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The failure of detente has been a popular theme among historians of American foreign policy, with opinions divided as to where the responsibility for this failure lies. A commonality among all points of view, however, is the importance of events in the third world, particularly in the 'Arc of Crisis.' One such event-the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia- prompted Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's national security advisor, to comment that detente was 'buried' in the Ogaden. His point was that Carter's new approach to the cold war was put to the test during the Ogaden War, and there the policy's untenability was proven. The policy's failure, in turn, encouraged Soviet adventurism, which further alienated the American public from Carter's attempt to fight the cold war. Carter's policy eventually led to the withdrawal of the SALT II (Strategic Arms Limitation Talks) Treaty and, as Brzezinski claimed, the collapse of detente. This article discusses Carter's foreign policy toward the Ogaden War, considers the accuracy of Brzezinski's claim, and reaches conclusions regarding the role of the Carter administration in the demise of detente. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

France military disengagement in the aftermath of Moroccan independence

When the Treaty of Protectorate was annulled on 2 March 1956, 100 000 French troops remained in Morocco. The negotiations that led to Moroccan independence provided for both the commencement of Franco-Moroccan military cooperation and the continuation of a French troop presence (by the terms of a Protocol annexed to the declaration of 2 March 1956). This protocol would be the source of misunderstandings, for it did not specify the duration of the transitional period and said nothing about the size of the French force nor about the nature of its mission. The Franco-Moroccan mixed commission charged by the 2 March 1956 accord with resolving matters left in suspense never met, despite several abortive attempts. The regional situation, marked by both the war in Algeria and the Franco-Moroccan quarrel over Mauretania, combined to complicate the French withdrawal which was not completed until 1961. France nonetheless contributed to the establishment of the Royal Moroccan armed forces and the two nations managed to put in place a policy of military cooperation that has proved durable and dynamic.

Within the framework of negotiations between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU), a Protocol on Gibraltar was included in the Agreement on the Withdrawal of the UK from the EU, signed in January 2020. That Protocol makes reference to the four bilateral agreements or Anglo-Spanish Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) on citizens' rights, tobacco and other products, environmental cooperation and police and customs cooperation, with provision for the adoption of an international treaty on taxation and protection of financial interests. Withdrawal Agreement negotiations have implied a major shake-up in Anglo-Spanish relations concerning Gibraltar, as Spain is recognized as an essential role for the application of EU law to said territory. This position of negotiating strength is maintained since after leaving the UK the EU must reach an agreement on the future EU-UK Relations Treaty before the end of the transitional period in December 2020. Spain's relationship with the UK and Gibraltar is also conditioned by the express recognition given to the competent authorities (not only those of Gibraltar, but also those of the surrounding area) in the Memoranda of Understanding as well as in the Protocol on Gibraltar adopted by the EU and the UK. The object of this Study will be to analyse the consequences of Brexit for Gibraltar in relation to the following EU freedoms and policies, among others: Cross-border cooperation and economic, social and territorial cohesion: the creation of a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Area of freedom, security and justice: police cooperation; Free movement of persons - frontier workers; Freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services and; Environmental cooperation. All these aspects are examined from a double perspective: with a 'hard Brexit' without an agreement, or with a Brexit with a UK-EU agreement. ; En el marco de las negociaciones entre el Reino Unido (RU) y la Unión Europea (UE), se incluyó en el Acuerdo sobre la Retirada del RU de la UE, firmado en enero de 2020, un Protocolo anexo sobre Gibraltar. En este aparecen referenciados los cuatro acuerdos bilaterales o Memorandos de Entendimiento hispano-británicos sobre derechos de los ciudadanos; tabaco y otros productos; cooperación en materia medioambiental; y cooperación policial y aduanera, previéndose la adopción de un Tratado Internacional sobre fiscalidad y protección de intereses financieros. La negociación del Acuerdo de Retirada ha supuesto un gran revulsivo en las relaciones entre España y el RU en relación con Gibraltar, al reconocerse a España un papel esencial para la aplicación del Derecho de la UE a dicho territorio. Esta posición de fortaleza negociadora se mantiene ya que tras abandonar el RU la UE debe llegarse a un acuerdo sobre el Tratado de relación futura UE-RU antes de que finalice el periodo transitorio en diciembre de 2020. La relación de España con RU y Gibraltar se ve también condicionada por el reconocimiento expreso que se hace a las autoridades competentes (no sólo a las de Gibraltar, sino también a las de la zona circundante) en los Memorandos de Entendimiento así como en el Protocolo sobre Gibraltar adoptado por la UE y el RU. Analizaremos en el presente estudio las consecuencias del Brexit para Gibraltar en relación, entre otras, con las siguientes libertades y políticas de la UE: Cooperación transfronteriza y Cohesión económica, social y territorial: la creación de una Agrupación Europea de Cooperación Territorial (AECT)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Espacio de Libertad, Seguridad y Justicia: la cooperación policial; Libre circulación de personas – los trabajadores fronterizos; Libre prestación de servicios y establecimiento y; Cooperación en materia de medio ambiente. Todos estos aspectos se analizan bajo una doble perspectiva: con un 'Brexit duro' y sin acuerdo, o con un Brexit con acuerdo RUUE.

The desire for a stronger Europe is a constant in the EU, despite Brexit and its feared consequences for the Union. This article analyzes how the Commission, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and some States have been able to take advantage of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom in a positive sense in the face of the new geopolitical scenario facing the Union. In December 2017, the first Permanent Structured Cooperation provided for in the Lisbon Treaty was approved in order to provide the EU with the necessary tools to make faster progress in the construction of a genuine Common Security and Defense Policy. It analyzes in detail both the procedure of approval, supervision and eventual withdrawal of this CSP, as well as its ambitious objectives and means, without underestimating its peculiar internal governance rules, unanimously agreed in the Council. ; El deseo de una Europa más fuerte es una constante en la UE, a pesar del brexit y de sus temidas consecuencias para la Unión. En este artículo se analiza cómo la Comisión, la Alta Representante de la Unión Europea para Asuntos Exteriores y Política de Seguridad y algunos Estados han sabido aprovechar la retirad del Reino Unido en sentido positivo ante el nuevo escenario geopolítico al que se enfrenta la Unión. En diciembre de 2017 se aprueba la primera Cooperación Estructurada Permanente prevista en el Tratado de Lisboa con el fin de dotar a la UE de las herramientas necesarias para avanzar más deprisa en la construcción de una auténtica Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa. Se analiza con detalle tanto el procedimiento de probación, supervisión y eventual retirad de esta CEP, como sus ambiciosos objetivos y medios, sin menospreciar sus peculiares normas de gobernanza internas, aproadas por unanimidad en el Consejo.

Within the framework of negotiations between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU), a Protocol on Gibraltar was included in the Agreement on the Withdrawal of the UK from the EU, signed in January 2020. That Protocol makes reference to the four bilateral agreements or Anglo-Spanish Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) on citizens' rights, tobacco and other products, environmental cooperation and police and customs cooperation, with provision for the adoption of an international treaty on taxation and protection of financial interests.Withdrawal Agreement negotiations have implied a major shake-up in Anglo-Spanish relations concerning Gibraltar, as Spain is recognized as an essential role for the application of EU law to said territory. This position of negotiating strength is maintained since after leaving the UK the EU must reach an agreement on the future EU-UK Relations Treaty before the end of the transitional period in December 2020. Spain's relationship with the UK and Gibraltar is also conditioned by the express recognition given to the competent authorities (not only those of Gibraltar, but also those of the surrounding area) in the Memoranda of Understanding as well as in the Protocol on Gibraltar adopted by the EU and the UK.The object of this Study will be to analyse the consequences of Brexit for Gibraltar in relation to the following EU freedoms and policies, among others: Cross-border cooperation and economic, social and territorial cohesion: the creation of a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Area of freedom, security and justice: police cooperation; Free movement of persons - frontier workers; Freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services and; Environmental cooperation. All these aspects are examined from a double perspective: with a 'hard Brexit' without an agreement, or with a Brexit with a UK-EU agreement. ; LAS CONSECUENCIAS DEL BREXIT PARA GIBRALTAR En el marco de las negociaciones entre el Reino Unido (RU) y la Unión Europea (UE), se incluyó en el Acuerdo sobre la Retirada del RU de la UE, firmado en enero de 2020, un Protocolo anexo sobre Gibraltar. En este aparecen referenciados los cuatro acuerdos bilaterales o Memorandos de Entendimiento hispano-británicos sobre derechos de los ciudadanos; tabaco y otros productos; cooperación en materia medioambiental; y cooperación policial y aduanera, previéndose la adopción de un Tratado Internacional sobre fiscalidad y protección de intereses financieros. La negociación del Acuerdo de Retirada ha supuesto un gran revulsivo en las relaciones entre España y el RU en relación con Gibraltar, al reconocerse a España un papel esencial para la aplicación del Derecho de la UE a dicho territorio. Esta posición de fortaleza negociadora se mantiene ya que tras abandonar el RU la UE debe llegarse a un acuerdo sobre el Tratado de relación futura UE-RU antes de que finalice el periodo transitorio en diciembre de 2020. La relación de España con RU y Gibraltar se ve también condicionada por el reconocimiento expreso que se hace a las autoridades competentes (no sólo a las de Gibraltar, sino también a las de la zona circundante) en los Memorandos de Entendimiento así como en el Protocolo sobre Gibraltar adoptado por la UE y el RU. Analizaremos en el presente estudio las consecuencias del Brexit para Gibraltar en relación, entre otras, con las siguientes libertades y políticas de la UE: Cooperación transfronteriza y Cohesión económica, social y territorial: la creación de una Agrupación Europea de Cooperación Territorial (AECT)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Espacio de Libertad, Seguridad y Justicia: la cooperación policial; Libre circulación de personas – los trabajadores fronterizos; Libre prestación de servicios y establecimiento y; Cooperación en materia de medio ambiente. Todos estos aspectos se analizan bajo una doble perspectiva: con un 'Brexit duro' y sin acuerdo, o con un Brexit con acuerdo RU-UE.

AbstractMany analysts and policy makers agree that the withdrawal of the US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces and formation of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan will exacerbate the political, social, ethnic and religious fault lines in Afghanistan and may lead to civil war and chaos in Afghanistan reminiscent of the 1990s. This will also exacerbate non‐traditional security threats such as Islamic fundamentalist and transnational terrorism, drugs/narcotics trade and human migration/refugee crisis in the neighbouring countries and beyond. This article argues that tackling the non‐traditional security threats facing the region and beyond is a public good. It analyses the tackling of non‐traditional security threats – terrorism, narcotics trade and human migration/refugee inflow – through the prism of collective action problem that is joint production of a good or joint action to tackle the problem. It illustrates that difference in threat perception, clash/conflict of interests and geopolitical rivalries will hinder cooperation and intelligence sharing, and lead to uncoordinated action and free riding. It will also create problems of leadership and affect the choice and efficacy of the organisation/institution to tackle the threats. The article highlights that in the absence of collective action, it will be extremely difficult to overcome the non‐traditional security threats emanating from Afghanistan.

The Rambouillet International Conference took place in two phases from 6 to 23 February and from 15 to 18 March 1999. The Rambouillet International Conference itself was of great importance to the Albanians, as the Kosovo Albanian issue was being addressed internationally. The aim of the Albanians in Rambouillet was for the crisis in Kosovo to receive not only political but also legal solutions, in order to achieve Kosovo's independence as soon as possible. What did the Rambouillet Agreement contain? Recognized international principles and human rights, did not infringe on the sovereignty and integrity of Yugoslavia, but expressed the need for self-government in Kosovo. The use of violence in Kosovo as a means of resolution was prohibited, and the withdrawal of Serb forces from Kosovo was demanded. It allowed refugees to return to their homes. Following the Serbian side's opposition to the Rambouillet Agreement, which provided opportunities for a peaceful solution to the conflict, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization warning of the need for a military intervention in the former Yugoslavia as the only option was already on the agenda as a human, legal and humanitarian obligation.Keywords: The Rambouillet International Conference, Kosovo Albanians, The international community, Kosovo delegation, Kosovo, Humanitarian intervention.

Introduction: ASEAN in general is one of the international organizations in the Southeast Asian region whose initial goal was to form a peace zone in the Southeast Asian region.Purposes of the Research: Analyze and discuss arrangements regarding the resignation of member countries from ASEAN membership.Methods of the Research: The research method used in this research is normative law which is sourced from primary, secondary, tertiary legal materials, which data collection is carried out through literature studies.Results of the Research: Based on the results of this study, it is revealed that the resignation of ASEAN member countries cannot be carried out. It is clear that the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969 stipulates that if there is no regulation regarding withdrawal from an international treaty, then the resignation cannot be carried out. However, if a country is difficult to withdraw from ASEAN or other international organizations, it can be said that the member country concerned continues to violate its obligations as a member. Therefore, it would be better to put forward the principles of the ASEAN Way as a norm for peaceful dispute resolution and emphasize deliberation and consensus

Neo-revisionism is a term proposed by Ilan Peleg and Paul Shaum for the philosophy originated by Menachem Begin in 1977 and kept by Yitzhak Shamir and Benjamin Netanyahu. It invokes Vladimir Jabotinski's revisionism with a strong emphasis on state-centrism, bilateral alliances, power and territory. The foreign policy of the Likud leaders showed that a postulated ideological hard-line stand is far from political reality and is closer to a pragmatic interpretation of state's surrounding. The author will try to examine the relation between ideology and pragmatism in the Likud's policy. It will also be shown in the light of neoclassical realism – close to neo-revisionism – by the examples of power, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, non-state representatives but also in the light of pragmatism. The overview of the Likud's policy is divided between ideologised aspects of securing the self-interest of the state, Israeli raison d'état, acting against Arab states' ambitions and securing the territory as a strategic depth and between pragmatic decisions like Begin's peace treaty with Egypt and returning the Sinai, Ariel Sharon's withdrawal of the settlements from the Gaza Strip or the freezing of settlement by Benjamin Netanyahu.

AbstractThe 2016 referendum marks the start of a new era of euroscepticism in the UK, as the basic parameters of debate have shifted from EU membership to non‐membership as the central working assumption of the political system. This shift radically alters the political opportunity structure for those groups and elements that have developed in the period since the Maastricht treaty, removing the unifying and rallying calls of withdrawal and/or radical change to the EU. The achievement of Brexit thus poses an existential challenge, as individuals either demobilise or divert their political energies into other issues. While a core of activists is likely to remain, their scope for influencing public policy or even public debate will be further weakened by the centrality of creating and managing the UK's relationship with the EU to party political debate for the next decade: precisely because it is so important, we would expect many more voices to lobby government and opposition parties. This all points towards a sharp contraction in the organised base of eurosceptic groups, as well as continuing tensions about what still needs to be done in the grand project of opposing European integration.

This article scrutinizes the merits of holding a referendum over UK membership of the EU. It queries the assumption that direct democracy can somehow resolve the longstanding Europe question in British politics. To do this, the analysis traces the existence of an exceptionalist approach to the EU within Britain, now associated with re-negotiating UK membership in the shadow of a referendum. The article argues that the prospects for a radical reconfiguration of the UK's treaty obligations are slim, thereby increasing the risk of a vote to withdraw. Yet withdrawal would be the opposite of a simple solution to the Europe question. Political and economic interests dictate lengthy politicking over a highly complex post-Brexit settlement revisiting free movement of goods, services, capital and people. Such negotiations undermine any mooted cathartic benefits of a popular vote, while Eurosceptics will remain dissatisfied in the event of a yes, a result likely to further destabilize the Conservative Party. Consequently, the simplicity and decisiveness that a referendum-particularly one that spurns the EU-promises is merely a mirage as relations with the EU necessarily form part of an enduring British political conversation. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

Of the five North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) European countries of US nuclear forward deployment, Italy is the least-known and studied case, even though the country hosts the largest number of US nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs) and still has two bases of deployment. The paper aims at filling this gap by analyzing Italy's current view on the presence, value, and future of NSNWs hosted on its territory. The analysis begins with the examination of the process of profound devaluation that has minimized, starting from the end of the cold war, Italy's original interest in this category of weapons. It then examines the reasons why Rome continues to pursue conservative nuclear weapon policies and distances itself significantly from the progressive camp of NATO members, particularly Germany, that explicitly call for the withdrawal of US NSNWs from Europe. Through the study of the Italian domestic politics and security culture, the article explains Italy's opposition to any radical change in the NATO nuclear status quo, and its reluctance to pursue policies that are consistent with the process of nuclear devaluation that the country has experienced over the past two decades. Adapted from the source document.

Information systems (IS) have evolved over the last 50 plus years from individual components with single functionality to grand architectures that integrate multiple individual business functions into global organizational enterprises. Similarly several military systems with the single mission of missile defense have evolved in service stovepipes, and are now being integrated into a national and global missile defense architecture. The Missile Defense Agency (MDA) is currently tasked with developing an integrated Ballistic Missile Defense System (BMDS) capable of defending against all ranges of ballistic missiles in all phases of flight in defense of the homeland, our deployed forces, and our allies. While this initiative has been proceeding since before Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative, the full momentum has only recently been achieved through the withdrawal of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and demonstrated threats from North Korea and Iran. This study draws parallels between the evolution of IS and the BMDS. Further it compiles information management (IM) principles, investigates if they apply to the BMDS, and investigates if they can be used to achieve a better integrated system. Initial indications are that IM principles do apply, but it is questionable if they are being applied.