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Recent social policy debates have revolved around different typologies of the welfare states. Although these typologies portray large historical trends, empirical tests of the exist ence of the welfare state models are often based on cross-sectional inspections. For several reasons, cross-sectional analyses may give biased results. The present paper assesses longitudinal patterns in social policy forma tion in Finland, Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, each representing a different variant of social policy models. In particular, the paper deals with historical trends and present problems of the Scandinavian model of social policy. The historical review studies whether the Nordic countries ever shared a common social policy pattern. The examin ation of the present-day challenges discusses whether current policy responses make these countries more similar to other countries.

This paper ail11s at l11easuring the total factor productivity (TFP) of the European agricultural finns. With a Translog index, an interspatial comparison of tIle twelve European countries and intertel11poral productivity variations are computed to l11easure the different rate of TFP (Translog, Fisher and Hulten indexes) in the European firms. The approach that we use is to calculate non parametric indexex of total factor productivity which allow flexible l110delling of underlying technology and easy calculation from the account data of the firms. The implication of the quasi-fix family work factor for the short mn and long mn equilibrium of the firms differ between countries and has consequences on the TFP path. The final cornments offer some explanation according with theory available.

Humans have increased the discharge of pollution, altered water flow regime and modified the morphology of rivers. All these actions have resulted in multiple pressures on freshwater ecosystems, undermining their biodiversity and ecological functioning. The European Union has adopted an ambitious water policy to reduce pressures and achieve a good ecological status for all water bodies. However, assessing multiple pressures on aquatic ecosystems and understanding their combined impact on the ecological status is challenging, especially at the large scale, though crucial to the planning of effective policies. Here, for the first time, we quantify multiple human pressures and their relationship with the ecological status for all European rivers. We considered ecological data collected across Europe and pressures assessed by pan-European models, including pollution, hydrological and hydromorphological alterations. We estimated that in one third of EU's territory rivers are in good ecological status. We found that better ecological status is associated with the presence of natural areas in floodplains, while urbanisation and nutrient pollution are important predictors of ecological degradation. We explored scenarios of improvement of rivers ecological status for Europe. Our results strengthen the need to halt urban land take, curb nitrogen pollution and maintain and restore nature along rivers.

In an empirical in-depth evaluation of European policy making and policy outcome the thesis aims at a better understanding of the impact the enlargement of 2004 and 2007 had on the European policy-making process an its outcome. It is centred around the question, how the political system of the EU changed after the accession of the new Member States. In terms of the EU s self chosen slogan 'United in Diversity', the thesis asks, in which direction the EU gravitated after the enlargement was accomplished: Towards more unity or more diversity? In order to shed some light on this question, the thesis evolves around the hypothesis that the accession of the new Member States to the EU resulted in a shift of established policy-making patterns: Regarding the high quantity of the new political actors, the enlargement may have had enough weight to trigger quick change in the European political system, by altering the existing balance between the advocacy coalitions on a given policy field.

This title stematically analyses and discusses the Chinese government's'One Belt, One Road' initiative to promote infrastructure investment and economic development, bringing together a diverse range of scholars from China, Russia, and Eastern Europe. The book assembles a package of next generation ideas for the patterns of regional trade, investment, infrastructure development, or next steps for the promotion of enhanced policy coordination across the Eurasian continent and strategic implications for EU, Russia and other major powers, introducing innovative ideas about what these countries across belt and road can do together in the eyes of the young generation. This book will be of interest to scholars, economists, and interested observers of the international impact of Chinese development.

OVER A 20 YEAR PERIOD THE NATURE OF THE WATER POLICY PROCESS IN ENGLAND AND WALES HAS CHANGED QUITE RADICALLY. CONTRASTING AND CONTRADICTORY IMAGES OF THE POLICY PROCESS CAN BE CONSTRUCTED, REFLECTING THE EPISODIC NATURE OF THE POLICY PROCESS. HOWEVER, SOME LONG-TERM TRENDS ARE DISCERNIBLE. POLICY NETWORKS CONCEPTS (PARTICULARLY POLICY COMMUNITIES) HAVE BEEN HELPFUL IN UNDERSTANDING SOME OF THESE CHANGES, BUT THE MODEL HAS SIGNIFICANT LIMITATIONS IN ACCOUNTING FOR SECTOR-LEVEL POLICY CHANGE. MOREOVER, INSTITUTIONAL REFORM AND INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES HAVE PROVED TO BE IMPORTANT IN CREATING BOTH CONSTRAINTS AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR DIFFERENT POLICY ACTORS. IN GENERAL, THE SECTOR HAS BECOME MORE OPEN, MORE CONFLICTUAL, AND A WIDER RANGE OF INTERESTS, CONCERNS, AND IDEAS HAVE BEEN DRAWN INTO THE POLICY PROCESS. ALL OF THESE CHANGES HAVE TAKEN PLACE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE INCREASING EUROPEANISATION OF POLICY-MAKING -ITSELF THE BIGGEST CHALLENGES TO CONVENTIONAL ANALYSIS OF BRITISH POLICY-MAKING.

Looks at the status of accession negotiations that define areas in which adaptation to acquis standards will continue after entry into the EU. The critical importance of being able to meet the negotiations timetable is discussed, along with the impact on negotiations of the state of the Polish economy, & the need to achieve domestic consensus on the negotiated agreements. Specific areas of negotiation examined include fisheries, transport policy, company law, taxes, competition policy, justice/home affairs, & agriculture. It is noted that the Polish government will soon produce an outline of its negotiating strategy that is aimed at spurring on progress in the negotiations, & streamlining the coordination of the negotiating processes. Coordination is a joint responsibility of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs & the Office of the Committee for European Integration, while the oversight of legislation & institutional reforms is the responsibility of the foreign minister. J. Lindroth

Annual Conference and 11th. Research Conference, 'Exchanging Ideas on Europe 2006 - Visions of Europe: Key Problems, New Trajectories', 36, Limerick (Ireland), 2006. ; There has been a lively debate among scholars about the feasibility and desirability of fiscal federalism in the European Union (EU). The paper addresses the question of whether 'conventional fiscal federalism' is feasible in the EU, considering the distinctiveness of European integration and the political-economic template of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). It is an attempt to bridge the gap between economics and political science by adding the political conditions that might create difficulties to economics' rationale. The paper highlights how fiscal federalism is a multi-faceted concept embracing both a centralisation and a decentralisation outcome. Borrowing the Musgravian classification of allocation-equity-stabilisation, the EU is examined as far as redistribution is concerned. The aim is to conclude whether centralisation or decentralisation is the prevailing outcome. For that purpose, the EU is compared with five mature federations on two issues: the depth of regional asymmetries; and the extent to which regional inequalities are redressed through redistribution. Considering that in the EU: i) the current distribution of fiscal competences is favourable to member states; ii) decentralisation is the outcome for the redistribution function; iii) despite monetary policy is the main tool for macroeconomic stabilisation, and this is a policy arena where centralisation prevails; iv) the diminished scope for inter-state solidarity averts more centralisation in redistribution; and v) national governments' absent political willingness to increase the EU budget; all this suggests that centralised, 'conventional fiscal federalism' is ruled out as a feasible solution for the EU. Notwithstanding this doesn't imply that fiscal federalism is absent from the EU. A distinct, decentralised modality of fiscal federalism already exists, coping with the 'sui generis' nature of European integration.