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This research addresses the questions on, among other things, criminal liability of political parties from the perspective of the Law on the Prevention and Eradication of Criminal Acts of Money Laundering and the models of criminal liability of political parties with respect to criminal acts of money laundering. The juridical-normative research method used shows that political parties have met the criteria as corporations, being groups of people or assets to which the corporate criminal liability system applies. The fault of a political party in criminal acts of money laundering can be viewed through the actions of its administrators being a systemically integral part of the party as they have been given the roles by the party for the benefit of the party. The first conclusion is that a political party can be held criminally liable for criminal acts of money laundering. Secondly, the models of criminal liability of a political party in criminal acts of money laundering comprise (1) the model of criminal liability under Law No. 8 of 2010 concerning the Prevention and Eradication of Criminal Acts of Money Laundering. (2) Administrative model guided by the principle of systematiche specialiteit and the method of economic analysis of law approach through the Political Party Law. (3) Restorative justice model in the form of dual track system. This model is the alternative companion to the penal justice system, namely the criminal model and administrative model.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 189-203) and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

AbstractThe short-lived Ukrainian armed volunteer movement and its interaction with electoral politics, in some regards did, and in other regards, did not fit patterns observed in research into irregular armed groups (IAGs). The brief life span of most Ukrainian IAGs as more or less independent actors, and their swift integration into Ukraine's regular forces during the years 2014–2015, were both unusual. They were also one of the reasons for the relatively low political impact of the IAGs as such - a repercussion that is in contrast to the partly impressive individual political careers of some IAG commanders in 2014–2019. There were various forms of interpenetration of parties with IAGs in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. Certain parties, political activists, and MPs took part in the creation and development of IAGs in 2014. Some – to that point, mostly minor - politicians became soldiers or commanders of IAGs. Subsequently, a number of IAG members transited into the party-political realm, either joining older parties or creating new political organizations.

Research on issue ownership is accelerating and so is its use in studies of voting and party behaviour. Yet we do not know how stable issue ownership is. Does it describe a solid, persistent association between a party and an issue in the eyes of the electorate, or does it describe a more fluid and fragile issue reputation of a party among the electorate? Theoretical and empirical work suggests both stability and variability in issue ownership. To get closer to an answer, this article presents and analyses unprecedented comprehensive data on issue ownership. The analysis identifies stability rather than change in issue ownership over time and similarity more than difference across countries, and therefore suggests that issue ownership is a general and long-term rather than a local and short-term phenomenon. The implications for how voters perceive parties are important.