Suchergebnisse

Aus jugoslawischer Sicht

Commander in Chief is een deelbiografie van president Franklin Delano Roosevelt waarin Roosevelts rol als opperbevelhebber van de gewapende strijdkrachten van de Verenigde Staten in de Tweede Wereldoorlog het hoofdthema is. Het boek concentreert zich op het jaar 1943: een jaar waaraan biografen van president Roosevelt tot nu toe weinig aandacht schonken, en waarin Roosevelt een militaire taak vervulde die door historici ernstig is onderschat. Het proefschrift begint in januari 1943 met de vliegreis van Roosevelt van Miami naar Noord-Afrika – daarmee was Roosevelt de eerste president van de Verenigde Staten die in functie vloog. Een nieuwe datering van Roosevelts voorbereiding voor de reis stelt ons in staat het doel van de president met deze reis opnieuw te onderzoeken, niet alleen in het als Amerikaans opperbevelhebber inspecteren van zijn troepen in het strijdperk, maar ook in het uitrollen van een nieuw militair doel voor alle westelijke geallieerden op de Conferentie van Casablanca: de 'onvoorwaardelijke overgave' van de asmogendheden, zonder mogelijkheid tot onderhandeling. Roosevelts beslissing om zijn eigen gezamenlijke Amerikaanse legerbevelhebbers (George Marshall, Ernest King, Henry Arnold) te overrulen en een Mediterrane veldtocht in 1943 uit te voeren, in plaats van een verplaatsing in gang te zetten van Amerikaanse strijdkrachten naar Groot-Brittannië voor een invasie door een oversteek van het Kanaal, zoals zij aanbevalen, wordt ook nader bekeken. In tegenstelling tot contemporaine en ook latere beweringen dat Roosevelt in Casablanca 'toegaf' aan Churchills strategie, maakt Commander in Chief duidelijk dat Roosevelt een duidelijk en onwrikbaar Amerikaans doel voor ogen had: dat de Amerikaanse strijdkrachten eerst in een 'veilige' omgeving de mogelijkheid zouden krijgen om te leren hoe ze de Wehrmacht in een oorlog konden verslaan, voordat zoiets ambitieus als een invasie door een oversteek van het Kanaal dat jaar ondernomen kon worden. De nederlaag van het Amerikaaanse leger in de Slag om de Kasserinepas, drie weken na de Conferentie, toonde de wijsheid van Roosevelts militaire stap-voor-stap-strategie aan – de Amerikaanse strijdkrachten konden daarop in mei terugslaan en de onvoorwaardelijke overgave afdwingen van meer dan een kwart miljoen manschappen van de asmogendheden in Noord-Afrika. "Husky", de Landing op Sicilië, vond twee maanden later op 10 juli 1943plaats, in overeenstemming met het tijdschema van de president: een reusachtige amfibische operatie door de geallieerde legers waardoor Hitler gedwongen werd Operatie Citadel, Duitslands twee miljoen man sterke offensief tegen de Sovjets aan het oostelijk front, af te breken om het zuidelijk front te kunnen verdedigen. Op dat moment hadden de geallieerden echter al de Middellandse Zee in hun macht, en de strijd leverde bevelhebbers (Patton, Bradley, Montgomery) en door strijd geharde legers (luchtmacht, marine, grondtroepen) op die noodzakelijk waren om in de lente van 1944 een succesvolle invasie (Overlord) op Noord-Frankrijk uit te voeren: met landingen die, zoals Hitler zelf verklaarde, de uitkomst van de oorlog zouden bepalen. Door in te stemmen met de militaire strategie van de president verwees de Britse premier Winston Churchill publiekelijk naar zichzelf als president Roosevelts 'vurige luitenant'. Commander in Chief werpt echter nieuw licht op hoe Churchill achter de schermen – gesteund door een klein leger van adviseurs – het hele jaar door probeerde Roosevelts militair-strategische beslissingen tegen te werken: hij reisde in 1943 tweemaal over zee naar Noord-Amerika – in mei en in augustus – om Roosevelt ervan te overtuigen Overlord af te blazen, of de landingen uit te stellen tot 1945 of 1946, om zo de operatie in het Middellandse Zee-gebied voort te kunnen zetten. Dit fundamentele verschil in militaire strategie tussen de twee belangrijkste westelijke oorlogsleiders, Churchill en Roosevelt, verklaart de ondertitel van het proefschrift: FDR's Battle With Churchill, 1943 (FDR's strijd met Churchill, 1943). Wanneer president Roosevelt niet zijn jongere Britse collega had teruggefloten, dan zouden de geallieerden de oorlog in Europa heel goed verloren kunnen hebben – zoals de ongelukkige geallieerde invasie van Zuid-Italië en de Ionische Eilanden in de herfst van 1943 ook lieten zien. Door het gebruik van nieuwe bronnen, vooral dagboeken, persoonlijke aantekeningen en andere egodocumenten, biedt Commander in Chief een radicaal nieuw perspectief op de militaire prestaties van zowel Roosevelt als Churchill tijdens strategische momenten in de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Deze militaire reconstructie is ingebed in het grotere politieke kader van de door het Westen beoogde einddoelen van de oorlog, die Roosevelt, samen met Churchill, rechtstreeks met Stalin aan het einde van het jaar in Teheran wilde gaan bespreken. Het begrip 'turning point' als argument voor een deelbiografie (de bestudering van een moment of gebeurtenis in het leven van een persoon waardoor de daaropvolgende daden en handelingen van die persoon verregaand worden beïnvloed) fungeert hier als een belangrijk biografisch-methodologisch hulpmiddel. De introductie en epiloog (Biography As Corrective (Biografie als correctie) en Commander in Chief: Genesis, Process, Outcome (Commander in Chief: ontstaan, proces, resultaat)) analyseren en illustreren hoe dit begrip, gemunt door Hans Renders, een theoretische rechtvaardiging levert voor het belang van de deelbiografie. ; Command in Chief is a partial biography of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, examining his role as commander in chief of the armed forces of the United States in World War II. It focuses on the year 1943: a year that has hitherto largely been passed over by biographers of President Roosevelt, and a military role that has been seriously underestimated by historians. The thesis begins with Roosevelt's journey by air from Miami to North Africa in January 1943 – the first U.S. president ever to fly while in office. New dating of Roosevelt's preparation for the trip permits a re-examination of the President's purpose not only in inspecting his forces on the battlefield as American commander in chief, but in laying down the new military goal of all the western Allies at the Casablanca Conference: the "unconditional surrender" of the Axis powers, without possibility of negotiation. Roosevelt's decision to overrule his own joint U.S. chiefs of staff (George Marshall, Ernest King, Henry Arnold) and follow a Mediterranean campaign in 1943, instead of switching U.S. forces to Britain for a cross-Channel invasion as they recommended, is also reviewed. Counter to contemporary and later assertions that Roosevelt "gave way" to Churchill's strategy at Casablanca, Commander in Chief makes clear Roosevelt had a clear and unshakeable American aim: to ensure that U.S. forces could, in a "safe" area, learn how to defeat the Wehrmacht in battle before attempting anything such as ambitious as a cross-Channel landing that year. U.S. defeat in the Battle of Kasserine, three weeks after the conference, demonstrated the wisdom of Roosevelt's military step-by-step strategy – following which U.S. forces were able to spring back and take the unconditional surrender of more than a quarter million Axis troops in North Africa in May. "Husky," the invasion of Sicily, took place two months later, on July 10, 1943, in accordance with the President's timetable: a colossal amphibious operation by coalition forces that forced Hitler to abandon "Citadel," Germany's 2-million man offensive against the Soviets on the Eastern front, in order to defend his Southern front. By then the western Allies had won control of the Mediterranean seaway, however, and had gained in combat the commanders (Patton, Bradley, Montgomery) and battle-hardened forces (air, naval and ground) necessary to carry out a successful invasion ("Overlord") of northern France in the spring of 1944: landings that would, Hitler himself stated, decide the outcome of the war. In agreeing to the President's military strategy, the British prime minister, Winston Churchill, publicly referred to himself as President Roosevelt's "ardent lieutenant." Behind the scenes, however, Commander in Chief sheds new light on how Churchill - backed a small army of advisers - attempted all year to reverse Roosevelt's military decisions: traveling twice by sea to North America in 1943 - in May and yet again in August - to press Roosevelt to abandon Overlord, or delay the landings until 1945 or 1946, in order to pursue to a further Mediterranean strategy. This fundamental difference in military strategy between the two primary Western war leaders, Churchill and Roosevelt, explains the subtitle of the thesis: FDR's Battle With Churchill, 1943. Had President Roosevelt not overruled his junior British partner, the war in Europe might well have been lost by the Allies – as the unfortunate Allied invasion of southern Italy and the Ionian Islands was to show, in the fall of 1943. Through the use of new material, especially diaries, journals and other ego documents, Commander in Chief offers a radically new perspective on the military performances both of Roosevelt and Churchill, at the strategic crossroads of World War II. This military re-examination is framed within the larger political dimension of Western war aims, which Roosevelt, together with Churchill, intended to address directly with Stalin in Tehran at the year's end. The concept of a "turning point" as an argument for partial biography (the examination of a moment or event in a person's life that influences that person's subsequent deeds or actions) serves here as an important biographical-methodological aid. The introduction and epilogue (Biography As Corrective and Commander in Chief: Genesis, Process, Outcome) analyze and illustrate how this concept, coined by Hans Renders, is helping provide a theoretical justification for the importance of partial biography.

Chapter 1. Introduction to Displacement Studies: Knowledges, Concepts, Practices; Peter Adey, Janet C. Bowstead, Katherine Brickell, Vandana Desai, Mike Dolton, Alasdair Pinkerton, Ayesha Siddiqi -- Section One: Conceptualising Displacement -- Chapter 2. Mobilities and Displacement; Mimi Sheller -- Chapter 3. Political Ecologies of Displacement; Rebecca Elmhirst -- Chapter 4. Displacement Economies: A Relational Approach to Displacement; Amanda Hammar -- Chapter 5. The Slow and the Fast Violence of Displacement; James A. Tyner -- Chapter 6. Assembling Climate Change-Related Displacement; Leonie Tuitjer -- Chapter 7. Affect and Displacement; Mark Griffiths -- Chapter 8. Protection of Displaced Persons and the Rights-Based Approach; Rónán McDermott, Pat Gibbons, and Sinéad McGrath -- Chapter 9. Queering Displacement/The Displacement of Queers; Scott McKinnon -- Chapter 10. Gendered and Feminist Approaches to Displacement; Katherine Brickell and Jessie Speer -- Chapter 11. 'Race,' Ethnicity and Forced Displacement; Luisa Feline Freier, Matthew D. Bird, and Soledad Castillo Jara -- Chapter 12. Conceptualising Postcolonial Displacement Beyond Aid and Protection; Jose Jowel Canuday -- Section Two: Technologies of Displacement -- Chapter 13. Intervention: Displacement Aesthetics; Kaya Barry and Pete Adey -- Chapter 14. The Artwashing of Gentrification and Social Cleansing; Stephen Pritchard -- Chapter 15. Taking the Weather with You: Remittances, Translocality, and the Climate Migrant Within; Laurie Parsons -- Chapter 16. Barbed Displacement: Walls to the Disciplined Migrant; Bénédicte Michalon -- Chapter 17. Technologies of Deportation; William Walters -- Chapter 18. Street Technologies of Displacement: Disposable Bodies, Dispossessed Space; Elijah Adiv Edelman -- Chapter 19. Olympic Favela Evictions in Rio de Janeiro: The Consolidation of a Neoliberal Displacement Regime; James Freeman -- Section Three: Journeys of Displacement -- Chapter 20. Intervention: Women's Narratives from Refugee Camps in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq; Nazand Begikhani -- Chapter 21. Constraints and Transgressions in Journeys of Displacement; Joris Schapendonk and Milena Belloni -- Chapter 22. Migrants' Displacements at the Internal Frontiers of Europe; Martina Tazzioli -- Chapter 23. Carceral Journeys; Nick Gill and Oriane Simon -- Chapter 24. Precarious Migrations and Maritime Displacement; Vicki Squire and Maurice Stierl -- Chapter 25. Maintaining Health on the Move: Access and Availability for Displaced People; Jennifer Cole -- Section Four: Traces of Displacement -- Chapter 26. Intervention: Disasters and Displacement: When There Is No Time to Stop; Ayesha Siddiqi -- Chapter 27. Antipodean Architectures of Displacement; Anoma Pieris -- Chapter 28. Spiritual Geographies of Displacement and Resilience; Julia Christensen and Veronica Madsen -- Chapter 29. Mapping Trajectories of Displacement; Nishat Awan -- Chapter 30. Uncovering Internally Displaced People in the Global North through Administrative Data: Case Studies of Residential Displacement in the UK; Janet C. Bowstead, Stuart Hodkinson, and Andy Turner -- Section Five: Governing Displacement -- Chapter 31. Intervention: Forensic Oceanography: Tracing Violence within and Against the Mediterranean Frontier's Aesthetic Regime; Charles Heller and Lorenzo Pezzani -- Chapter 32. Governing the Displaced: Contradictory Constellations of Actors, Ideas, and Strategies; Lama Tawakkol, Ali Bhagat, Sarah Sharma -- Chapter 33. Bureaucracies of Displacement: From Immigrants' Social and Physical Exclusion to Their Judicial Removal; Cecilia Menjívar and Andrea Gómez Cervantes -- Chapter 34. Police, Bailiffs, and Hired Hands: Researching the Distribution and Dissolution of Eviction Enforcement; Alexander G. Baker -- Chapter 35. Governing the Unwanted: Measuring European Migration Enforcement at Street Level; Lisa Marie Borrelli -- Chapter 36. A Forced Displacement and Atrocity Crime Nexus: Displacement as Transfer, Annihilation, and Homogenisation; Andrew R. Basso -- Section Six: More-Than-Human Displacements -- Chapter 37. Intervention: Flower Power: Khmer Women's Protests against Displacement in Cambodia and the United States; Katherine Brickell -- Chapter 38. Animals, People, and Places in Displacement; Benjamin Thomas White -- Chapter 39. Energy on the Move: Displaced Objects in Knowledge and Practice; Jamie Cross, Craig Martin, and G. Arno Verhoeven -- Chapter 40. Smartphones: Digital Infrastructures of the Displaced; Koen Leurs and Jeffrey Patterson -- Chapter 41. Family Photographs in Displacement; Penelope Pitt -- Chapter 42. Displaced Home-Objects in Homing Experiences; Mastoureh Fathi -- Chapter 43. The Role of Design in Displacement: Moving beyond Quick-Fix Solutions in Rebuilding Housing after Disaster; Esther Charlesworth and John Fien -- Section Seven: Representing Displacement -- Chapter 44: Intervention: Activism, Research and Film-Making: Fighting for the Right to Housing in Bucharest, Romania; Michele Lancione -- Chapter 45. How Not to Eat Human Stories: Ruts, Complicities and Methods in Visual Representations of Refugees; Dominika Blachnicka-Ciacek -- Chapter 46. Displacements of Experience: The Case of Immersion and Virtual Reality; Emma Bond -- Chapter 47. Displacement in Contemporary Art; John Potts -- Chapter 48. Reclaiming Safe Spaces: Arts-Based Research, Advocacy, and Social Justice; Nelli Stavropoulou -- Section Eight: Resisting Displacement -- Chapter 49. Intervention: An Interview with Anna Minton; Vandana Desai -- Chapter 50. 'Housing is a Human Right. Here to Stay, Here to Fight': Resisting Housing Displacement through Gendered, Legal and Tenured Activism; Mel Nowicki -- Chapter 51. Contesting Displacement through Radical Emplacement and Occupations in Austerity Europe; Mara Ferreri -- Chapter 52. Legal Geographies of Resistance to Gentrification and Displacement: Lessons from the Aylesbury Estate in London; Loretta Lees and Phil Hubbard -- Chapter 53: Local Faith Communities and Responses to Displacement; Susanna Trotta and Olivia Wilkinson -- Chapter 54. Hosting the Displaced: From Sanctuary Cities to Hospitable Homes; Jonathan Darling -- Chapter 55. Food and the Politics of Refuge: The Transformative Power of Asylum Seeker and Refugee Food Initiatives; Fiona Murphy.

The migratory flows and refugee crises in Europe since 2015 have motivated a growing concern about the respect of European values and Human Rights in the actions of the EU and the Member States when facing migratory flows and controls of access to European territory in the external borders. This work verifies how border lines are problematic places for the defence, application and protection of the human rights of foreigners, causing a situation of fragility of Human Rights at the external air, land and especially maritime borders of the EU.We are facing a change in the very conception of the border in this post-globalization era, where certain functions are relocated and systematically located outside the territory and border posts of the States. However, territorial and extraterritorial actions must be differentiated from those that occur in foreign action activities in or with third States for purposes of immigration policy and control of migratory flows. The reality is that a new border area to the south and east of the Mediterranean has been configured for migratory flows, which requires a new policy and strategy for external borders. For this reason, the EU is in search of a new 'model' of External Border that provides other parameters of action and management of migratory flows and external controls.On the other hand, the protection of human rights by European States beyond external borders is analysed to determine to what extent the control functions that are deployed outside the territory affect the human rights of immigrants. For this we differentiate between Externalization situations, where those who act are third States; and Extraterritorial action of migratory controls where agents from European States intervene. Both raise issues of human rights protection in migration controls outside the land or maritime territory of the EU Member States, in which we conceive as Deterritorialized border control functions. And both should have, in our opinion, different mechanisms for monitoring, control and supervision of respect for human rights in the functions of migration control.Respect for the human rights of aliens in border controls and management of migratory flows, both within and outside the territories of the EU States, is a vital issue for the identity, values and survival of European integration. ; Las avalanchas migratorias y crisis de refugiados en Europa desde 2015 han motivado una preocupación creciente sobre el respeto de los valores europeos y los Derechos humanos en la actuación de la UE y los Estados miembros al afrontar flujos migratorios y controles de acceso al territorio europeo en las fronteras exteriores. Este trabajo comprueba cómo las líneas fronterizas son lugares problemáticos para la defensa, aplicación y protección de derechos humanos de los extranjeros, provocando una situación de fragilidad de los Derechos humanos en las Fronteras Exteriores aéreas, terrestres y especialmente, en las marítimas de la UE.Estamos ante un cambio en la concepción misma de la frontera en esta era pos-globalización, donde determinadas funciones se deslocalizan y se sitúan sistemáticamente fuera del territorio y los puestos fronterizos de los Estados. Sin embargo, las actuaciones territoriales y extraterritoriales deben diferenciarse de las que se producen en actividades de acción exterior en o con terceros Estados a fines de política de inmigración y control de flujos migratorios.La realidad es que se ha configurado para los flujos migratorios un nuevo espacio fronterizo al sur y este del mediterráneo, que necesita una nueva política y estrategia de fronteras exteriores. Por ello la UE se encuentra en búsqueda de un nuevo 'modelo' de Frontera Exterior que aporte otros parámetros de actuacióny gestión de los flujos migratorios y los controles exteriores.Por otra parte, se analiza la protección de los derechos humanos por los Estados europeos mas allá de las fronteras exteriores, para determinar en qué medida las funciones de control que se despliegan fuera del territorio afectan a los derechos humanos de los inmigrantes. Para ello diferenciamos entre las situaciones de Externalización, donde los que actúan son Estados terceros; y de actuación Extraterritorial de controles migratorios donde intervienen agentes de Estados europeos. Ambas plantean problemáticas de protección de derechos humanos en controles migratorios fuera de territorio terrestre o marítimo de los Estados miembros de la UE, en los que concebimos como funciones desterritorializadas de control fronterizo. Y ambas deben tener en nuestra opinión diferenciados mecanismos de seguimiento, control y supervisión del respeto de los derechos humanos en las funciones de control de inmigración. El respeto de derechos humanos de los extranjeros en los controles fronterizos y gestión de flujos migratorios, tanto dentro como fuera delos territorios de los Estados de la UE, es una cuestión vital para la identidad, valores y pervivencia de la integración europea. ; Cátedra Jean Monnet de Inmigración y Fronteras de Derecho de la UE, Director, Centre of Excellence "Migration and Human Rights in Europe ́s External Borders". "Centro de Estudios Internacionales y Europeos del Área del Estrecho". Grupo de Investigación SEJ -572 Facultad de Derecho de l aUniversidad de Cádiz.

The changing global geopolitical circumstances (with a revisionist Russia, a rising and more assertive China, a withdrawing United States with values increasingly different from those of Europe, the instability coming from the East and the Southern Mediterranean, the consummation of Brexit…) are the contextual backdrop of the European Union, and following the adoption of its Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy it has developed a series of political and institutional tools to support its strategic autonomy in the field of security and defence (Action Plans, EU-NATO cooperation, permanent structured cooperation, the European Initiative for Intervention…). To these instruments can be added others provided for in the Lisbon Treaty (2009), such as the solidarity and mutual assistance clauses, the latter invoked after the Daesh attack in Paris in November 2015, as a defensive alliance to guarantee security in European countries. All this is in line with the level of ambition set by the Member States, which ranges from protecting their neighbourhood to becoming a universal provider of global security -in this respect one notes the Franco-German leadership in defence. German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron approved a Declaration in June 2018 at the Château de Meseberg that included majority voting in foreign policy, security and defence matters in order to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of decision-making. In addition, it advocated the European Intervention Initiative and new formats such as a European Security Council, as well as strengthening European coordination within the United Nations and the development of a European fighter jet. Based on this context that is outlined in previous lines, in which diverse variables and actors concur and from the perspective offered by the science of international relations, our object of study is articulated that aspires to verify if the changes from a world order based on rules to another truffle of hard power, require a step forward for the European Union with a common strategic culture, analysed from a constructivist approach (Meyer, 2007 y 2004), along with greater leadership and political will. In other words, in the current international context, is ensuring the security and defence of Europe autonomously a necessity for the European Union? Consequently, would NATO support be reduced? At the moment, the Union needs NATO, but it cannot neglect its own capabilities. In order to articulate our research proposal, we place ourselves in one of the levels of analysis specific to international relations, on the plane of micro-internationality (Calduch, 1991, p. 13), which would be identified with that of the European Union's foreign policy and the challenges it faces. And also in a temporal framework that responds to the line of action that has been developed since the adoption of the Global Strategy in 2016 until the present moment with a Union that is committed to a "geopolitical" Europe. From an explanatory perspective, supported by consultation of current sources (primary and derived), the analysis is structured as follows: 1) The starting point is to examine the complex and uncertain international and European scenario, from which global and regional challenges emerge, with the risk of further conflicts. We explain this context from the instability coming from the East, the Balkans and the Southern Mediterranean, as well as the references to the Trump Administration and the process commonly known as Brexit. 2) To subsequently define what is meant by strategic autonomy in the context of that European Global Strategy and to delimit the variables of analysis. This autonomy has its immediate antecedent in the Saint Malo Agreement (1998). In that agreement, both the United Kingdom and France agreed that the EU should have the capacity for "autonomous action", supported by credible military forces, the means to decide to use them and a preparation to do so. This is with the aim of responding to international crises, and under French-British sponsorship the 1999 Cologne European Council introduced "autonomy of action" with the purpose of acting in international crises included in the Treaties, either when NATO does not do so, as an independent actor, or together with the Atlantic Alliance. 3) The foregoing considerations are complemented and contextualised by the institutionalist approach (Smith, 2004) that provides the study with the different political and institutional instruments that the Union is adopting in the face of the need to promote the generation of civilian and military capabilities, as well as to assess their suitability or otherwise for promoting European strategic autonomy. All of this is aimed at strengthening European unity and giving coherence to external action within the framework of one of its founding pillars, such as the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), launched at the Cologne Council in 1999 and renamed the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) by the Lisbon Treaty, which called for the adoption of measures to increase EU-NATO cooperation. 4) Finally, fulfilling a practical function, the conclusion is to assess whether or not the Union's evolutionary process in this field is fulfilling its capacities and conditions, and to discern how the next stage should be approached. In this regard, we must assimilate those facts that will impact on the course and pace of the integration process and, therefore, on this desire for strategic autonomy, we refer to the departure of the United Kingdom (Brexit), the economic difficulties of certain European countries of the South in balancing their economic balance and the consequent reaction of the creditor countries of the North, the different perception of the threats and risks of the countries of the North in the face of Russian pressure or those of the South that have to deal with immigration pressure, the expansion of jihadist terrorism or the social and economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. For its part, the European Council, held in June 2018, ratified the will of the Member States to continue taking decisive steps to boost European defence, increase strategic autonomy and complement and strengthen NATO activities. ; Las cambiantes circunstancias geopolíticas globales (con una Rusia revisionista, una China en ascenso y más asertiva, unos Estados Unidos en retirada y con valores cada vez más distintos a los europeos, la inestabilidad procedente del este y del Mediterráneo sur, la consumación del Brexit…), han obligado a la Unión Europea, tras la aprobación de su Estrategia Global sobre Política Exterior y de Seguridad, a desarrollar una serie de herramientas políticas e institucionales en favor de su autonomía estratégica en el ámbito de la seguridad y defensa (los Planes de Acción, la cooperación estructurada permanente, la Iniciativa Europea de Intervención…). Todo ello de acuerdo con el nivel de ambición que fijen los estados miembros, que oscila desde la protección de su vecindad a convertirse en proveedor universal de seguridad global, véase al respecto el liderazgo francoalemán en defensa. Basándonos en este contexto que se reseña en líneas precedentes, en el que concurren diversas variables y actores, y desde la perspectiva que ofrece la ciencia de las Relaciones Internacionales, se articula nuestro objeto de estudio, que aspira a constatar si los cambios de un orden mundial basado en reglas a otro trufado de hard power requieren de un paso hacia delante de la Unión Europea con una cultura estratégica común, analizada desde un enfoque constructivista, junto con un mayor liderazgo y voluntad política. Esto es, en el entorno internacional actual ¿garantizar la seguridad y defensa de Europa de manera autónoma se erige en una necesidad para la Unión Europea? Consecuentemente, ¿se reduciría el apoyo OTAN? De momento, la Unión necesita a la OTAN, pero no puede descuidar sus propias capacidades. Para articular nuestra propuesta de investigación nos situamos en uno de los niveles de análisis propio de las Relaciones Internacionales, en el plano de la microinternacionalidad, que se identificaría con el de la política exterior de la Unión Europea y los desafíos a los que se enfrenta, y en un marco temporal concreto que responde a la línea de acción que viene desarrollándose desde la adopción de la Estrategia Global en 2016 hasta el momento presente con una Unión que apuesta por una Europa "geopolítica". Desde una función explicativa, respaldada por la consulta de fuentes actuales (primarias y derivadas), se estructura el análisis del siguiente modo: (1) se parte de examinar el incierto y complejo escenario internacional y europeo, del que emergen desafíos globales y regionales; (2) para posteriormente definir qué se entiende por autonomía estratégica bajo el contexto de aquella Estrategia y delimitar cuáles son sus variables de análisis; (3) así como estudiar, desde una perspectiva institucionalista, los diferentes instrumentos políticos e institucionales que la Unión va adoptando y evaluar su idoneidad o no para impulsar la autonomía estratégica europea; (4) y cumpliendo con una función práctica, nuestro estudio se concluye valorando si el proceso de evolución de la Unión en este ámbito está cumpliendo o no con sus capacidades y condicionamientos, y discerniendo sobre cómo se debe afrontar la etapa venidera.

Have regional trade agreements led to a new form of economic cooperation by promoting deeper integration in the regulatory structures of participating countries? The answer has profound i m p l ications for the future of multilateral cooperation and international economic relations. Regional trade agreements have led to deeper integration in a number of fields, and recent agreements are generally more effective than the more remote WTO procedures in facilitating t rade and improving transparency. There is no single model for deeper i n t e g ration and each t rade agreement is the result of attempts to achieve very different policy objectives. But Regionalism, Multilateralism, and Economic Integration finds that regional processes and rules have been consistent with the multilateral obligations of each party. WTO rules therefore constitute a floor that underpins additional commitments in the regional agreements.

the publication by the Office National des Forêts (ONF) of the 'Mémento de la flora protégée des Alpes-Maritimes' in the form of a removable file file is an original achievement for the protection of plant species. Its authors, a scientist and a manager, gathered all the data available on 249 taxa protected by legislation that are growing in the Alpes-Maritimes department. This awareness-raising tool, which can be updated, is widely used and has been very well received by elected representatives, managers and the State authorities. It provides support for training staff responsible for protecting plant species, informing project designers, monitoring stations and updating inventories. ; L'édition par l'Office national des Forêts (ONF) du "Mémento de la flore protégée des Alpes-Maritimes" sous la forme d'un classeur à fiches amovibles est une réalisation originale en faveur de la protection des espèces végétales. Ses auteurs, un scientifique et un gestionnaire, ont rassemblé toutes les données disponibles sur 249 taxons protégés par un texte réglementaire qui croissent sur le territoire du département des Alpes-Maritimes. Cet outil de sensibilisation, réactualisable, est très utilisé et a reçu un excellent accueil auprès des élus, des gestionnaires ainsi que des autorités de l'Etat. Il sert d'appui à la formation des personnels chargés de la protection des espèces végétales, à l'information des concepteurs de projet, au suivi des stations et à l'actualisation des inventaires.

International audience ; Dans le cadre de la mise en oeuvre de la directive européenne "Habitats" en région Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur, l'Office national des Forêts s'est vu confier l'élaboration du document d'objectifs du site Natura 2000 Mont Ventoux (Vaucluse). C'est ainsi que, sur cette véritable île biogéographique montagnarde en zone méditerranéenne, ont été menés à bien inventaires et cartographies des habitats ainsi que de quelques éléments de la faune et de la flore. Une attention particulière a été portée sur l'analyse des dynamiques évolutives. Cette approche a été croisée avec une analyse des activités humaines pour déboucher sur une définition concertée des enjeux en matière de "patrimoine biologique" et des objectifs et plan d'actions pour y répondre. L'intérêt et les limites de cette approche de la biodiversité et ses conséquences sur la gestion sont ici évoqués. Ces considérations valent pour nombre d'autres sites Natura 2000 de la région.

Britain had emerged from the Second World War victorious and willing to take its place in the post-war world alongside other great powers, the US and the USSR. However, the war had taken its toll on the British Empire, and its resources along with its international prestige were wearing thin. The newly elected Labour Government was not about to allow Britain's status as a great power to fade. Instead it attempted to secure the country's rank in the international community by directing its imperial aspirations towards strengthening Britain's position in the Middle East and the Mediterranean. In the Potsdam Conference of 1945 a Council of Foreign Ministers was established to prepare the necessary post-war peace treaties. Britain along with the US, the USSR and France were responsible for the Italian peace treaty which included settling the fate of the former Italian colony of Libya. Libya consisted of three separate regions: Cyrenaica, Tripolitania and Fezzan. From early on, Britain had its eyes set on acquiring a UN trusteeship of Cyrenaica where it had been the occupying power since 1943. The trusteeship would make Britain the formal administrative power there, and thus support its great-power ambitions in the Middle East. The Labour Cabinet decided to pursue this trusteeship but was met with more obstacles than it had expected. In the end, Britain was unable to obtain the trusteeship. This research study focuses on analysing what the Labour Cabinet's pursuit for a British trusteeship of Cyrenaica reveals about Britain's status as a great power during the immediate post-war years from 1945 to 1949. The issue is explored through three main themes: Cyrenaica's strategic meaning for Britain, Britain's relations with the US and the USSR, and Britain's imperialistic nature. The final assessment of Britain's great-power position is based on the four requirements for a great power set in this research study, and on evaluating what the failure to acquire the trusteeship meant for Britain's status. The aim of this research study is to offer a new perspective on Britain's post-war great-power position by examining it through this particular case of Britain trying to obtain the trusteeship of Cyrenaica, and to demonstrate that Cyrenaica deserves more attention in the research of British history. The main primary sources for this research study are selected Cabinet conclusions, Cabinet memoranda and the Cabinet Secretary's notes from July 1945 when Labour took Office, to November 1949 when the UN decided that Libya would become an independent state. The Cabinet papers were screened by using a wide keyword search on the online database of the National Archives. The keyword search was essential for finding the relevant documents for this research study from the vast amount of material. The focus in studying the material was on Libya, the Council of Foreign Ministers and its parties, British Middle Eastern policy especially in Egypt, British imperialism, and the most significant Cabinet members in this case: Prime Minister Clement Attlee and Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin. The two represented opposing views on whether a trusteeship of Cyrenaica would be beneficial for Britain. Attlee remained unenthusiastic but Bevin was determined to obtain the trusteeship. The Cabinet papers provide an overall picture of the main events, discussions and decisions, spiced with occasional intriguing details found in the Secretary's notes. The problem with the Cabinet papers as source material is that even if differing opinions are expressed in the memoranda, the conclusions are designed to portray unity, and can therefore be very vague. To be able to make good use of the Cabinet papers requires extensive knowledge of their historical context, as well as support from such research that has been able to access more detailed departmental documents, such as papers from the Foreign Office and the Chiefs of Staff. The findings of this research study support the generally accepted view that Britain was no longer a considerable great power after the Second World War. In the case of trying to acquire a British trusteeship of Cyrenaica, Britain fails to meet three out of the four set requirements for a great power: its military resources were underwhelming, it was not equal to the undeniable great powers - the US and the USSR - in either military capacity or prestige, and it was not acknowledged as a great power by the international community. The one requirement that Britain does meet is that it kept on acting as if it still was a great power, and conducted its policies accordingly. The stubborn belief expressed especially by Bevin that Britain could and would obtain the trusteeship it so greatly desired by relying on its old imperial great-power strategies is evidence of this. This research study continues to argue, that not only does the case of the Cyrenaican trusteeship reveal Britain's lost great-power status, it does it better than the major imperial events of that time which are usually at the forefront of studies regarding this topic. The situation in both India and Palestine was such that it would have been impossible for any great power to keep them under control. Withdrawing help from Greece and Turkey for the US to take over, can be seen as a strategic move to cut overseas expenditure while making sure that the US was tied up in world affairs and thus unable to pull back into isolationism, which would have left Britain to face the USSR alone in Europe. Cyrenaica, on the other hand, was an underdeveloped area that mostly consisted of inhospitable desert. Its only value was its location by the Mediterranean and on the western border of Egypt - and it had paramount strategic value only to Britain. This issue has been deemed so insignificant that it is tragically underrepresented in research of history and barely mentioned in the history books - and no wonder since much bigger events were taking place at the same time as the Cold War realities began to set in. However, by failing to acquire the trusteeship of this small and next to unknown territory where it was already the occupying power, Britain truly fell flat on its face. It had been a dominant power in the Middle East for a long time and was one of the victorious Three Powers in Potsdam - this rather humble objective was something it should have easily accomplished. Yet it did not. Failing in small world affairs rather than in the major ones speaks volumes of a country's great-power status - or the lack of it.

Copy in English of a cablegram dated on February 1, 1939 in Mexico City. It informs of the statement by President Cárdenas that Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles can return to Mexico. The amnesty includes religious people and politicians like Archbishop Ruiz Flores and B.A. José Vasconcelos. 2. "Gen. Calles welcome in Mexico, President Calles say so". S.D. Sun, 2/1/1939. "Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles spurns Cardenas Amnesty offer, claims in Mexico Worse. Ex President Silent on Expropriations". San Diego Sun, February 2, 1939. 4. "Expropriation of the assets of the El Mante Sugar Company. The Secretariat of National Economy will take possession and make the inventory". Transcription of the agreement signed by President Lázaro Cárdenas, the Secretary of Finance and Public Credit, B.A. Eduardo Suárez and the Secretary of National Economy Efraín Buenrostro on February 17, 1939. The agreement refers to the expropriation of the El Mante Sugar Company by the government. 5. "Numerous businesses of Calles' friends in investigation. The Office of the General Prosecutor is investigating the overspending during the administration of Calles". "La Prensa" 02/27/1939. The article informs of the investigation of shady deals during Calles' administration to purchase airplanes and investment in El Mante Sugar Company. Fernando Torreblanca and Enrique Schondube were called to testify but have not appeared. If Gen. Calles returns to Mexico, he will be called to testify as well. 6. "The natural resources in Mexican territory are for Mexico. Significant concepts of the First Magistrate. Expropriation of the Assets of the Oil Companies. Sacrifice of the Private interest for the interest of the fatherland. The government will keep the same position. Situation of the conflict". "El Universal" 03/20/1939. Speech given by President Cárdenas during a meeting with different worker unions. 7. "Mexico Reviews Achievements, Celebrating First Anniversary of Oil Expropriation". Newspaper clipping from the biweekly publication Fact and Figures on 04/05/1939. It shows a photograph of the ceremony in which President Cárdenas talked about the oil industry. Summaries of the speeches by Vicente Lombardo Toledano, Luis I. Rodríguez and Vicente Cortés Herrera. Article with the title "The Mexican Petroleum Stolen Property" by Pal Boracres. 8. "Europe Fears War in Mediterranean". The San Diego Union 04/09/1939. 9. Map of Europe published by the San Diego Union on 04/09/1939. It shows the territory recovered by Germany that was taken away under the 1919 Versailles treaty. 10. "Perifonema". Editorial from "Ultimas Noticias de Excelsior" on 04/17/1939. 11. "From Madrid. Ignominy and Crime" by Rodolfo Reyes on April 1939. The author writes about the forceful entry in his house by the government and the destruction of documents. 12. "Nazi-Soviet Pact casts Shadow on Europe". Map of Europe published by the Los Angeles Times. It shows the German territories before the World War I. 13. "Patchwork". Map published by the Los Angeles Times showing how Poland was pieced together out of territories after World War. 14. When has been Mexico a Proconsulate? by Dr. Luis Lara Pardo, published in "Excelsior" on October 7, 1939. 15. "Pittman to Push Cotton for Silver Inflation Scheme. Proposes to Trade Surplus for Metal on World Market, Then Issue Currency against it. $1.29 in money for Ounce Worth 43c. This would give farmer nearly 13 cents a Pound for 8 1-2 Cent Product, Nevada Contends". Article published in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Cablegram from the Associated Press signed in Washington informing of the statement by Pittman, Senator of Nevada. 16. "Ignore Kick Of Daniels In New Grab". The article informs that according to statements by the Secretary of State Sumner Wells, Mexico will compensate for the seizure of the United Sugar Co. 17. "La Última Rechifla" (The Last Mocking). 18. Newspaper clipping informing about the whistle that B.A. Luis I. Rodríguez received during a bullfight. 19. "Iron Man of Mexico Selects New Buick". Newspaper clipping with a photograph of Plutarco Elías Calles and the car he bought. 20. "Avila Camacho states the conquest of the people are the base of his government". The candidate to the presidency talks about the principles that will guide his administration if he is elected president. 21. "Rumors that Tabasco will not be a State anymore and will become a territory". Letter from Marco Mora Chontal informing about the bad situation in Tabasco. Interim Governor Trujillo Gurria has requested a federal loan. 22. "Statement by B.A. José Vasconcelos". Incomplete newspaper clipping with the statements by José Vasconcelos regarding the political attacks against him. / Copia en inglés de cable de prensa, firmado 1 de febrero de 1939, en la ciudad de México. Transcribe declaraciones del Presidente Cárdenas relativa a la ley de amnistía, recién publicada, por la cual el Gral. PEC puede regresar al país cuando quiera. Esta ley incluye a religiosos, expolíticos como el Arzobispo Ruiz Flores y el Lic. José Vasconcelos. 2.- "Gen. Calles welcome in Mexico. Presidente Cárdenas says so". S.D.Sun; 2/1/39. Reproduce declaraciones del Presidente Cárdenas que se transmitieron en ben cable anterior, en la que Hace hincapié en que el ex presidente Gral. PEC, exiliado en San Diego, puede regresar al país cuando lo quiera. 3.- "Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles spurns Cardenas Amnesty offer, claims in Mexico "Worse". Ex President Silent on Expropiations. San Diego Sun; 2 de febrero de 1939. Se transcriben declaraciones del Gral. PEC quien afirma que no acepta amnistía del Presidente Cárdenas y que no regresa a México ya que no cometió ningún delito que ameritara el exilio. El ex presidente habló en San Diego, donde vive desde que fue expulsado de México en abril de 1936. Respecto a la expropiación de las compañías petroleras el Gral. PEC no tiene comentarios. 4.- "Expropiación de los Bienes de la Compañía Azucarera El Mante. La Secretaría de Economía Nacional tomará posesión y levantará lis inventarios". Transcripción del Acuerdo firmado por el Presidente Lázaro Cárdenas, el Secretario de Hacienda y Crédito Público, Lic. Eduardo Suárez y el Secretario de Economía Nacional Efraín Buenrostro, el 17 de febrero de 1939 en el que considerando que la Compañía Azucarera de El Mante S.A. se estableció con créditos otorgados por el Banco de México, cuando los socios ocupaban cargos públicos y que los mismos no fueron garantizados plenamente, que algunos fundadores de la compañía eran directivos del Banco y por causa de utilidad pública, decreta la expropiación los bienes adquiridos en condiciones inadecuadas por la empresa y ordena sean entregados a la Secretaría de Economía Nacional, quien con la intervención de la Secretaría de Hacienda hará un inventario de los mismos para ser adjudicados para su explotación en cooperativa de participación estatal que se organice con obreros y campesinos interesados en la negociación. 5.- "Cuantiosos negocios del Callismo en Averiguación. En la Procuraduría de la República se está ahondando sobre los despilfarros que se cometieron durante aquel régimen" La Prensa; 27/2/39. Se informa de averiguación contra importantes callistas acusados de favorecer negocios turbios en la compraventa de aeroplanos y en el ingenio azucarero de El Mante. Fueron citados a declarar Fernando Torreblanca y Enrique Schondube, quienes no se han presentado por lo que se solicitó a la policía que los presente. Si el Gral. PEC regresa también será interrogado. 6.- "Las riquezas naturales del suelo de México, para México. Trascendentales conceptos del Primer Magistrado. Expropiación de los bienes de las Empresas Petroleras, Sacrificio del interés privado o partidista, en interés de la propia Patria. Actitud del gobierno frente a sus Opositores. SE mantendrá la misma línea de conducta que anunció al constituirse. Estado de conflicto". El Universal; 20/3/1939. Texto del discurso del Presidente Cárdenas durante mitin al que asistieron organizaciones obreras. Ratificó la línea de conducta del gobierno frente a sus opositores, llama a trabajadores y al pueblo a cooperar con el engrandecimiento de la patria. 7.-"Mexico Reviews Achievements, Celebrating First Anniversary of Oil Expropiation". Recorte del periódico quincenal Facts and Figures, dedicado al primer aniversario de la expropiación petrolera. 5/4/1939. Se ilustra con fotografías de la ceremonia conmemorativa durante la cual el Presidente Cárdenas pronunció discurso en el que hace análisis de la situación de la industria, de los logros alcanzados en esa materia, no sólo para los trabajadores sino para el país. Se hace síntesis de discursos de Vicente Lombardo Toledano, Luis I. Rodríguez, Vicente Cortés Herrera. Se reproduce artículo titulado "The Mexican Petroleum Stolen Property", de Paul Boracres, quien hace un recuento de la nociva conducta de las compañías petroleras en México que actuaban sólo en su beneficio y contra las disposiciones del estado. 8.- Europe Fears War in Mediterranean". The San Diego Union; 9/4/1939. Un mapa del Mar Mediterráneo que muestra porqué es objeto de amplias movilizaciones por las potencias europeas ya que es la ruta para el petróleo y el comercio en general entre los países europeo s y sus posesiones. 9.- Mapa de Europa publicado por The San Diego Union; 9/4/1939. Muestra los territorios recuperados por Alemania, que le habían sido arrebatados por el Tratado de Versalles de 1919, después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. 10. "Perifonemas", editorial de Ultimas Noticias de Excélsior; 17/4/1939. La nota titulada El discurso del Gral. Ávila Camacho comenta los dos discursos, que como precandidato a la presidencia de la República pronunció el Gral. Ávila Camacho en los que no dice nada, no se pronuncia por nadie, ni apoya a nadie. 11.- "Desde Madrid Ignominia y Crimen": Editorial de Rodolfo Reyes desde Madrid; abril 1939. Denuncia el allanamiento de su casa en Madrid; la destrucción de sus documentos, libros y bienes por parte del gobierno comunista, sin que el embajador de México Adalberto Tejeda, tomará ninguna medida para proteger sus bienes. 12.- "Nazi Soviet Pact Casts Shadow on Europe". Mapa de Europa publicado por Los Ángeles Times, que ilustra las posesiones de Alemania antes de iniciar la Primera Guerra Mundial y la posible invasión a Polonia, a consecuencia del pacto que firmó con la Unión Soviética, nación que es posible se apodere de Besarabia y los Países Bálticos; de Bulgaria tomar Dobruja; Hungria, Transilvania, Italia y Costa Dalmática. 13.- "Patchwork". Mapa publicado por Los Ángeles Times, que muestra cómo a Polonia le fueron anexados territorios después de la Primera Guerra Mundial, mismos que Hitler intentará recuperar. 14.- "Cuándo ha sido México un Proconsulado? Editorial firmado por el Dr. Luis Lara Pardo, publicado en Excélsior, 7 /10. El artículo analiza por qué José Vasconcelos nombra a un capítulo de sus memorias "El Proconsulado". El autor afirma no saber quién es El Procónsul, si Calles, el embajador de Estados Unidos, o quién. Analiza la función del procónsul, que era quien administraba una provincia conquistada por la Roma Imperial y el apelativo no corresponde con ninguna persona de la época. Acusa a Vasconcelos de entreguista al gobierno norteamericano y sostiene su acusación relatando episodios en los que acude a Washington y al embajador Morrow para pedir ayuda demostrando ninguna dignidad. 15.- "Pittman to Push Cotton for Silver Inflation Scheme. Proposes to Trade Surplus for Metal on World Market, then Issue Currency against It. $1.29 in money for Ounce Worth 43c. This would give farmer nearly 13 cents a Pound for 8 1-2 Cent Product, Nevada Contends". Nota publicada en el Saint Louis Post-Dispatch. Nota al margen dice: Interesante Sr. Castellanos. Tradúzcalo al General. Cable de la Associated Press firmado en Washington que informa de la declaración de Pittman, senador demócrata por Nevada, quien afirma que en su próxima sesión en el senado deberá manifestarse respecto a la propuesta de dar a los algodoneros trece centavos la onza por su excedente, para comerciarlo por plata en el mercado y así mantener una inflación controlada. 16.- "Ignore Kick of Daniels in new Grab". Reproduce cable firmado en Washington el 9 de diciembre en el que se afirma que según declaraciones del Secretario de Estado Sumner Welles, México dará una justa compensación a las nuevas expropiaciones decretadas contra la United Sugar Co. 17.- "La última Rechifla". Editorial sin fecha ni nombre de la publicación que informa de la rechifla que le dieron en la plaza de toros a Luis I. Rodríguez, quien le pidió al torero Pepe Ortiz que le brindara un toro y cuando el público se dio cuenta de quién era se le fue encima denostándolo a él y al Presidente Cárdenas, quien durante todo su gobierno se rodeó de un grupo de Sabios de Alquiler que lo elogiaron y adoraron , sin darse cuenta del daño que le hacían a él y la l nación. 18.- Recorte de prensa sin nombre de la publicación ni fecha que informa que el diestro Pepe Ortiz está apenado por la rechifla que recibió el Lic. Luis I. Rodríguez en la corrida anterior. 19.- "Iron Man of Mexico Selects new Buick". Recorte de prensa sin fecha ni nombre de la publicación con una foto del Gral. PEC recargado en la ventana del auto que acaba de comprar en la Agencia de D. Maxwell Co. 20.- "Ávila Camacho dice que las Conquistas del Pueblo, base de su gobierno". Falta la primera parte de la nota. Reproduce discurso del candidato a la presidencia Gral. Manuel Ávila Camacho, en la que da a conocer los principios que guiarán su acción si llega a la Presidencia. 21.- "Rumores de que Tabasco dejará de ser Estado y será Territorio". Carta sin fecha, ni nombre de publicación firmada por Marco Mora Chontal, quien denuncia la grave situación que sufre Tabasco a causa de los malos gobiernos que han provocado una terrible disminución de su población. El gobernador interino Trujillo Gurria ha solicitado un cuantioso préstamo a la Federación. 22.- "Declaraciones del Lic. J. Vasconcelos". Recorte incompleto en el que Vasconcelos se defiende por no contestar los ataques de que es objeto, que es la política de abstencionismo el único camino que le queda a la democracia en México.

Global Change and Mountain Regions — an IGBP Initiative for Collaborative Research -- Climate Variations in Italy in the Last 130 Years -- Dendroclimatic Information on Silver Fir (Abies Alba Mill.) in the Northern Apennines -- Trends in High Frequency Precipitation Variability in Some Northern Italy Secular Stations -- Climate Change Experiments on a Glacier Foreland in the Central Alps -- High Mountain Summits as Sensitive Indicators of Climate Change Effects on Vegetation Patterns: The "Multi Summit-Approach" of GLORIA (Global Observation Research Initiative in Alpine Environments) -- Temperature and Precipitation Trends in Italy During the Last Century -- Climate and other Sources of Change in the St. Elias Region -- Permafrost and Climate in Europe. Climate Change, Mountain Permafrost Degradation and Geotechnical Hazard -- Thermal Variations of Mountain Permafrost: an Example of Measurements Since 1987 in the Swiss Alps -- Climate Change and Air Quality Assessment in Canadian National Parks -- Regional Clean Air Partnerships and the ETEAM -- Land-Atmosphere Interactions -- Uncertainties in the Prediction of Regional Climate Change -- Gamma-Ray Spectrometer for "In Situ" Measurements on Glaciers and Snowfields -- Cs-137 Gamma Peak Detection in Snow Layers on Calderone Glacier -- The Effects of Global Warming on Mountain Regions: a Summary of the 1995 Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change -- Global Change in Respect to Tendency to Acidification of Subarctic Mountain Lakes -- Influence of Climate, Species Immigration, Fire, and Men on Forest Dynamics In Northern Italy, from 6000 Cal. BP To Today -- Koenigia Islandica (Iceland Purslane) — A Case Study of a Potential Indicator of Climate Change in the UK -- Semi-Objective Sampling Strategies as One Basis for a Vegetation Survey -- Simulating the Impact of Climate Change on Drought in Swiss Forest Stands -- Forecasted Stability of Mediterranean Evergreen Species Considering Global Changes -- Birds as Bio-Indicators of Long-Transported Lead in the Alpine Environment -- Annual Estimations of Ecophysiological Parameters and Biogenic Volatile Compounds (BVOCs) Emissions in Citrus Sinensis (L.) Osbeck -- A Multiscale Study to Analyse the Response of Vegetation to Climatic Conditions -- Phytotoxic Ozone Effect on Selected Plant Species in a Standardized Experimental Design -- Plant Invasions in Central European Middle-Mountains: A Result of Global Change? -- Can Testate Amoebae (Protozoa) and Other Micro-Organisms Help to Overcome Biogeographic Bias in Large Scale Global Change Research? -- Effects of Elevated Atmospheric CO2 and Mineral Nitrogen Deposition on Litter Quality, Bioleaching and Decomposition in A Sphagnum Peat Bog -- Analysis of the Environmental Impact Caused by Introduced Animals in the Clarion Island, Archipelago of Revillagigedo, Colima, Mexico -- High Mountain Environment as Indicator of Global Change -- Effects of Elevated CO2 and Nitrogen Deposition on Natural Regeneration Processes of Cut-Over Ombrotrophic Peat Bogs in the Swiss Jura Mountains -- Economic Evaluation of Italian Parks and Natural Areas -- Environmental and Human Impacts on Coastal and Marine Protected Areas in India -- Past Climate Change and the Generation and Persistence of Species Richness in a Biodiversity Hotspot, the Cape Flora of South Africa -- The World Network of Biosphere Reserves: a Flexible Structure for Understanding and Responding to Global Change -- The Role of a Global Protected Areas System in Conserving Biodiversity in the Face of Climate Change -- The Strong Reduction Phase of the Calderone Glacier During the Last Two Centuries: Reconstruction of the Variation and of the Possible Scenarios With GIS Technologies -- Digital Geomorphologic Cartography of the Top Area of the Gran Sasso D'Italia Mountain Group (Central Apennine, Italy) -- The Late Pleistocene and Holocene Temporary Lakes in the Abruzzo Parks and the Central Apennines -- The Travertine Deposits of the Upper Pescara Valley (Central Abruzzi, Italy): A Clue for the Reconstruction of the Late Quaternary Palaeoenvironmental Evolution of the Area -- The Protected Areas System for the Conservation and for an Eco-Compatible Development of the Territory: The Maiella National Park -- Environmental Protection and Social Protection: The Sirente-Velino Regional Park -- Protected Areas Management: an Example of Application in the Gran Sasso Park -- The Main Invasive Alien Plants in the Protected Areas in Central Italy (Abruzzo) -- The Historical and Iconographic Research in the Reconstruction of the Variation of the Calderone Glacier: State of the Art and Perspective -- Numerical Experiments to Study the Possible Meteorological Changes Induced by the Presence of a Lake.

Machine generated contents note: I India or Brazil ? Priority for imperial survival in the -- wars of the Restaurafao 1 -- Journal of the American Portuguese Sociey 2, no. 2. New York, -- 1968,pp. 8-15 -- II Two Lusitanian variations on a Dutch theme: -- Portuguese companies in times of crisis, 1628-1662 -- Companies and Trade, ed. Leonard Blussi and Femme Gaastra -- The Hague: Leiden Universiy Press, 1981 -- III Francisco Rodrigues de Silveira, the forgotten Soldado -- Prdtico -- Iberia: Literay and Historical Issues. Studies in Honour of Harold -- V. Livermore, ed. RO.W. Goertn. Calgary : University of Calgary -- Press, 1985 -- IV The origin and rhythm of Dutch aggression against the -- Estado da India, 1601-1661 -- Indo-Portuguese History: Old Issues, Newv Qestions,.ed. Teotonio R -- de Souta. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1985 -- V Millenarianism and empire: Portuguese Asian decline -- and the 'crise de conscience' of the missionaries -- Itinerio 11. Leiden, 1987 -- VI Jewel trading in Portuguese India in the XVI and XVII -- centuries -- Indica 25, no. 1. Bombay, 1988 -- VII Portugal, Venice, Genoa and the traffic in precious stones -- at the beginning of the modern age -- Eng/ish version of 'Portogallo, Veneia, Genova ed il commercio dele -- pietrepreriose alprinaipio dell'eta moderna', Atti del III Congresso -- Internajionale di Studi Storici VII, ed. Raffaele Belvederi. Genoa, 1989 -- VIII A legend in black and white: the American Indian as -- propaganda in the Eighty Years War -- (In collaboration with Michiel Hoogeveen) -- La imagen del Indio en la Europa moderna. Sevilke: CS.L C., the -- European Science Foundation and the Escuela de Estudios -- Hispano-Ameicanos, 1990, pp. 43-59 -- IX Portugal's 'shadow empire' in the Bay of Bengal -- Revista de Cultura 13-14. Macao, January/June 1991 -- X South India and the China Seas: how the V.O.C. shifted -- its weight from China & Japan to India around A.D. 1636 -- (In collaboration with Mark Vink) -- As Relaf4es entre a india Portuguesa, a Aia do Sueste e o Extremo -- Oriente (Actas do VI Semindrio Internacional de Histdria -- Indo-Portuguesa, Macau, 22-26 de Outubro de 1991, ed Artur -- Teodoro de Matos e Luis Filipe Reis Thoma). Macau-Lisboa, 1993 -- XI A tale of two Coromandel towns: Madraspatam (Fort St. -- George) and Sio Thom6 de Meliapur -- Itinerario 18, no. 1. Leiden, 1994 -- XII The Estado da fndia on the subcontinent: Portuguese as -- players on a South Asian stage -- Portugal, the Pathfinder: Journysfrom the Medieval toward the -- Modern World, 1300-ca. 1600, ed George D. Winius. Madison, WI: -- Hispanic Seminary ofMedieval Studies, Ltd., 1995 -- XIII Early Portuguese travel and influence at the corner of -- Asia -- Portugal, the Pathfinder: Journeysfrom the Medieval toward the -- Modern World, 1300-ca. 1600, ed. George D. Winius. Madison, WI: -- Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, Ltd., 1995 -- XIV In northern mists: Portuguese voyages to the boreal -- Atlantic -- Portugal, the Pathfinder: Journeys from the Medieval toward the -- Modern World, 1300-ca. 1600, ed. George D. Winius. Madison, WI: -- Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, Ltd., 1995 -- XV Bibliographical essay: a treasury of printed source materials -- pertaining to the 15th and 16th centuries -- Portugal, the Pathfinder: Journeys from the Medieval toward the -- Modern World, 1300-ca. 1600, ed. George D. Winius. Madison, WI: -- Hispanic Seminary of Medeival Studies, Ltd, 1995 -- XVI Embassies from Malacca and the 'shadow empire' -- The Portuguese and the Paific. Proceedings of the International -- Colloquium (Universiy of Calfornia, Santa Barbara, October -- 1993), ed. Francis A. Dutra andjodo Camilo dos Santos. Santa -- Barbara: Center For Portuguse Studies, University of California, -- Santa Barbara, 1995 -- XVII Vasco da Gama: a speculative reconstruction of a voyage -- and its antecedents -- English translation of A Viagem de Vasco da Gama, 1497-1499'in -- 0 Tempo de Vasco da Gama, ed. Diogo Ramada Curto. Lisbon, 1998 -- XVIII The Renaissance as reflected in Goa -- Mediterranean Studies 7 (1998). Aldershot, 1999 -- XIX Private trading in Portuguese Asia: a substantial -- will-o'-the-wisp -- Vasco da Gama et 17nde. Fundafao Calouste Gulbenkien -- InternationonalCoference (Paris, 11-13 May 1998). Paris, 1999 -- XX Few thanks to the king: the building of Portuguese -- India -- Vasco da Gama and the Linkikng of Europe andAsia, ed. Anthony -- Disney and Emily Booth. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000 -- Index

During many centuries the Northern Black Sea and the Crimea were in the center of Intercontinental trade relations between Europe and Asia. In XIII – XV centuries the main role in these processes played Italian Maritime Republic – Genoa and Venice. Due to the trading activities of Italian merchants, trading in the Black Sea region has become a brand new one: from regionally locked it started correlating with the global trade communications.In the formation of the Crimean trading factories Italians were guided by a certain, however well-thought-out doctrine: take hold of important points in two ways.– first: those who are surrounded with comfortable havens,– second: closing or intercept local trade routes, which further combined with global trade arteries.An important place in a harmony of the connections within Black sea region and the world-wide (those which are beyond the Bosphorus), occupied Genoese Kaffa (Feodosia) and the Venice Tana (Azov). In these ports began and ended regular navigation of Genoa and Venice.In implementing its international trade Genoese relied on a network of colonies, trading stations, harbors, which served as a warehouse and transshipment points.The above mentioned geographical characteristics of the trade relations of the Black Sea region suggests that Kafa being the center of the Genoese outposts in the region, controlled not only the market of international but the regional trade.Kafa embodies the essential characteristics of the global economic development, held an exclusive position, maintaining their trade in the direction West-East and North-South.The first provided the distribution Levantine and European goods, in the second – the local, the black sea market.Due to its profitable geographical location (almost exactly close to all the coasts of the Black sea), Kafa had some advantages in the organization of trade.It became the main point for Venetian galleys, carried out centralized taxation of ships which sailed in all directions, including the Venetian, which sailed to Thani. The influence of the city grew in the periods when the Tana closed by frequent Italian-Horde and disputes between Venice and Genoa.At these times the government of Kafa, backed by its fleet and garrison, had the exclusive opportunity to monitor sailing in the sea of Azov.From the second half of the XIV century with an overall deterioration in the economic conjuncture and crisis leading countries of the Black Sea basin, including the Golden Horde and the state Ilhan, there is a decline in the development of world trade. Direct ties with Italian cities are multistage and developed mainly with transshipment on the Bosphorus. Kafa spreads up with its eastern and western coast of the Black Sea. For Venice citizens the crisis in the middle of the XIV century also led to a change in the orientation of Gales' routes. Increasingly, the vessels are directed to Tanya but not to Trebizond, and this trend continues until the middle of XV century. Even during the closure of Tanya Venice wished to stay in the northern Black Sea and Crimea.Thus, in the XIV century regionalization of trade took place. In the XV century this process deepens and it is associated with the collapse of the Golden Horde, which provide connectivity to the East, the formation of national states in the Black Sea basin (eg, Moldova), the growing role of Turkey as a major political and economic force in the region.In studies of the foreign historians trading activity in Kafa is considered in terms of its accumulative functions on Kafa's markets followed by a centralized exports to Western and Eastern Mediterranean.While Kaffa, according to O. G. Yemanova, played a significant role in the supply of raw materials, its own crafts, food, security of the population of the city itself and dependent factors, metabolism within the Black Sea region and finally to export not only the southern, Mediterranean area but also in the North. ; Проанализирована роль ведущих центров итальянской торговли в черноморском регионе – генуэзской Каффы и венецианской Таны – в системе итальянской международной торговли XIII – XV вв. ; Проаналізовано роль провідних центрів італійської торгівлі у чорноморському регіоні – генуезької Кафи та венеційської Тани – в системі італійської міжнародної торгівлі XIII – XV ст.