In: Pettinicchio, David. 2012. Current Explanations for the Variation in Same-Sex Marriage Policies in Western Countries, Comparative Sociology 11 (2012) 526–557.
Third-person perception (TPP) refers to the belief that others are more influenced by the media than you yourself are. This theory was extended to people's perceptions of the effects of legalizing same-sex marriage (SSM). It was predicted that people might believe that legalizing SSM would affect others' marriages, but not their own. It was also predicted that high right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) would display TPP more than low RWAs. Participants (135 undergraduate heterosexual students) estimated the effect of legalizing SSM on their own as well as other people's attitudes about marriage and sexuality. Results indicated that participants displayed TPP. The hypothesis about a link between RWA and TPP was supported. Implications of these findings and future research directions are discussed.
Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- SERIES FOREWORD -- LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS -- Introduction. The Health and Well-Being of Sexual Minority Couples -- 1. Serious Mental Illness in Same-Sex and Different-Sex Unions -- 2. Well-Being during Time with a Partner among Men and Women in Same-Sex Unions -- 3. Consequences of Unequal Legal Recognition -- 4. Postpartum Depression and Anxiety in Male-Partnered and Female-Partnered Sexual Minority Women -- 5. Health and Health Behaviors among Same-Sex and Different-Sex Coupled Adults with and without Children -- 6. Couples' Conjoint Work Hours and Health Behaviors -- 7. Union Status and Overweight or Obesity among Sexual Minority Men and Women -- 8. Same-Sex Contact and Alternative Medicine Usage among Older Adults -- 9. Activity Limitation Disparities between Same-Sex and Different-Sex Couples -- 10. Same-Sex Unions and Adult Mortality Risk -- 11. Access to Health Care for Partnered and Nonpartnered Sexual Minorities -- 12. Law and Same-Sex Couples' Experiences of Childbirth -- 13. Married in Texas -- 14. Social Context and the Stability of Same-Sex and Different-Sex Relationships -- 15. Same-Sex Marriage and Mental Health -- 16. First Sexual Experience with a Same-Sex Partner in the United States -- 17. "Two Sides of a Coin" -- Conclusion. Future Directions for Research on Health of Sexual Minority Couples -- NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS -- INDEX
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Same-sex marriage has become on of the defining social issues in contemporary U.S. politics. State court decisions finding in favor of same-sex relationship equality claims have been central to the issue's ascent from nowhere to near the top of the national political agenda. Same Sex Marriage in the United States tells the story of the legal and cultural shift, its backlash, and how it has evolved over the past 15 years
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RésuméCet article explore comment les arguments juridiques en faveur de la reconnaissance des mariages entre personnes de même sexe, aux Etats-Unis et au Canada, sont représentés dans deux documentaires récents:Tying the Knot: The Union That's Dividing America(États-Unis, 2004) etThe End of Second Class(Canada, 2006). Je m'intéresse notamment aux manières dont ces films présentent les contestations judiciaires à leurs auditoires. Comme les litiges, ces documentaires sont construits sur des stratégies représentationnelles qui ont pour but d'avoir un impact maximal sur leurs auditoires. Ainsi,Tying the KnotetThe End of SecondClass reproduisent les arguments juridiques et les stratégies de litige utilisés par les défenseurs des mariages entre personnes de même sexe. J'analyse, plus particulièrement, comment les deux films présentent ces procès à l'aide de trois thèmes récurrents: (1) les droits évoluent avec le temps; (2) les droits sont comparatifs; (3) les droits représentent des indicateurs d'une appartenance nationale. Je soutiens qu'en fonction de ces idées,Tying the KnotetThe End of Second Classréintroduisent inconsciemment certaines notions dominantes de ce que signifie avoir une appartenance nationale pleine et égale et, par conséquent, délimitent ce que veut dire être un « bon » citoyen sexuel.
Abstract Changes to marriage legislation across the globe have received much academic and public attention. However, the labels used to categorise different marital configurations are somewhat under researched. In this paper we analyse the premodification of marriage in a corpus of UK newspaper articles (2000–2018) to establish which labels are most commonly used in reference to same-sex marriage. These are gay marriage, same-sex marriage, homosexual marriage, and equal marriage. Drawing on the notion of category construction, we emphasise the fact that these labels are not neutral synonyms, as each encodes a particular understanding of same-sex marriage. Some labels even linguistically exclude certain groups, such as those who are bisexual or transgender. We use the tools of corpus-based discourse analysis to consider the nuanced differences between the category labels and consider whether the limitations of the labels are ever directly challenged.
Belgium is considered as being in the forefront of a number of rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people (LGBT). In the 1990s, the law on legal cohabitation made it possible for same-sex couples to draw up cohabitation contracts. Belgium then became the second country in Europe to authorise marriage between same-sex partners in 2003, as well as opening up access to parenthood in 2006. The aim of this paper is to describe the changes that have taken place in Belgian legislation from traditional family law through to the opening up of marriage and parenthood to same-sex couples, analysing the arguments which have been put forward in support and against it, as well as the potential rationale behind shared agendas. It will also describe the emergence of the LGBT movement in Belgium, the various non-governmental organisations that are active in the country and the role they play. An overview of current events will be presented (changes in the number of marriages, divorces and adoptions in Belgium). Finally, the paper will discuss the issues concerning social acceptance of same-sex couples and families, and the challenges that LGBT people living in Belgium still have to face.
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to assess the likelihood of successfully introducing constitutional changes to the definition of marriage in Germany.Design/methodology/approachThe paper examines the values underpinning the German constitution through academic writing and case law.FindingsFundamental change is unlikely to occur in the foreseeable future, despite EU case law.Research limitations/implicationsIncremental changes have taken place in all countries. These have begun in the workplace and spread to more fundamental areas such as challenges to marriage definitions in many countries. In a conservative country such as Germany the fact that even the highest constitutional court has come close to opening the door to change can be interpreted to mean the wait will not be too long.Originality/valueThe paper provides a comparative analysis that will highlight the types of arguments that have been successfully pushed through the courts as well as persuading political actors to enact positive legislation.
In: SAME-SEX MARRIAGE AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY: EMERGING CONFLICTS, p. 77, Douglas Laycock, Anthony R. Picarello, Jr., & Robin Fretwell Wilson, eds., 2008
Using a critical feminist and social work lens, this article argues that the mainstream gay rights movement and its singular focus on marriage has consistently neglected the most marginal among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) communities and has instead focused on advancing the interests of elite and advantaged lesbian and gay people. We link professional obligations and values outlined in the National Association of Social Workers Code of Ethics to feminist and queer (both activist and scholarly) critiques of the gay marriage movement in three main ways. First, we explore the priorities of LGBT communities and draw on data that suggest there are more pressing needs than marriage equality for LGBT communities of color, who are poor, transgender, hold precarious citizenship, or are without citizenship. We then trouble that issue of marriage being upheld as the LGBT priority, as this diverts resources from these more pressing needs. Second, we look at marriage in Capitalist America and how marriage is used as a form of privatization and a tool of neoliberalism. Finally, we discuss the diversity of queer families and how they really live, while highlighting that the marriage movement stigmatizes and dismantles protections for nonhegemonic family structures. In moving forward, we argue that social workers must engage more critically with the many intersectional issues related to the gay marriage movement than it has in the past and employ feminist social work values and principles when working with LGBT communities.