This article examines factors that influence the stability of the Saudi political regime. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has faced serious threats that have had impacts on the country; however, none of them has threatened the survival of the Saudi royal family in the Kingdom. The Arab uprisings, the well-known Arab Spring, led to the collapse of political regimes in the Arab region surrounding Saudi Arabia, as in Egypt and Yemen. However, the Saudi political regime was able to overcome this wave of popular revolutions and changes. Thus, this study attempts to answer a major question: why is it difficult to topple the Saudi political regime? Whereas the country's oil wealth or external protection by great powers, Great Britain in the past, and currently the United States, are seen as main factors in the stability of the Saudi political regime, it is suggested here that the key factor that has helped the Saudi political regime successfully confront all internal and external threats rests on the influence of the religious Wahhabi concept, called "ta'at wali al-amr."
This article analyzes the links between religion, politics and colonial society, and explores the nature of these relations in the concrete practices of the members of the Santísimo Sacramento brotherhood of colonial Jujuy. We focus on the process of construction and legitimation of power, from a perspective that takes into account the interconnections between the sociopolitical and religious dimensions. ; El presente trabajo se propone analizar las relaciones entre religión, política y sociedad colonial, explorando la naturaleza de estos vínculos a partir de las prácticas concretas de los miembros de la cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento en el Jujuy colonial. Nos interesa, en particular, hacer foco en el proceso de construcción y legitimación del poder desde una perspectiva que contemple el entrelazamiento entre las dimensiones sociopolíticas y religiosas, propio de estas sociedades. ; O presente trabalho se propõe analisar as relações entre religião, política y sociedade colonial, explorando (pesquisando) a natureza destas ligações (vinculações) a partir das praticas concretas dos integrantes da cofraria do Santíssimo Sacramento no Jujuy colonial. Nós estamos interessados, em especial, fazer foco no processo de construção e legitimação do poder desde uma perspectiva que contemple este entrelaçamento entre as dimensões sociopolíticas e religiosas.
This article analyzes the links between religion, politics and colonial society, and explores the nature of these relations in the concrete practices of the members of the Santísimo Sacramento brotherhood of colonial Jujuy. We focus on the process of construction and legitimation of power, from a perspective that takes into account the interconnections between the sociopolitical and religious dimensions. ; El presente trabajo se propone analizar las relaciones entre religión, política y sociedad colonial, explorando la naturaleza de estos vínculos a partir de las prácticas concretas de los miembros de la cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento en el Jujuy colonial. Nos interesa, en particular, hacer foco en el proceso de construcción y legitimación del poder desde una perspectiva que contemple el entrelazamiento entre las dimensiones sociopolíticas y religiosas, propio de estas sociedades. ; O presente trabalho se propõe analisar as relações entre religião, política y sociedade colonial, explorando (pesquisando) a natureza destas ligações (vinculações) a partir das praticas concretas dos integrantes da cofraria do Santíssimo Sacramento no Jujuy colonial. Nós estamos interessados, em especial, fazer foco no processo de construção e legitimação do poder desde uma perspectiva que contemple este entrelaçamento entre as dimensões sociopolíticas e religiosas.
Popular media accounts have suggested there is a culture war raging between residents in red and blue states. Conversely, recent scholarship challenges that position and finds most Americans are not engaged in a culture war, but rather hold moderate positions on controversial social issues. Using public opinion data from the American National Election Study, we attempt to shed further light on the culture war debate. Our findings indicate that there are significant divisions between citizens who hold a literal interpretation of the Bible and those who do not. We conclude that a culture war does not rage between red and blue state residents as popular media accounts often portray; however, there is evidence of polarization within red and blue states with biblical beliefs at the center of this division.
chapter 1. Accessing the sacred through the five senses / Ori Z. Soltes -- chapter 2. Beauty and religion / Bryan S. Rennie -- chapter 3. The human figure in religious art / Diane Apostolos-Cappadona -- chapter 4. The communicative agency of religious architecture / Thomas Barrie -- chapter 5. Dance as religious studies / Angela Yarber -- chapter 6. The material religion of film / Sheila J. Nayar -- chapter 7. Music and sound as an entry point into religious studies / Jason C. Bivins -- chapter 8. Religion, evolving media, and distant suffering / Jolyon Mitchell, Joshua Ray -- chapter 9. Performing devotion as a mode of religious study / Jill Stevenson -- chapter 10. Photography and religion / Rachel McBride Lindsey -- chapter 11. Sacred place / Crispin Paine -- chapter 12. Relics and rituals / Diane Apostolos-Cappadona -- chapter 13. Objects of religious belief and practice / Leonard Norman Pimiano -- chapter 14. Beauty is the color og truth / Ronald Y. Nakasone -- chapter 15. Exhibiting the sacred / Rowena Loverance -- chapter 16. Exhibiting Christian art / Jennifer Sliwka -- chapter 17. Exhibiting outsider art / Jerry Cullum -- chapter 18. Reviewing the religious in art / Menachem Wecker.
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Im Fokus der Befragung standen das Interesse von Frauen an Politik im Allgemeinen und an speziellen Politikfeldern im Besonderen, die Erwartungen an Parteien und Politiker sowie die Bereitschaft sich politisch oder gesellschaftlich zu engagieren. Von besonderem Interesse war hierbei die Frage, inwieweit es bei den Einstellungen, Erfahrungen und Erwartungen innerhalb der Gruppe der Frauen Unterschiede gibt. Haben Akademikerinnen andere politische Interessen als Frauen mit niedriger formaler Bildung? Oder unterscheiden sich die Erwartungen, die Frauen in Westdeutschland an die Politik stellen, von den Erwartungen der Frauen in Ostdeutschland? Zudem sollte in Erfahrung gebracht werden, ob Frauen Politikerinnen anders wahrnehmen als Politiker. Gibt es Eigenschaften, die sie eher einem Politiker bzw. eher einer Politikerin zusprechen? Schließlich spielte das Thema Gleichberechtigung eine herausragende Rolle in der Befragung. Gemessen wurden die wahrgenommene Verwirklichung der Gleichberechtigung von Männern und Frauen in Deutschland im Allgemeinen sowie in ausgewählten Lebensbereichen.
Themen: Politikverständnis und politisches Interesse: Politikinteresse; besonders interessante politische Themen; Einstellung zu Eliten (Politik und Parteien); Gesprächshäufigkeit über politische und gesellschaftliche Themen mit verschiedenen Gruppen (Lebenspartner oder Familie, Freunde und Bekannte, in einer öffentlichen politischen Veranstaltung, Arbeitskollegen, Sport- und Hobbyverein, auf Facebook oder in anderren sozialen Netzwerken); politisches Informationsverhalten (Informieren bei fehlenden Kenntnissen über ein politisches Thema, intensives Nachdenken über politische Streitfragen, Auseinandersetzung mit verschiedenen Parteipositionen, Interesse an der Person des Amtsinhabers wichtiger politischer Ämter, eigene Verbesserungsvorschläge in Bezug auf die Lebensbedingungen am Wohnort); Einstellung zu Politikstilen: Meinung zum Umgang von Parteien und Politikern miteinander (sollten rücksichtsvoll miteinander umgehen, kann auch hart zur Sache gehen, solange es um Inhalte und nicht um Persönliches geht bzw. gelegentlich sind auch persönliche Angriffe auf Politiker anderer Parteien in Ordnung); politisches Diskussionsverhalten.
Politisches und gesellschaftliches Engagement: Ehrenamtliches Engagement; Bereitschaft zu ehrenamtlichem Engagement; Bereich des ehrenamtlichen Engagements; Wichtigkeit ausgewählter Kriterien im Hinblick auf das Ehrenamt; Hinderungsgründe für ehrenamtliches Engagement.
Politische Partizipation: Genutzte Möglichkeiten der politischen Einflussnahme bzw. Bereitschaft zur Nutzung dieser Möglichkeiten; Wahlbeteiligungsverhalten; persönliche Gründe für Nichtteilnahme an Wahlen.
Wahrnehmung von Frauen in der Politik: Charaktereigenschaften männlicher und weiblicher Politiker; Repräsentation von Interessen in der Politik (Frauen, Männer, Kinder und Jugendliche, Senioren, Eltern); wichtigste Sorgen im Hinblick auf die eigene Zukunft.
Wahrnehmung von Chancengleichheit und Gleichberechtigung: Einschätzung der Gleichberechtigung in verschiedenen Bereichen; besonders wichtige Bereiche der Gleichberechtigung; Wichtigkeit ausgewählter Interessen und Ziele zum Thema Gleichberechtigung.
Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter (gruppiert); Bildung; Berufstätigkeit; berufliche Stellung; Familienstand; Haushaltsgröße; Parteipräferenz; Anzahl der Personen im Haushalt ab 18 Jahren; Migrationshintergrund; Anzahl der Festnetznummern im Haushalt; Konfession; praktizierender angehöriger der eigenen Religion; Einkommen; Bundesland; Ortsgröße.
The intersection of law and religion is a growing area of study for academics working in both subject areas. This book draws together research on several collisions between the two arenas, including a study of religious clauses in the US constitution and the interplay between religion and law in Canada, Australia and South Africa. With an emphasis on common law traditions, this book will be essential reading for researchers and advanced students of law and religion
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Sociologists have long acknowledged the importance of religion for American politics, especially for two groups of people: (a) (white) conservative Protestants, who are increasingly affiliated with the religious right, and (b) progressives, who are more and more disaffiliated from organized religion. However, a comprehensive statement of the ways in which religion matters for politics, the context in which it matters and does not matter, and how this has changed over time is lacking. Recent reviews acknowledge that at best, the relationship between religion and politics in the United States is "not straightforward" ( Grzymala-Busse 2012 , p. 427). We contend that this is primarily a result of the fact that neither the sociology of religion nor political sociology adequately considers the role that inequality (especially race and class but also gender) play in religious affiliation (and nonaffiliation). As a result, both fields have neglected to systematically examine the ways in which class and race may shape the relationship between religion and politics in the United States. We thus argue that both fields would benefit from engagement with theories of complex inequality that take seriously the ways in which inequalities of race, class, and gender interact ( McCall 2001 ). In doing so, scholars also need to recognize that these structures of inequality are deeply intertwined with religious group membership—a theoretical argument that we call complex religion.
America's contentious relationship to Darwinism is often inadequately viewed as the product of religious reaction or educative failure. I argue that evolutionary biology has proven contentious in America because of the unique political context into which Darwin's ideas emerged. After the Civil War, evolution's content, and the predominately Northern scientists who supported it, became associated with the politics of radical Republicanism and racial egalitarianism. The Darwinian revision of the concept of racial variety made a polygenist conception of human origins untenable and discredited the structural inequalities implied by the rival "American School of Anthropology". Whereas before Darwin, natural history had formed an important part of the justification for slavery, after the publication of "The Origin of Species" in 1859, natural history became distasteful to the southern planters and slaveholders who had previously appealed to scientific authority. Because of the particular historical, social, and political context into which Darwinian evolution emerged in the United States, to believe or not to believe in evolution carried social and political connotations about ones fidelity to white supremacy, and called into question ones identity within the larger milieux of American political traditions and groups. Debates over evolution have been inextricably bound to a complex set of beliefs about race and political practices that have upheld white supremacy, sometimes called Southern nationalism, Southern civil religion, or ascriptive Americanism, which have operated to channel Southern understanding and treatment of evolution. The history of evolution in America teaches us how communities of identity use ideological beliefs to identify themselves as members of particular political and social groups, and how a constellation of mutually supporting ideas about the right to participate in the American polity and the nature of racial identity have shaped American reactions to science, religion, and society. Beliefs about racial identity and the constructed myths of Southern nationalism channeled white Southern reaction against evolutionary biology in ways that boosted the religious response to the scientific threat to white supremacy and increased the feeling that evolutionary biologists taught a dangerous, alien doctrine that was morally and socially subversive. The rejection of evolution by many Americans, especially in the South, has often been a way to signal and police social and political group boundaries. Because Darwinism had overthrown the scientific basis for polygeny, was supported by abolitionist New Englanders, and was charged with racially subversive undertones, while also challenging the conservative, Christian justifications for white supremacy, white Southerners reacted against evolution as a scientific doctrine, and in so doing they signaled support for the prevailing racial order and acted in solidarity to create the social and political ideology that sustained the Solid South
The Encyclopedia of Religion and War explores the complex relationship between religion and war including religion as a source of conflict and the role war holds in the development and spread of religion. In light of the on-going conflicts in the world today, this volume is both timely and valuable for all students, scholars, and general readers interested in history, sociology, current events, and politics, as well as religion.http://www.routledge-ny.com/shopping_cart/products/product_detail.asp?sku=&isbn=0415942462&parent_id=&pc=
In: FORUM FOR ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURE 34–35: RELIGION, ANTHROPOLOGY, AND THE 'ANTHROPOLOGY OF RELIGION' URL: http://anthropologie.kunstkamera.ru/files/pdf/eng013/forum.pdf ; International audience