Suchergebnisse

The authors submit to a detailed analysis the historical milestones of the origin and formation of the institution of departmental procedural control in criminal proceedings in Russia. Taking the generally accepted classification as the basis for constructing a preliminary investigation and highlighting seven periods of the formation of the institution of departmental procedural control, the principles for establishing a particular institutional model of a concrete historical period are reflected. As the main method in the process of writing this article, the general systemic method of cognition was used, which made it possible to comprehensively consider and analyze the process of origin and formation of the institution of departmental procedural control in pre-trial criminal proceedings in Russia. In addition, the authors argue that the institution of departmental procedural control of judicial control in the Russian Federation is quite young and its mechanisms need in-depth study. It is concluded that, through the analysis of statistical data, law enforcement practice, as well as the opinions and developments of scientists-processes, made it possible to identify the optimal ways to solve existing problems and directions for improving criminal procedure legislation.

Purpose: Based on the analysis of legal acts and work of other researchers, a historical and legal analysis of the security measures organization was done for trading ports of the Black Sea region of Russia in the 19th and early 20th centuries in this paper. Methodology: This study was based on a dialectical approach to studying the legal phenomena and processes by using general scientific (system, logical, analysis and synthesis) and private scientific methods. Result: The following main components of the legal organization of security measures that are complex in nature: quarantine service; customs; pilot organizations; and port controls. The quarantine and customs authorities included quarantine and, accordingly, border guards. The tasks faced by these bodies were of anti-epidemiological measures nature, i.e. the prevention and detection of offenses with an economic, social and political persuasion. Applications: This research can be used for businessmen and students in economy. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of sales ports safety measures in the black sea region of Russia in the 19th and early 20th centuries is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.

Introduction: Russia's Cultural Statecraft -- Higher Education as a Tool for Cultural Statecraft? -- Fine Arts and International Relations: Russian Museum Diplomacy -- Forging Common History: Russia's Cultural Statecraft and the Soviet Second World War Monuments in Europe -- 'Russian literature will fix everything': The Read Russia Project and Cultural Statecraft -- The Future State: Russian Cinema and Neoliberal Cultural Statecraft -- Soviet Legacies and Global Contexts: Classical Music and Russia's Cultural Statecraft -- Stagecraft in the Service of Statecraft? Russia in the Eurovision Song Contest -- International Events in the Service of Cultural Statecraft: The Sochi Olympics and the World Festival of Youth and Students -- Sport as Cultural Statecraft: Russia and the Kontinental Hockey League -- In Search of Past Glory: Russia's Cultural Statecraft in the Age of Decline.

Abstract
Scholars of middle powers have been trying to solve its definitional issues and some progress has been made in the systemic approach. This article shows that further advancement may be gained by employing neoclassical realism in studying middle powers' foreign policy behaviour. This done by analysing Poland's policy towards Russia in 2005–2007. It is widely accepted in academic literature that Poland in 2005–2007, during the rule of the Law and Justice Party, pursued a confrontational policy towards Russia. However, this article challenges such widespread views. It demonstrates that Poland's policy towards Russia was actually simultaneously based on balancing and engagement. Using a neoclassical realist framework and data gathered from interviews with Poland's main foreign policymakers at that time, this article shows that the balancing was caused by the power asymmetry and differing interests between Russia and Poland, whereas the engagement – by the Polish policymakers' attempts to influence Russia's intentions towards Poland and by their perceived situation in the European balance of power.

Scholars of middle powers have been trying to solve its definitional issues and some progress has been made in the systemic approach. This article shows that further advancement may be gained by employing neoclassical realism in studying middle powers' foreign policy behaviour. This done by analysing Poland's policy to-wards Russia in 2005–2007. It is widely accepted in academic literature that Poland in 2005–2007, during the rule of the Law and Justice Party, pursued a confrontational policy towards Russia. However, this article challenges such widespread views. It demonstrates that Poland's policy towards Russia was actually simultaneously based on balancing and engagement. Using a neoclassical realist framework and data gathered from interviews with Poland's main foreign policymakers at that time, this article shows that the balancing was caused by the power asymmetry and differing interests between Russia and Poland, whereas the engagement – by the Polish policymakers' attempts to influence Russia's intentions towards Poland and by their perceived situation in the European balance of power.

Scholars of middle powers have been trying to solve its definitional issues and some progress has been made in the systemic approach. This article shows that further advancement may be gained by employing neoclassical realism in studying middle powers' foreign policy behaviour. This done by analysing Poland's policy to-wards Russia in 2005–2007. It is widely accepted in academic literature that Poland in 2005–2007, during the rule of the Law and Justice Party, pursued a confrontational policy towards Russia. However, this article challenges such widespread views. It demonstrates that Poland's policy towards Russia was actually simultaneously based on balancing and engagement. Using a neoclassical realist framework and data gathered from interviews with Poland's main foreign policymakers at that time, this article shows that the balancing was caused by the power asymmetry and differing interests between Russia and Poland, whereas the engagement – by the Polish policymakers' attempts to influence Russia's intentions towards Poland and by their perceived situation in the European balance of power.

Scholars of middle powers have been trying to solve its definitional issues and some progress has been made in the systemic approach. This article shows that further advancement may be gained by employing neoclassical realism in studying middle powers' foreign policy behaviour. This done by analysing Poland's policy to-wards Russia in 2005–2007. It is widely accepted in academic literature that Poland in 2005–2007, during the rule of the Law and Justice Party, pursued a confrontational policy towards Russia. However, this article challenges such widespread views. It demonstrates that Poland's policy towards Russia was actually simultaneously based on balancing and engagement. Using a neoclassical realist framework and data gathered from interviews with Poland's main foreign policymakers at that time, this article shows that the balancing was caused by the power asymmetry and differing interests between Russia and Poland, whereas the engagement – by the Polish policymakers' attempts to influence Russia's intentions towards Poland and by their perceived situation in the European balance of power.

This paper looks at Vladimir Putin's public statements and articles devoted specially to historical issues which were published in 2019 through 2021 (with reference to the first such article published in 2009). The Russian President's statements and extended texts on history are scrutinized in this paper as political messages having a certain target audience and political goals. The analysis has revealed a rapid evolution of Putin's approach to relations with the West in 2019-2021, from attempts to reanimate the dialogue to a sharp confrontation. It has also proved the hypothesis that Putin's views on history serve not so much as the basis for his political decisions as instruments of their legitimization for society and opponents.