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Increasing global competition creates threats for Russia and Europe to remain independent centres of power. However, they could strengthen their standing through deepen cooperation with each other. Throughout the last two decades serious and repeating but unsuccessful attempts were made for such cooperation. The article examines both prerequisites and obstacles to the preferential partnership between Russia and Europe. ; В условиях обостряющейся глобальной конкуренции возрастают угрозы сохранения России и Европы в качестве самостоятельных политических центров силы. Они могут укрепить свои позиции путем углубленной кооперации на мировой арене. В течение последних двух десятилетий предпринимались неоднократные безуспешные попытки подобного сближения. В статье оцениваются предпосылки и препятствия на пути развития преференционального сотрудничества России и Европы.

Computing, electronics and internet provides the free and fast flow of information across the globe. In a way, modern society depends on these autonomous control systems. However, this technological innovation requires a price to be paid: investment in cyber security of people, data, information and infrastructure. Some countries have already absorbed the issue as a matter of state and institutionalized government structures to take care exclusively of it. This paper presents some relevant points of the International Strategy for Cyberspace of the United States, besides the positioning of Russia and India on the subject. It then presents an overview of the Brazilian situation, from the the National Defense Strategy, a document that introduces the responsibility of protecting Brazilian cyberspace. It shows the arrangement, in the federal government hierarchy, of the various national agencies and organizations responsible for conducting intelligence activities necessary for the national security of Brazil. Finally, it provides an overview of the IT infrastructure existing in Brazil, especially in the federal public administration.

The Russian economy and its modern transformations are of great interest to French researchers. The economic history of Russia has become the subject of analysis of the book by J. Vercueil "Political economy of Russia: 1918—2018". In it, from the standpoint of modern French regulationism (a type of institutionalism ), questions of economic reforms in Russia and their evolution over the past 30 years are considered. The article analyzes three basic concepts of the French author, defining the modern Russian economic system: (1) "Russian disease" as a kind of Dutch disease; (2) rental mode of accumulation; (3) the "Gazprom" way of regulating the economy. In addition, the originality of the use of the term "political economy" is considered with reference to a specific country; Vercueil's interpretation of the theory of "economics of shortage" by J. Kornai; the mechanism for resolving the problem of arrears in a transition economy, as well as the issues of classification and periodization of economic reforms, their pace and content. The role and place of economic advisers and the IMF in the course of Gaidar reforms are discussed. The article gives a critical analysis of the propositions and hypotheses put forward by the author.

The perpetuation of the feat of the Soviet people during the Great Patriotic War through monuments, museum displays, and artistic texts has been going on for three-quarters of a century now. Perpetuation strategies at various stages have been determined by official interpretations of events, processes, and commemorative practices. Referring to the analysis of the situation in Krasnodar Krai, this article reconstructs the initial stage of war commemoration and the mechanisms of historical memory production that were formed synchronously with the events of 1941–1945. The sources for the reconstruction are various documents of central and local Soviet bodies and the Communist party, creative unions, cultural institutions, periodicals, memoirs, and artistic texts. The main directions of the war commemoration were the combination of all-Union recommendations as well as regional peculiarities. The work was developed mainly after the liberation of the region in 1943. Military and labour exploits of the Kuban population were actualised. The merits of the Cossack formations were specially highlighted, while information about the facts of collaboration was minimised. Resistance to fascism during the occupation of Kuban was represented by the partisan theme. The main print source of the partisan movement in the region was the books by P. K. Ignatov, commander of the partisan detachment, that were promptly published and replicated in the USSR and abroad. The exploits of his dead sons, Heroes of the Soviet Union, became a classic example. Memorial spaces, a system for recording military monuments were formed. The artistic chronicle of the war was created as a set of victorious stories. The theme of the ongoing war was added to the repertoire of professional and amateur art groups, as well as exhibitions of local museums. The calendar of holiday dates included anniversaries of the liberation of territories from the Nazis. The memory of the war was reflected in the local toponyms.

Public debate about energy relations between the EU and Russia is distorted. These distortions present considerable obstacles to the development of true partnership. At the core of the conflict is a struggle for resource rents between energy producing, energy consuming and transit countries. Supposed secondary aspects, however, are also of great importance. They comprise of geopolitics, market access, economic development and state sovereignty. The European Union, having engaged in energy market liberalisation, faces a widening gap between declining domestic resources and continuously growing energy demand. Diverse interests inside the EU prevent the definition of a coherent and respected energy policy. Russia, for its part, is no longer willing to subsidise its neighbouring economies by cheap energy exports. The Russian government engages in assertive policies pursuing Russian interests. In so far, it opts for a different globalisation approach, refusing the role of mere energy exporter. In view of the intensifying struggle for global resources, Russia, with its large energy potential, appears to be a very favourable option for European energy supplies, if not the best one. However, several outcomes of the strategic game between the two partners can be imagined. Engaging in non-cooperative strategies will in the end leave all stakeholders worse-off. The European Union should therefore concentrate on securing its partnership with Russia instead of damaging it. Stable cooperation would need the acceptance that the partner may pursue his own goals, which might be different from one's own interests. The question is, how can a sustainable compromise be found? This thesis finds that a mix of continued dialogue, a tit for tat approach bolstered by an international institutional framework and increased integration efforts appears as a preferable solution. ; Die öffentliche Debatte über die Energiebeziehungen Russlands und der EU ist verzerrt. Diese Verzerrungen verhindern die Entwicklung einer wirklichen Energiepartnerschaft. Kern des Konflikts ist ein Kampf um Rohstoffrenten zwischen Energie produzierenden, Energie konsumierenden und Transitstaaten. Dabei sind scheinbar nebensächliche Aspekte wie geopolitische Überlegungen, Marktzutrittsbedingungen, wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und staatliche Souveränität, die kaum Beachtung finden, von umso größerer Bedeutung. Die EU, die ihre Energiemärkte liberalisiert, sieht sich einer wachsenden Lücke zwischen abnehmenden eigenen Ressourcen und stetig steigender Energienachfrage gegenüber. Vielfältige Interessen innerhalb der Union verhindern die Definition einer kohärenten und allgemein akzeptierten Energiepolitik. Russland seinerseits ist nicht länger gewillt, die Volkswirtschaften seiner Nachbarstaaten mit billigen Energieexporten zu subventionieren. Die russische Regierung verfolgt russische Interessen, und tut dies durchaus mit Nachdruck. Insofern, als dass sie für Russland selbst mehr als die Rolle eines bloßen Energieexporteurs wünscht, verfolgt sie auch eine eigene Herangehensweise an die Globalisierung. Vor dem Hintergrund des zunehmenden globalen Wettstreits um Ressourcen erscheint Russland mit seinem großen Energiepotential als sehr vorteilhafte, wenn nicht sogar die beste Option für die europäische Energieversorgung. In einem solchen strategischen Spiel der beiden Partner sind grundsätzlich verschiedene Ergebnisse vorstellbar. Wählen beide nichtkooperative Strategien, so verlieren letztlich alle Beteiligten. Die EU sollte sich deshalb darauf konzentrieren, ihre Partnerschaft mit Russland zu intensivieren, anstatt sie zu beschädigen. Eine verlässliche Kooperation setzt dabei die Akzeptanz voraus, dass der Partner seine eigenen Ziele verfolgt, die durchaus verschieden von EU-Interessen sein können. Die Frage ist, wie ein dauerhaft tragfähiger Kompromiss gefunden werden kann. Diese Arbeit argumentiert im Sinne einer Kombination aus fortgeführtem Dialog, einer tit-for-tat Strategie, die von einem internationalen institutionellen Rahmenwerk begleitet wird sowie verstärkten Integrationsbemühungen.