, radical political ideologies. In this paper it is studied, based on previous literature, how conservatives/right-wing parties might display higher amounts of overconfidence bias than liberals/left-wing parties. With the assistance of an online survey, overconfidence is tested not only in financial literacy but also in decision making. Subjective and Objective Knowledge are also analyzed independently so that it is possible to correlate both overconfidence and political ideologies. Regression Models are also used. It was confirmed that it's not possible to correlate objective knowledge and political ideology, however it wasn't possible to confirm that conservatives do display higher amounts of overconfidence than liberals. It was concluded that political ideology might not be a good estimator for overconfidence. ; Esta dissertação procura analisar a correlação entre ideologias políticas e o excesso de confiança. Porque atualmente vivemos na União Europeia que sofre com uma desintegração social e económica, e novos desafios, é frequente ver a ascensão de partidos e ideologias mais extremistas e radicais. Nesta dissertação é estudado como Conservadores/ Defensores de partidos de Extrema Direita cometem mais o erro de excesso de confiança do que os Liberais/Defensores de partidos de Extrema Esquerda, algo já defendido anteriormente noutros estudos científicos. Com o auxílio de um questionário realizado online, o excesso de confiança é testado no conhecimento financeiro, assim como na tomada de decisão de cada indivíduo. Conhecimento Subjetivo e Objetivo são também analisados independentemente, de forma a ser possível correlacionar o excesso de confiança com as diferentes ideologias políticas. Modelos de Regressão Linear são também usados. Foi confirmado que não é possível correlacionar conhecimento objetivo com ideologias políticas, no entanto, não foi possível confirmar que pessoas mais conservadoras demonstram maiores níveis de excesso de confiança do que liberais. Foi concluído que ideologias políticas não são o melhor estimador para prever o excesso de confiança de um individuo.

In the past decades substantial work has been done on the assessment of influence of stakeholders in political decision-making. However, its use may be difficult when the process to be investigated is highly complex. The EAR instrument to be presented here is a method for valid ordinal measurement of political influence in complex decision-making at various levels. This assessment is based on triangulation: (1) political players' own perception of their influence; (2) other players' perceptions of the influence brought to bear; and (3) a process analysis by the researcher. The application of the instrument is illustrated by a case regarding the political influence of global NGOs on the Climate Convention. The advantages and limitations of the EAR instrument are also discussed.

As is known, human interaction is accomplished in specific forms. To interpret this specificity, it is necessary to understand the facts it depends on. The term "interaction paradigm" singles out the main normative psycho-sociocultural factors influencing the pattern of an interaction process. We can distinguish three types of paradigms: coopera tion, competition (conflict), and dialogue. This essay attempts to prove that the dialogical paradigm is more adequate to the situation of political decision-making than the co operative and competitive ones.