Ein anderes Amerika?
In: Neue Gesellschaft, Frankfurter Hefte: NG, FH. [Deutsche Ausgabe], Band 64, Heft 1-2, S. 26-57
ISSN: 0177-6738
Merkel, W.: Trump, die Rechtspopulisten und die Demokratie. - S. 26-31
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In: Neue Gesellschaft, Frankfurter Hefte: NG, FH. [Deutsche Ausgabe], Band 64, Heft 1-2, S. 26-57
ISSN: 0177-6738
Merkel, W.: Trump, die Rechtspopulisten und die Demokratie. - S. 26-31
World Affairs Online
El presente artículo tiene como objetivo explorar el rolde las élites políticas en América Latina y su relacióncon el fenómeno de la corrupción. La corrupción seanaliza como un factor que influencia el reclutamientoy la movilidad política de las élites políticas, proporcionandoun marco de referencia en el ejercicio del poderpolítico en América Latina. Se describe cómo la corrupciónjuega un papel importante en las relacionespolíticas basadas en padrinazgo, compadrazgo, nepotismo,amiguismo y clientelismo, a partir de algunoscasos de Perú, México, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Argentina,Colombia y Brasil en las últimas cuatro décadas.Finalmente, se incluyen algunos comentarios generalesque indican cómo la presencia de la corrupción en laregión está contribuyendo a ampliar el distanciamientoentre los intereses de las élites políticas y los ciudadanos,incrementando las desigualdades sociales. ; This paper aims to explore the role of Latin Americanpolitical elites and their relation to the phenomenon ofcorruption. The corruption is analysed in this text as a factor that influences the recruitment and mobilityof the political elites, providing a benchmark in theexercise of political power in Latin American. This articlefocused on describing how the corruption playsan important role in political relations based on fatherhood,godparenting, nepotism, cronynism, and clientelism,taking some cases in Perú, México, Nicaragua,Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia & Brazil in the lastfour decades. Finally, the text offers some general comments,which indicates how the presence of the corruptionin the region is contributing to widen the gap onthe interests between political elites and citizens, increasingsocial inequalities. ; Este artigo tem como objetivo explorar o papel daselites políticas na América Latina e sua relação com ofenômeno da corrupção. A corrupção é analisada nestetexto como um fator que influencia recrutamento emobilidade política das elites políticas, fornecendo umquadro para o exercício do poder político na AméricaLatina. Este artigo se concentra em descrever como acorrupção desempenha um papel importante nas relaçõespolíticas com base no clientelismo, favoritismo,nepotismo, amizade e mecenato, tendo alguns casos,no Peru, México, Nicarágua, Guatemala, Argentina,Colômbia e Brasil, nas ultimas quatro décadas. Finalmente,o texto prevê alguns comentários gerais queindicam como a presença de corrupção na região estáa contribuir para expandir o espaco vazio entre os interessesdas elites políticas e os cidadãos, aumentandoas desigualdades sociais.
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In: TRaNS
Abstract Admirers of ASEAN are impressed with the fact that it continues to exist and that an outright war has never broken out between its members. Also often praised is the value to the region of promoting cooperation through the consensual process known as the 'ASEAN Way'. If ASEAN is a talk shop, these observers say, talking is at least better than fighting. ASEAN's increasingly numerous and vocal critics reply that by valuing process more than product, consensus over accomplishment, the organization is failing to respond to urgent real-world challenges in Asia. Not least among such challenges is Chinese expansion in the South China Sea (SCS) and the stated intention of incoming US president Donald Trump to pull his country out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Only four ASEAN members have claims in the SCS and only four are in the TPP, but the sea's and the treaty's futures matter for the rest of the region as well. The fact of Chinese advancement and the risk of American disengagement are endangering the autonomy and relevance of ASEAN, not to mention the repercussions of Sino-American escalation. Already weakened by internal dissensus, the group's ability to negotiate as a group with China on maritime security has been blocked by Beijing's insistence on bilateral talks. Chinese material largesse has coopted Cambodia into vetoing any ASEAN agreement to restrain, moderate, or even question China's designs on the heartwater of Southeast Asia. The ASEAN Way is being used against ASEAN itself. Heightened uncertainty as to America's future role in and commitment to the region further heightens security concern. In its 50 th anniversary year, Southeast Asians would do well to think outside the increasingly marginalised, internally divided, and procedurally restricted box that ASEAN has become. Three ideas already in circulation illustrate the kind of creativity that ASEAN will need if it is to sustain its acknowledged historical success in fashioning an independent political and economic identity for Southeast Asia.
In: (2017). Suma de Negocios, 8(18), 140-149
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This study raises many questions and issues on Palestinians living in the diaspora through focusing on the segment of Palestinian Christians. This study discusses major issues on the level of migrations, diaspora, identity and networks; four interrelated concepts that could not be examined or understood in isolation from each other. The majority of Palestinian migrations started as forced emigrations for political or economic reasons before becoming transnationa lmigrations. This shift was accompanied by another shift in the legal statuses of this transient segment of Palestinians who obtained new nationalities.As a result of the adoption of migrants' absorption policies by countries of diaspora, migrants have preserved their identities, which ranged from religious, to familial, to nationalist and to Palestinian. The establishment of village and city clubs, Arab churches and family divans (Diwans) among others have connected migrants to one another and also connected the diaspora to the homeland .Ranging from social, to economic, to charitable, transnational networks have affirmed emigrants' relations with their country of origin as a main element. However, the proportion of Palestinian emigrants could cross borders to their country of origin is small. This is confirm the fact that Palestinians abroad constitute a real diaspora .Palestinians have gone through different experiences of migration and diaspora in neighboring Arab countries and remote foreign (non-Arab) countries; the concept of Diaspora has been redefined in a manner that fits the Palestinian case. The study presents different geographic patterns of Palestinian families in the diaspora. ; Cette étude soulève de nombreuses questions sur les Palestiniens vivant au sein de la diaspora en se concentrant sur les Palestiniens Chrétiens. Elle traite de sujets majeurs concernant les migrations, la diaspora, l'identité et les réseaux ; quatre concepts interdépendants mais qui ne peuvent être analysés de façon isolée les uns des autres. La majorité des ...
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In: Food Policy, Band 71
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At the end of the 19th century a process of change in the understanding of the legal system as a complex hierarchical normative began, in which all law-producing entities (beginning with the legislative branch) were subordinated to the Constitution. The transition from the Rule of Law to the Constitutional Rule of Law started. However, due to the total or partial inactivity (normative omission) of these entities, the development of Political Charters has not been harmonious.This, in turn, has led the Constitutional Courts to attempt to resolve this situation through constitutional control. This situation of control by normative omission is precisely the investigation of the present paper. ; A finales del siglo XIX se inició un proceso de cambio en el criterio de entender el sistema jurídico como un complejo normativo jerarquizado, en el cual todos los dispensadores jurídicos (empezando por el legislativo) se subordinarían a la Constitución y comenzó el tránsito del Estado de Derecho al Estado Constitucional de Derecho. Empero, debido a la inactividad total o parcial (omisión normativa) de los dispensadores jurídicos, el desarrollo de las Cartas Políticas no hasido armónico, lo cual se ha consolidado como una práctica recurrente que ha llevado a que los Tribunales Constitucionales deban asumir tal situación por medio del control constitucional, siendo precisamente esta situación de control por omisión normativa el objeto del presente escrito.
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Abstract Public Diplomacy as a part of soft power has been the main principle of Indonesia's diplomacy under President Yudhoyono. Due to the ineffectiveness of Track 1 Diplomacy, Government-to-Government (G2G) relations, in promoting the positive image of Indonesia, the role of public diplomacy becomes important. Thus, public diplomacy practice which involves all aspects of society; Government to Government (G2G), Government to People Contact (G2P), and People to People Contact (P2P), is relevant in order to promote Indonesia to American society and strengthening its bilateral relations as well. This research, therefore, is trying to discuss the role of public diplomacy in strengthening the RI-US bilateral relations and its benefits to Indonesia's foreign policy. The findings show that public diplomacy contributes in strengthening RI-US bilateral relations by the use of public diplomacy instruments such as cultural and educational exchanges, official visits and social media. Keywords: Soft Power, Public Diplomacy, RI-US Bilateral Relations.
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El término populismo como concepto para los Estudios Latinoamericanos ha sido tan frecuentemente utilizado como debatido en el campo de las ciencias sociales. En los últimos años, Ernesto Laclau ha desarrollado una teoría del populismo que atrajo la atención de diferentes investigadores. Este artículo propone un estudio de la recepción y las críticas que varios teóricos políticos latinoamericanos realizaron dentro del paradigma de la teoría política posfundacional ; The term Populism, as a concept, has been widely used and debated in the field of social sciences, especially in Latin American studies. In recent years, Ernesto Laclau developed a theory about populism that aroused the interest of different researchers around the Latin American region (and around the world too). This article proposes a study regarding critiques that Latin American theorists made of Laclau 's theory within the paradigm of post-foundational political theory ; Fil: Retamozo, Martín. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.
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In: Schriften des Simon-Dubnow-Instituts Band 27
In: Schriften des Simon-Dubnow-Instituts. Band 027
In: Schriften des Simon-Dubnow-Instituts Band 27
In: Journal of development economics, Band 127, S. 209-233
ISSN: 0304-3878
World Affairs Online
Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA) has become one of the most controversial policies in the United States economic history. Although FATCA aims at increasing the government's revenue, the policy has regrettable economic and social implications that threaten the state's future development. Precisely, the policy has direct and long-term implications on investors and investment processes. Therefore, the research examines the manner in which the government uses the policy to strengthen its operations. The study also explores the impacts of the FATCA on investment, policies, digital investment, the determination of the optimal structure of clients, investment psyche, and roles of mobile devices and the legality of the FATCA.
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