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The `securitization' of health has generated considerable debate. In public health, the debate focuses mainly on health effects. Although securitization may refocus attention and resources toward certain health issues, it may focus undue attention on a few issues or on the military aspects of issues to the detriment of a broad range of health issues and their human rights aspects. In international relations, the concern is the effect on security analysis and policy. While some welcome a broadening of the security agenda to include items such as health, others are concerned that analytical rigour and operational effectiveness are lost. This article argues that, normative concerns notwithstanding, securitizing is occurring as a result of perceived changes, associated with globalization, that are creating changes in the nature or degree of threats. But, in international relations, security is largely a social construction, as the Copenhagen School claims. Contemporary social struggles are ongoing around competitions to define security. The article argues that human security is a concept that has considerable relevance for understanding the nature of change that is producing new or intensified threats. It also offers conceptual space for analyzing what security is provided and for whom in the changing world order.

Were the English and the Scots always at loggerheads in the fourteenth century? The essays here offer a more nuanced picture. Typical accounts of Anglo-Scottish relations over the whole fourteenth century tends to present a sustained period of bitter enmity, described routinely by stock-phrases such as 'endemic warfare', and typified by battles such as Bannockburn (1314), Neville's cross (1346) or Otterburn (1388), border-raiding and the capture of James I of Scotland by English pirates in 1406. However, as this collection shows, the situation was far more complex. Drawing together new perspectives from new and leading researchers, the essays investigate the great complexity of Anglo-Scottish tensions in this most momentous of centuries and in doing so often reveal a far more ambivalent and at times even a peaceful and productive Anglo-Scottish dynamic. The topics treated include military campaigns and ethos; the development of artillery; the leading 'Disinherited' Anglo-Scot, Edward Balliol; Scots in English allegiance and Border Society; religious patronage; Papal relations; the effect of dealings with Scotland on England's government and parliament; identity, ethnicity and otherness; and shared values and acculturation. Contributors: AMANDA BEAM, MICHAEL BROWN, DAVID CALDWELL, GWILYM DODD, ANTHONY GOODMAN, ANDY KING, SARAH LAYFIELD, IAIN MACINNES, RICHARD ORAM, MICHAEL PENMAN, ANDREA RUDDICK AND DAVID SIMPKIN.

Because of the Cuban presence in Africa (Angola), President Carter put a stop, in November 1978, to the normalization procedures started with Cuba at the commencement of his mandate. The Reagan administration, far from redressing the situation, has worsened it by incessantly accusing and threatening the Cuban government. At the rime of General Haig's resignation as State Secretary on June 26, 1982, his policy of intimidation towards Cuba had failed to keep the Castro's regime in step. Moreover, the American policy has been thwarted by external obstacles — the attitudes of the Cuban and Soviet leaders, the change in the political climate in Latin America (the conflict in the Malvinas) - and by internal causes - blunders, conflicting announcements, incoherent strategies, fluctuating and equivocal appraisals of the situation by the Reagan administration. This administration has alternately advocated a military solution to the Cuban problem and an essentially economic approach to neutralise the castrist influence in the region. Cuba has been at rimes referred to as a sovereign State to be dealt with on a bilateral basis, and at other rimes as a soviet satellite to be handled with the framework of East-West relations. Under the Reagan administration, Cuba has remained more than ever the ideal scapegoat of American leaders faced with a reassessment of the "pax americana" in Central America and in the North-South relations.

In the past several years, Chinese analysts have acknowledged that the United States possesses a vast amount of power and influence, which has allowed it to act in arrogant and often aggressive ways, and has fueled its ambitions of achieving global hegemony. While many PRC authors attribute to the US a coherent grand strategy of world domination, others have followed and assessed the debates that pervade US foreign policy-making, analyzed the nature of American hegemony, and critiqued the theoretical discussions on the subject carried out in US political science journals. Chinese analysts see both strengths and weaknesses in American hegemony, for while the country currently has superior comprehensive national power, there are also vulnerabilities in its economic and military strength, as well as in its relations with its allies. The views of Chinese authors are not uniform on the subject of US hegemony, however, for some believe that the US already is a hegemon, while others view America as a superpower seeking hegemony, or argue that the nation simply displays hegemonic behavior. Consequently there are several different schools of thought on the characteristics of US hegemony, as well as its tactics, goals and manifestations. - The paper is part of "Perceptions and misperceptions in US-China relations". (J Contemp China/DÜI)

The Anacostia River severs Washington, D.C. Military waste, urban runoff, and former farmland dirty the water, but people who live along its shores cherish the river and fight to make it clean. Political ecology, stressing the power relations, inequalities, connections, and contradictions that join natural and social processes over time, enlarges historical and anthropological theory in Washington. In this article I explore the experiences and perspectives of people who have lived along the Anacostia River over the last 10,000 years. Linked transformations in environmental and social processes repeatedly created unsettled, contradictory, and unjust relations between people and the natural and built environment. The pollution of the Anacostia River reflects colonialism and conquest: nationalism, militarism, empire; racism, inequality, and urban renewal. I begin with the British conquest, then turn to four successive moments in state formation: the founding of the capital, the invention of a strong central government, urban renewal in the capital core, and the contemporary development of the waterfront. The use values of people who live along the river conflict with the exchange values that have dominated the city's history. The city's environmental justice movement has emerged from these use values and today confronts a massive redevelopment plan that exploits and undermines the movement, [political ecology, environmental justice, urban history, race, and poverty]

China Sow‐Theng Leong. Migration and Ethnicity in Chinese History: Hakkas, Pengmin, and their Neighbors.Bonnie S. McDougall and Kam Louie. The Literature of China in the Twentieth Century.Michael Sullivan. Art and Artists of Twentieth Century China.Xiaobo Lu and Elizabeth J. Perry (eds). Danwei: the Changing Chinese Workplace in Historical and Comparative Perspective. Japan, Korea Sydney Giffard. Japan Among the Powers, 1890–1990.Katherine H. S. Moon. Sex Among Allies: military Prostitution in U.S.‐Korea Relations. South Asia Jamal J. Elias. Death Before Dying. The Sufi Poems of Sultan Bahu.Ajit K. Neogy. Decolonization of French India: liberation Movement and Indo‐French Relations 1947–1954.Eva Cheung Robinson. Greening at the Grassroots: alternative Forestry Strategies in India.Sureshchandra Shukla and Rehkla Kaul (eds). Education, Development and Underdevelopment.John Robert Shotton. Learning and Freedom: policy, Pedagogy and Paradigms in Indian Education and Schooling.Emma Tarlo. Clothing Matters: dress and Identity in India. Southeast Asia Laine Berman. Speaking through the Silence: narratives, Social Conventions and Power in Java.Kevin Y. L. Tan and Lam Peng Er (eds). Managing Political Change in Singapore.Sharifah Zaleha Syed Hassan and Sven Cederroth. Managing Marital Disputes in Malaysia: Islamic Mediators and Conflict Resolution in the Syariah Courts.Kevin Hewison (ed). Political Change in Thailand: democracy and Participation.Ann Kumar. Java and Modern Europe: ambiguous Encounters.Martin Stuart‐Fox. A History of Laos.Martin Stuart‐Fox. The Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang: rise and Decline.

This article examines some of the justifications that have been proffered as to why "we" should sacrifice in the name of common humanity. The first section examines the views of two leading thinkers who reject the statist paradigm, Bhikhu Parekh and Michael Walzer. Focusing on Parekh's and Walzer's conception of the state as a moral agent, and their conviction that states should engage in humanitarian intervention, the article argues that the problematic nature of the state as a moral agent is posed most starkly in relation to military humanitarian intervention. The theme of the second section is the critique of foundationalist claims to moral knowledge. Non-foundationalists emphasize the contingent nature of human solidarity, and this article focuses on the work of Richard Rorty. He is very critical of the claim that it is possible to construct a non-foundationalist universalism, and this controvery is increasingly prominent in the discipline of international relations. The final part of the article analyzes the attempt by Richard Falk and Ken Booth to construct a non-foundationalist defence of ethical universalism. By focusing on both foundationalist and non-foundationalist theories of human solidarity, the article attempts to provide insights into the question of how far different metatheoretical positions lead to different views of moral agency.

Japan and China : Love, Hatred, and Geo-Strategy - Sino-Japanese relations bear the imprint of eighteen centuries of ambiguity, and the trauma of a devastating war. This impassioned context puis Tokyo on the defensive. In any hypothesis, China's development constitutes a threat to Japan, which stands by helpless. Likewise, Japan's options are few compared with China's military might. A patient three-pronged strategy (some form of contain-ment, tying China into multilateral networks, and confidence-building) seems the most appropriate over time. But the time factor may turn out to be crucial, given the volatility of the situation in China. ; Dix-huit siècles de rapports ambigus et le traumatisme d'une guerre dévastatrice ont marqué les relations sino-japonaises, dont le contexte passionnel place Tokyo sur la défensive. Le développement de la Chine, dans toutes les hypothèses, constitue une menace pour le Japon, qui n'a guère de prise sur cette évolution. De même, il est assez désarmé face aux diverses options militaires dont la Chine dispose. Une stratégie patiente à trois axes -- esquisser un containment, prendre Pékin dans le filet des organisations internationales et bâtir la confiance -- semble la plus appropriée à terme. Mais le facteur temps peut s'avérer crucial, compte tenu de la volatilité de la situation en Chine.

Japan and China : Love, Hatred, and Geo-Strategy - Sino-Japanese relations bear the imprint of eighteen centuries of ambiguity, and the trauma of a devastating war. This impassioned context puis Tokyo on the defensive. In any hypothesis, China's development constitutes a threat to Japan, which stands by helpless. Likewise, Japan's options are few compared with China's military might. A patient three-pronged strategy (some form of contain-ment, tying China into multilateral networks, and confidence-building) seems the most appropriate over time. But the time factor may turn out to be crucial, given the volatility of the situation in China. ; Dix-huit siècles de rapports ambigus et le traumatisme d'une guerre dévastatrice ont marqué les relations sino-japonaises, dont le contexte passionnel place Tokyo sur la défensive. Le développement de la Chine, dans toutes les hypothèses, constitue une menace pour le Japon, qui n'a guère de prise sur cette évolution. De même, il est assez désarmé face aux diverses options militaires dont la Chine dispose. Une stratégie patiente à trois axes -- esquisser un containment, prendre Pékin dans le filet des organisations internationales et bâtir la confiance -- semble la plus appropriée à terme. Mais le facteur temps peut s'avérer crucial, compte tenu de la volatilité de la situation en Chine.

An assessment of the political & social problems that confront Mikhail Gorbachev's efforts to reform the USSR. Three factors contribute to a potential for change: the emergence of a new generation of leaders, the ongoing change in US-USSR foreign relations, & the growing readiness of both sides to accept arms control. The economic system in the USSR is still Stalinist, & there is no sign that Soviet leaders intend to change it; they intend simply to make it work better through increased social discipline, new leadership, policy changes, & organizational change. These are not fundamental enough changes to resolve the economic crisis, & such changes may not be achievable. Gorbachev's foreign policy is one of retrenchment & of readiness to take advantage of the US's problems. The USSR's most important change in foreign & military policy is the emergence of a concept of common security with the US & movement away from the attempt to gain separate security through overwhelming power. These changes create a new opportunity for US-USSR relations. In Lewis Coser Comments, Lewis Coser largely agrees with Bialer, & emphasizes that the changes now occurring are not just cosmetic. At the same time, real structural change will not have occurred until new power centers emerge that can compel policy changes from the ruling apparatus. W. H. Stoddard

The capitulation of China to the Western powers' military, commercial, and diplomatic offensive by 1860 removed the immediate formal façade of resistance to improved Sino-western relations which the West had sought. Not so easily removed were the endemic institutional and cultural obstacles to China's understanding and effective handling of foreign affairs which accompanied these expanded relations. Increased involvement with the West, both at the capital and in the provinces, generated more complex problems and renewed suspicion which made a practical knowledge of the Western powers and their behavior all the more urgent. Yet in a society which had consistently underestimated and depreciated the importance of the West, the requisite knowledge of the Western world did not lie readily at hand, and specialists in foreign affairs were few. This article examines the career of one foreign affairs expert in this critical period. Its purpose is twofold: First, to illuminate the origins and quality of 'foreign affairs' expertise in China, broadly defined here as the understanding and dealing with the West (including the knowledge of foreign activities and policies in China, of characteristics of, and distinctions among, foreigners and foreign nations, and policies with respect to foreigners); and second (and closely related to the first), to examine the role and significance of the specialist in Chinese society.

Amer's of diff interests & diff ideological persuasions have consistently idealized elements of China. Creating their own mythical Chinas, they have uniformly been disappointed by events. Now that R. Nixon has made a new opening toward improving relations with Peking, it is important for the Amer public to have a realistic understanding of why Peking & Washington at this point in time find it advantageous for their separate nat'l interests to seek a degree of mutual accommodation. Analysis of the Shanghai communique reveals the skillful manner in which Chou En-lai was able to put aside the Taiwan issue as he leads a post-Cultural Revolutionary China in search of greater internat'l security, particularly from a major Soviet military threat. The prime cause of change has been the emergence of a new & complex balance in Asia involving quite incommensurate powers. The key relationship is likely to be the Sino-Soviet confrontation because it is uncertain how the USSR will react to the growth of Chinese power, esp nuclear. Ultimately Amer policy will depend on the att's & sentiments of the Amer people about China; & hopefully the Amer public has been exposed to pierce through new attempts at myth-making & help to place US-China relations on a solidly realistic basis. Modified HA.

In May 1927 Sir Austen Chamberlain precipitated the first great international crisis of the post-Locarno period by denouncing the Anglo-Soviet trade agreement and severing Britain's diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. Although Germany was not directly involved, the dispute nevertheless was to have a profoundly disturbing effect on German-Soviet relations. By raising the possibility of a wide-ranging diplomatic, economic, and perhaps even military confrontation between London and Moscow, it strained Germany's diplomatic system, which rested on the Locarno Pact (1925) and the Treaty of Berlin (1926). Thus it posed some fundamental questions for the German Foreign Ministry: Were the policies associated with those agreements compatible with each other only in fair weather? Did Germany have the freedom to remain neutral if the dispute should deepen? In short, was it still realistic to believe that Germany could maintain equally intimate ties with London and Moscow? Because Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann had previously denned a balancing role as the sine qua non of Germany's international revival, the imbroglio soon led to a great debate in the Wilhelmstrasse. The issue on which it turned was, as a leading participant observed, "whether Germany's ties with Russia are worth enough to our present and future political interests so that it pays to assume the political expenses and risks involved in maintaining them."

One of the deep mysteries which confronts the present Christian Church is the association of the Russian Orthodox Church with the Soviet regime. Much research has been done in recent years in the interest of discovering how a part of the Christian Church can have such intimate associations with a force which seemingly is in contradiction with Christian principles. Many questions are being asked about the church and its role in Soviet society. What is the clrnrch's relationship to the state? What part will the church play in the future of Russia? What would the Russian Orthodox Church do in the event of an East-West military conflict? These are just a few questions which haunt the mind of the Western observer as he views the Soviet regime and the Orthodox Church from outside the Iron Curtain. In this paper we shall address ourselves to the problem of the peculiar character of church-state relations in Russian history, so that we may better understand the role of the Orthodox Church in contemporary Russian society. There has been a definite, observable position in church-state relations in the history of Russia. In order to see this relationship and its effect upon contemporary Russia, we must briefly sketch certain periods of Russian history which the writer feels are the formative periods, and the periods of testing in this relationship.