Suchergebnisse

The tourism sector has been central to development of the Spanish coastal economies. However, due to the negative impact that this activity has had on coastal ecosystems, aging infrastructure, and overexploitation of natural resources, coastal tourist destination mature (OTCM) have a growing loss of competitiveness. Thus, it is now essential to develop new and innovative methods of analysis and management, in addition to providing a conceptual development can be concretized in technical and operational tools. These tools should be part of urban renewal plans, and must be able to respond to the requirements for the development and management of tourism in the territory, offering new ways of working relationships between tourism, land and environment (KO, 2003). An analysis of some of the processes documented in the Mediterranean coast, it follows that the success of the process of rejuvenation in the destinations usually responds to existence, as an instrument of fundament al political intervention of a shared vision for the destination, which is translated into a specific model of territorial action. That is, the existence of a specific, functional and operative deficit urban model. In response to this finding, the instruments of territorial policy and urban management are key to the rejuvenation of the destination (Trinitat & Clave, 2014). The differential nature of the tourist development is to be incorporated into the instruments of territorial policy and urban management, to address the particular problems of these urban-tourism systems. These tools are essential to reformulate the destination, while not only urbanized space but capable of urban nature (Trinitat & Clave, 2014). The urban nature of the destinations is included conceptually within the postmodern discourse because spaces are eminently consumer and not linked to large production, trade or governmental administration (Mullins, 1991). Therefore, tourism developments have yet to find their own tools s lope urban policy. The analysis of the historical trajectory of target-Costa Canaria Maspalomas has been useful to understand the situation of success, consolidation and decline in the present moment, and has been a key factor in understanding the complexity of the phenomenon and provides guidelines for projection, both at present and in the future, strategies for action and transformation of its tourism model. These phases or periods distinguish a first initial moment, linked to tourism exclusively, which is replaced by the so-called modern era of tourism, which is when the holiday model of sun and beach stands as the paradigm that gives greater identity the destination. Overcoming, in a third time, this time involves the emergence of a new dynamic which, while definitely consolidate the model involving obsolescence and search for new alternatives, both territorial regeneration and positive impact on the sector economic tourism. Tourism policies implemented collide with highly regulated planning system, which implies the following result: reduced restricting creativity and entrepreneurship. This hinders the proper coordination of supply and demand in tourist areas, leading to freeze them and prevented its regeneration and adaptation to new needs, causing a major distortion between supply and demand. For these reasons, a simpler system more flexible urban planning and procedural, with fewer loads, and execution of the same volunteer is needed ; El sector turístico ha sido capital para el desarrollo de las economías litorales españolas. Sin embargo, debido al impacto negativo que el desarrollo de esta actividad ha tenido en los ecosistemas litorales, al envejecimiento de las infraestructuras, y a la sobreexplotación de los recursos naturales, los destinos turísticos costeros maduros (DTCM) presentan una pérdida de competitividad creciente. Es así, que se hace ahora esencial desarrollar nuevas e innovadoras metodologías de análisis y gestión, que además de aportar un desarrollo conceptual puedan ser concretadas en técnicas y herramientas operativas. Estas herramientas deben formar parte de los planes de reforma urbana, y han de ser capaces de dar respuesta a los requerimientos para el desarrollo y la gestión del turismo en el territorio, ofreciendo nuevas vías de trabajo en las relaciones entre turismo, territorio y medio ambiente (KO, 2003). Del análisis de algunos de los procesos documentados en el litoral Mediterráneo, se deduce que, el éxito de los procesos de rejuvenecimiento en los destinos suele responder a la existencia, como instrumento de intervención política fundamental, de una visión compartida para el destino, que se traduzca en un modelo de acción territorial específico. Es decir, a la existencia de un modelo urbano específico, funcional y resolutivo de déficit. Atendiendo a esta constatación, los instrumentos de política territorial y de gestión urbana son claves para el rejuvenecimiento del destino (Trinitat & Clavé, 20 14). El carácter diferencial de la urbanización turística ha de ser incorporado a los instrumentos de política territorial y de gestión urbana, para dar respuesta a las problemáticas particulares de estos sistemas urbanos-turísticos. Estos instrumentos son fundamentales para la reformulación del destino, en tanto que espacio no solamente urbanizado sino capaces de naturaleza urbana (Trinitat & Clavé, 2014). La naturaleza urbana de los destinos se engloba conceptualmente dentro del discurso postmodernista, ya que son espacios eminentemente de consumo y no vinculados a grandes centros de producción, comercio o administración gubernamental (Mullins, 199 1). Por tal motivo, las urbanizaciones turísticas aún tienen pendiente encontrar sus propias herramientas de política urbana. El análisis de la trayectoria histórica del destino Maspalomas-Costa Canaria ha sido útil para entender su situación de éxito, consolidación y declive en el momento presente, y ha sido un factor clave para entender la complejidad del fenómeno, y dar pautas para la proyección, tanto en el presente como en el futuro, de estrategias de actuación y de transformación de su modelo turístico. Estas fases o épocas permiten distinguir un primer momento inicial, ligado a un turismo de carácter exclusivo, que es reemplazado por la denominada época moderna del turismo, que es cuando el modelo vacacional de sol y playa se erige como el paradigma que otorga una mayor identidad al destino. La superación, en un tercer momento, de esta época conlleva el surgimiento de unas nuevas dinámicas las cuales, a la vez que consolidan definitivamente el modelo entrañan su obsolescencia y la búsqueda de nuevas alternativas, tanto de regeneración territorial como de repercusión positiva en el sector económico del turismo. ; Postprint (published version)

International waters are the most problematic area of water management because there comes to a collision of rights between the riparian's, and the most complicated is the problem of trans-boundary rivers. The Euphrates-Tigris-Shatt Al Arab river system is the largest water resource in the Western Asia with a topographic catchment of more than 900,000 km2 from the Taurus-Zagros Mountain Range to the Persian Gulf and is populated by around 54 million people. The riparian's: Turkey, Syria and Iraq have different views on the resources of these rivers. Turkey doesn't agree with the term "sharing waters". They see it as inadequate. For them the Euphrates is a trans-boundary river that is under theirs sovereignty as long as it is within its territory. Iraq and Syria view it as an "international river" that should be treated as a shared entity. According to Turkey the Euphrates and Tigris form a single water basin, but Iraq and Syria consider them as two separate basins (UN-ESCWA and BGR, 2013). Turkey says that in order to reach an allocation, negotiations should include all available water resources, but Syria and Iraq disagree. On the 1997 UN Convention on the Law of Non-navigational Use of International Watercourses Turkey was the only Euphrates Basin country that voted against. If they had signed, that could give riparian's a veto right over their developments plans. In 1987 Damask and Ankara signed a protocol which guaranteed Syria 500 m3/s of flow on the Euphrates River, which was not respected during the filling of Ataturk Dam in 1990. The flow of the river has been cut in half by 2010 on the border with Syria and by 2/3 for Iraq since the development of the GAP project. In 1977 Turkey initiated the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP in original) to harness the water of the Tigris and the Euphrates for energy and agricultural production thus providing an economic boost to south-eastern Anatolia by creating 4 million new jobs. The project covers an area of 74,000 km2 and is populated by around 7 million people. When completed, there will be 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric power plants on these Rivers. The plan is to produce 27,367 GWh of hydroelectric energy per year and to double irrigable farmland to 1.8 million ha (UN-ESCWA and BGR, 2013). Today almost half of GAP has been fulfilled. This led to increase in salinity and serious changes of the ecosystem and river flow regimes. This caused a discord from the riparian's, NGOs and activists worldwide. International experts think that GAP when finished is going to consume more than 50% of the Euphrates and about 14% of the Tigris. To show this two periods have been selected. First period is from 1938-1974 and it represents the natural flow of the Euphrates River before the construction of the Keban Dam in Turkey and Lake Assad in Syria and the second is from 1974-1998 as the first phase of the evolving infrastructure on the Euphrates basin. The average flow was measured in Jarablat (Syria) and for the first period is around 950 m3/s and for the second around 800 m3/s, than Hit (Iraq) decreased from 970 m3/s to 720 m3/s and Hindijah (Iraq) from 630 m3/s to 470 m3/s. We can see a pattern and a decrease in flow of around 150 m3/s. Of course, regulation of the Euphrates can protect downstream countries from floods and droughts. The effects of water pollution are mostly visible downstream in Syria because Turkey diverts water from the main course of the Euphrates at Lake Ataturk. The water goes through the Urfa tunnels to the Urfa-Harran agricultural area in the upper Jallab/Balikh and Khabour sub-basins. The return flows from irrigation are large in quantity but poor in quality and they enter Syria mostly through the Jallab River near Tell Abyad and enter the Euphrates through the Balikh River around 200 km from the Syrian-Turkey border. This shows us why the Euphrates water quality has remained almost unaffected by the agricultural development in Turkey on the Syrian-Turkey border. There should come to a conjoined look from the riparian's on the rights of the ecosystem and the serious damage that is being done to it, for the sake of the greater good and the legal obligations of the riparian's between themselves. This is extremely difficult especially now with the rising political problems between Turkey and Syria. International experts in all fields relevant to this problem should meet and discuss this problem and enforce laws that will stick and solve the problem and save this fragile ecosystem. The most important thing should be the environment but we should not look the other way for the needs of the riparian's and their development too. So very important would be the research and potential of all available resources and their combined usage. There should be a good monitoring network of the underground and surface waters and calculation of the regime, balance and reserves and the amounts of water the riparian's need, then determining the connection of overall water flow because of the circulation of pollution. Then, there should be an assessment of geothermal potential of the area and its possible usage considering the North and East Anatolian Fault Zone. For example for the producing of electricity we could use the solar or geothermal energy, the energy of the wind and the energy of biomass and use as many of them individually or together. For irrigation where there are underground waters we could use a variety of methods, such as "AGRONET" or drip irrigation technique to decrease the usage of surface waters and their pollution. We could even use the polluted waters to produce energy by constructing a hydroelectric power plant in the area where polluted waters are flowing and after or in it there could also be a water treatment plant. Polluted waters should be monitored and diverted into one water course which should be regulated by a hydro-isolator securing the ground beneath and on the sides of this new course.

In 1866, the United States Congress authorized the establishment of six new army regiments that were to consist entirely of black men. Part of the reason for the creation of these units was the admirable record black regiments had achieved during the Civil War. But the primary cause was the dire need for manpower in the postwar regular army. Only a year after Lee's surrender at Appomattox, the military had been reduced so drastically that there were not enough soldiers to deal with the needs of white settlers in the West. There, the men of the black regiments aided in the eviction of the Plains Indians acquiring the nickname "Buffalo Soldiers," a title of respect equated with the great beast of the plains. For the community of Hays, Kansas, the story of the Buffalo Soldiers has special significance. From 1867 to 1870, black troops from the Tenth Cavalry and Thirty- Eighth Infantry stationed at Fort Hays and from 1881 to 1885, companies of the Ninth cavalry stationed there as well. The early history of the Buffalo Soldiers ran parallel to the development of Hays City. Fort Hays was the first site of Indian combat for any of the new black recruits. The Buffalo Soldiers witnessed the establishment of Hays City in 1867 and often served as civilian guards during the settlement's first few months. Blacks shared equally in the miseries that were the domain of every soldier in the frontier army. Disease, inadequate food and shelter, association with dangerous characters and even boredom were everyday staples of military life. Fights and shootings between black soldiers and civilians contributed to Hays City's reputation for violence. A combination of local factors brought the Buffalo Soldiers to Fort Hays. While white settlement in western Kansas steadily increased, Indian raids continued to r i se. The first overland stage company from Kansas City to Denver ran along the Smoky Hill Trail and prompted the establishment of Fort Fletcher in present-day Ellis County in 1865. A shortage of manpower caused Fletcher to close the following year but by 1866, the Union Pacific Railroad, Eastern Division, had begun construction on a line through Kansas. Out of the need to protect the advancing railroad, Fort Hays was established. Its first months were bedeviled by problems of too few men trying to defend too large an area. By June 1867, the fort consisted mostly of infantry, which was ineffective if pursuit of mounted Indian warriors became necessary. The need for additional cavalry at Fort Hays was answered by several companies of the Tenth cavalry, just completing training at Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley in eastern Kansas. The Tenth's commander, Colonel Benjamin Grierson, had recruited freedmen from all parts of the eastern United States. The black recruits faced disadvantages that the white units did not have. Since most freedmen could not read nor write, the burden for routine paperwork shifted to the white officers, leaving less time for supervision of training and drill. The black units were continually provided with inferior animals and supplies and were usually the objects of prejudice from white soldiers. While training his troops at Fort Leavenworth, Grierson became involved in a conflict with the post commander. Wishing to remove his men from the discriminatory environment at Leavenworth, Grierson dispatched several companies of the Tenth to western Kansas. The disadvantages of the new recruits became painfully obvious during their first combat engagement north of Fort Hays. Under the command of Captain George Armes, troops of the Tenth Cavalry, Company F, battled a party of Cheyenne at the Saline River in August 1867. Panic and disorganization among the ranks made it difficult for the officers to mount a proper defense. However, by the time of the Tenth's second engagement at Beaver Creek later that month, the new recruits were able to handle themselves admirably in combat, surviving three days in a perilous situation when their company was surrounded. While units of black cavalry tracked hostile Indians in the field, t he infantry spread out along the UPRR-ED line, protecting construction crews and surveying parties. By late 1867, Indian hostilities had diminished enough for Grierson to call his companies of the Tenth back to Fort Riley, leaving companies of the Thirty-Eighth Infantry to occupy Fort Hays. The cholera epidemic of 1867 took a high and gruesome toll on the black units, causing many whites to believe that it was the Buffalo Soldiers who had somehow carried the disease into Kansas. Drunkenness and insubordination were common problems in the black units as well as in all army regiments. One-fourth of the army's enlistment deserted in 1867 but the rate of desertion for the Buffalo Soldiers was relatively low compared to white units. Although the Buffalo Soldiers' sense of cohesion aided their military effectiveness, it also proved to be a drawback in their dealings with civilians. When one black soldier was injured or killed in a fight with Hays City residents, the rest took upon themselves the task of locating and punishing the offender. The numerous violent encounters between blacks and white civilians in Hays City resembled an ongoing blood feud and white racism tended to exaggerate the Buffalo Soldiers ' role to the point where they have mistakenly been blamed for all the bloodshed that characterized Hays' early years . When troops of the Ninth cavalry stationed at Fort Hays in the early 1880s, conditions had improved somewhat but conflicts with local residents was still the norm. The new Buffalo Soldiers were younger and had no experience in combat as compared to their predecessors. But the new troops were also more capable of self-restraint and less eager to resort to gunfire in their dealings with angry civilians. When the last of the black units departed in 1885, they precipitated the closing of Fort Hays itself by only four years. For over a third of its history, Fort Hays was guarded by troops of the new black regiments and the contribution they made to the development of Hays City and Ellis County was substantial. While some of the Buffalo Soldiers served as agents of peace, others contributed to the violence that made Hays the source of legends about wild frontier towns.

The rapid evolution of digital technology has ushered in a data-centric economy, where data accessibility drives marketplace efficiency and economic growth across various industries. However, this shift, while offering numerous benefits, introduces significant privacy and data security challenges, particularly in the context of transatlantic data transfers. Considering the vast economic ties between the EU and the US, the transatlantic data flow vividly illustrates the complexities involved in governing and transferring data. It grapples with the ongoing challenge of striking a satisfactory balance between economic advantages stemming from data utilisation and various concerns pertaining to national security, digital sovereignty and individual rights.
In recent years, the European Commission approved two different frameworks on transatlantic data flow – Safe Harbour in 2000[1] and Privacy Shield in 2016[2] – asserting that the US provided a level of data protection for data transfers essentially equivalent to that guaranteed in the EU. However, despite initial optimism, both adequacy decisions faced a significant setback when the Court of Justice of the European Union invalidated them in what is commonly referred to as the "Schrems saga",[3] named after the Austrian activist who first challenged both frameworks before the European Court. The core arguments centred on the absence of adequate safeguards for personal data within US domestic law and the extent of state surveillance over such data when it was transferred, as initially disclosed by Edward Snowden in 2013.[4]
This legal development led to a period of significant uncertainty and further heightened the ongoing debate concerning the regulation of transatlantic data transfer. To address the consequences of this legal turmoil, both EU and the US committed to establishing "a renewed and sound framework for transatlantic data flows",[5] seeking a long-term solution to address the complexities of data privacy and security, eventually leading to the recently adopted EU–US Data Privacy Framework ("DPF").Why transatlantic data flows matter
Data flows hold immense significance for the transatlantic economic relationship and impact businesses of all sizes and industries. These data exchanges involve participation from more than 90 per cent of EU businesses that conduct transactions with the US, with a notable 70 per cent being small and medium-sized enterprises.[6] In fact, the volume of transatlantic data flow exceeds that of any other global relationship, contributing to the robust 7.1 trillion US dollars US–EU economic partnership.[7]
Nevertheless, the regulation of data exchange between the EU and the US has been a contentious matter, primarily due to their differing interpretations of fundamental rights and varying data protection standards. In the US, the oversight of how companies handle and secure personal data is predominantly marked by the absence of comprehensive federal legislation. Thus, privacy and data protection regulations vary across industries and are enforced by different agencies, resulting in a diverse and fragmented privacy landscape. In contrast, the EU operates under a comprehensive data protection framework primarily governed by the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which places a strong emphasis on individual rights and imposes stringent obligations on data holders and processors. To this effect, the GDPR unequivocally forbids the transfer of personal data to third countries lacking sufficient data protection measures unless the European Commission issues adequacy decisions certifying whether a country conforms to the requisite standards.
Consequently, discrepancies in data standards have led to uncertainties for economic actors involved in transatlantic economic relations, prompting individual companies to seek ways to align with European requirements and prevent potential GDPR violations. These violations can result in sanctions of up to 4 per cent of the company's annual revenue, as exemplified by several cases involving tech giants: Meta, for instance, received a record-breaking GDPR fine of 1.3 billion US dollars last May – the largest in GDPR history.[8]
Lastly, positioned at the crossroads of data protection, international trade and national security, the topic of transatlantic data flow is intricately linked to the EU's strategy to assert digital sovereignty and secure strategic autonomy. This strategy places a significant emphasis on the localisation and retention of data belonging to European citizens within the EU borders. This approach is driven by the commitment to ensure that data of European citizens remains under the EU's established laws and regulations, which prioritise privacy protection. Consequently, even though the new framework does streamline the transfer of personal data between the EU and the US, it can give rise to concerns about a departure from the EU's broader goals of advancing its digital sovereignty.Restoring trust in the digital environment
In response to the legal uncertainties stemming from the Court of Justice's decisions, extensive collaboration between the US and the EU resulted in an agreement in principle in 2022. This agreement, endorsed by US President Joe Biden and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, reflected the shared commitment to facilitate data flows between both jurisdictions in a manner that protects individual rights and personal data.
Executive Order 14086, titled "Enhancing Safeguards for U.S. Signals Intelligence Activities", was issued by the Biden administration on 7 October 2022. In conjunction with this executive order, US Attorney General Merrick Garland issued a Regulation to establish a Data Protection Review Court.[9] Through these actions, the US committed to introducing additional protective measures aimed at addressing the concerns raised by the Court of Justice regarding mass personal data collection and the lack of objective criteria for limiting access to and utilisation of this data by public authorities.
In the following months, before finalising its adequacy decision on the DPF, the European Commission sought the opinion of the European Data Protection Board (EDPB) on the draft decision.[10] The EDPB recognised the improvements brought about by Executive Order 14086, particularly in terms of restricting access to EU data by US intelligence services to what is necessary and proportionate to protect national security. Nevertheless, it expressed several concerns, including those related to inadequate assurances regarding "temporary bulk collection" and the subsequent storage and sharing of data collected in bulk within the US legal framework. Additionally, on 11 May, the European Parliament conveyed its reservations regarding the content of the DPF.[11] While acknowledging that the capacity to transfer personal data across borders has "the potential to be a key driver of innovation, productivity and economic competitiveness", the Parliament underscored the critical necessity for robust safeguards to be firmly established. These safeguards are essential for protecting privacy rights, preventing illegal mass surveillance by the US and restoring the trust of both EU citizens and businesses in digital services, ultimately preserving the vitality of the digital economy. Taking into consideration the CJEU's reasoning in Schrems II, the European Parliament contended that the DPF did not entirely meet EU legal standards due to its lack of an "objective criterion" to validly justify government intrusion into privacy. Consequently, this raised concerns about the possibility of the CJEU invalidating the DPF, as it had done with previous frameworks.
Despite these concerns, on 10 July, the European Commission adopted the adequacy decision on the DPF, confirming that it provided an adequate level of protection for personal data. Consequently, personal data can now move freely from the EU to US companies that have self-certified their adherence to the DPF principles. Ursula von der Leyen stated that the new framework will "ensure safe data flows for Europeans and bring legal certainty to companies on both sides of the Atlantic",[12] while strengthening economic ties and reaffirming shared values. President Joe Biden also welcomed the adequacy decision, emphasising the joint EU–US commitment to robust data privacy protections and foreseeing increased economic opportunities for both jurisdictions and their companies.Third time's a charm?
On a positive note, the DPF now allows for the transfer of personal data from the EU to the US through a certification system. US companies commit to a set of privacy principles, eliminating the need for additional transfer mechanisms like Standard Contractual Clauses or binding corporate rules, as well as transfer impact assessments. Companies are required to complete their self-certification by October 2023 to be included on the DPF List, maintained by the US Department of Commerce. Additionally, the DPF introduces various safeguards, such as restricting US surveillance access to data that is "necessary and proportionate" for national security, the establishment of a Data Protection Review Court to address concerns about access to personal data by US intelligence agencies and mandating US companies to delete personal data when it is no longer needed for the original purpose of collection.
Despite significant progress, however, the path towards establishing a stable and reliable framework for transatlantic data transfers remains fraught with difficulties. Persistent concerns revolve around how the US will interpret the concept of "proportionate" access to data by US authorities and its adherence to the CJEU's criteria. Moreover, there are concerns about the Data Protection Review Court's composition: while made up of members from outside the US government, there are doubts about its appointment process, leading to potential issues with fair and transparent decision-making. Furthermore, the European Parliament has highlighted an additional weakness in the framework, which lies in its failure to address data accessed by public authorities through alternative avenues.[13] This includes methods such as the US Cloud Act or the US Patriot Act, data acquisition through commercial transactions or voluntary data sharing agreements.
Privacy activist Max Schrems argues that the new framework is "largely a copy" of previous ones.[14] The US Department of Commerce also considers that it "does not create new substantive obligations for participating organizations with regards to protecting EU personal data" and "[t]he privacy principles and the process to initially self-certify and annually re-certify remain substantively the same".[15] Moreover, Schrems stresses that substantial changes in US surveillance law are needed for true effectiveness and has signalled his intention to bring "the new deal back before the CJEU".[16]
A legal challenge has therefore been announced, possibly reaching the CJEU by late 2023 or early 2024 which may result in a temporary suspension of the DPF. While EU Justice Commissioner Didier Reynders remains confident in the framework's resilience against legal challenges, many companies are choosing to stick with EU-approved standard contractual clauses to maintain GDPR compliance, despite the associated challenges and expenses, in the face of ongoing risks and uncertainties.
Striking the delicate balance between privacy concerns, free trade imperatives and national security interests within the realm of data remains a formidable challenge, although recent trends around transatlantic data flows are encouraging. The Schrems saga has vividly highlighted the imperative to bridge legal disparities between the EU and the US, emphasising the importance of creating a digital international environment founded on trust, cooperation and regulatory alignment.Federica Marconi is a Researcher in the Multilateralism and Global Governance Programme at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI).[1] European Commission, Commission Decision of 26 July 2000 Pursuant to Directive 95/46/EC on the Adequacy of the Protection Provided by the Safe Harbour Privacy Principles and Related Frequently Asked Questions Issued by the US Department of Commerce, http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/2000/520/oj.[2] European Commission, Commission Implementing Decision (EU) 2016/1250 of 12 July 2016 Pursuant to Directive 95/46/EC on the Adequacy of the Protection Provided by the EU-U.S. Privacy Shield, http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec_impl/2016/1250/oj.[3] Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), Judgment of the Grand Chamber in Case C-362/14: Maximillian Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner [Schrems I], 6 October 2015, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:62014CJ0362; and Judgment of the Grand Chamber in Case C-311/18: Data Protection Commission v. Facebook Ireland Limited and Maximillian Schrems [Schrems II], 16 July 2020, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:62018CJ0311.[4] Caspar Bowden, The US Surveillance Programmes and Their Impact on EU Citizens' Fundamental Rights, Brussels, European Parliament, September 2013, https://op.europa.eu/s/y0iF.[5] European Commission, Commission Issues Guidance on Transatlantic Data Transfers and Urges the Swift Establishment of a New Framework Following the Ruling in the Schrems Case, 6 November 2015, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_15_6015.[6] DigitalEurope, Good News for Thousands of Businesses': Reaction to EU Assessment of US Data Protection of Personal Data, 10 July 2023, https://www.digitaleurope.org/news/good-news-for-thousands-of-businesses-reaction-to-eu-assessment-of-us-data-protection-of-personal-data.[7] White House, Fact Sheet: United States and European Commission Announce Trans-Atlantic Data Privacy Framework, 25 March 2022, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/03/25/fact-sheet-united-states-and-european-commission-announce-trans-atlantic-data-privacy-framework.[8] European Data Protection Board, 1.2 Billion Euro Fine for Facebook as a Result of EDPB Binding Decision, 22 May 2023, https://edpb.europa.eu/node/6052.[9] US Code of Federal Regulation, Part 201: Data Protection Review Court, https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-28/part-201.[10] European Data Protection Board, Opinion 5/2023 on the European Commission Draft Implementing Decision on the Adequate Protection of Personal Data under the EU-US Data Privacy Framework, 28 February 2023, https://edpb.europa.eu/node/5132.[11] European Parliament, Resolution of 11 May 2023 on the Adequacy of the Protection Afforded by the EU-US Data Privacy Framework, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2023-0204_EN.html.[12] European Commission, Data Protection: European Commission Adopts New Adequacy Decision for Safe and Trusted EU-US Data Flows, 10 July 2023, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_23_3721.[13] European Parliament, Resolution of 11 May 2023, cit.[14] NOYB, European Commission Gives EU-US Data Transfers Third Round at CJEU, 10 July 2023, https://noyb.eu/en/node/1324.[15] Data Privacy Framework Program website: FAQs - EU-U.S. Data Privacy Framework (EU-U.S. DPF), last updated 17 July 2023, https://www.dataprivacyframework.gov/s/article/FAQs-EU-U-S-Data-Privacy-Framework-EU-U-S-DPF-dpf.[16] NOYB, European Commission Gives EU-US Data Transfers Third Round at CJEU, cit.

The arms control stability between Pakistan and India is currently on wobbly grounds due to the increasing development of modern weaponry in South Asia. The already tense situation is intensified by the arms race, as well as by the enforcement of provocative military strategies, actions and speeches.[1] In 2019, an attempted Indian surgical strike on Pakistan after the Pulwama attack[2] and annexation of Indian-occupied Kashmir into the Indian Union by annulling article 370 of the Indian constitution further heightened tensions between the two countries. There is a rising concern that issues such as Kashmir, cross-border terrorism and disputes over shared management of watercourses could escalate into a conventional or even a nuclear war.[3]
The modernisation of militaries and expansion of nuclear weapons arsenals seem to be a distinguishing feature of both countries, which is arguably the result of the mutual and wider regional threats that they perceive.[4] The emerging realities of competition between the US and China, and China and India, have made the strategic environment very complex,[5] which has diminished dramatically the prospects of arms control.[6] Indeed, China's rise fuels Indian insecurity, while, in turn, India's hegemonic goals and dominance make Pakistan insecure.[7] Amidst these tensions, in 2019, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh clearly stated that Indian No First Use nuclear policy can change into First Use.[8]National interests and arms control
In the past, Pakistan offered many arms control proposals to India – for instance, the Regional Test Ban Agreement (1987) and a South Asia Zero Missile Zone (1994) – to halt the arms race in South Asia,[9] but New Delhi rejected them, mainly due to its quest for a regional and potentially global power status on an equal footing with China. The most significant proposals pertained to the non-deployment of ballistic missiles, the non-operationalisation of nuclear-capable missile systems and a suspension on the acquisition or deployment of anti-ballistic missiles systems.
Islamabad endorses arms control agreements because it is in the country's interest due to its fragile economy, which poses a challenge to addressing national security threats.[10] However, arms control at the regional level cannot be achieved without New Delhi's involvement. Indeed, Pakistan has not signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) because India has not signed it either.[11] In a similar vein, Pakistan has not supported the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) because it does not include existing fissile material stockpiles,[12] and India has more stockpiles than Pakistan.[13] Without the inclusion of existing fissile material, FMCT would go to Pakistan's detriment because it would increase the asymmetry with India.
In addition, due to great powers' strategic interests, India has been granted a unique position in the current nonproliferation regime,[14] having received a special waiver by the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) in 2008.[15] India is the only state in the world that is not a party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) but is de facto recognised as a nuclear weapon state. India's special position arguably challenges the overall credibility of the nonproliferation regime.[16]
As mentioned, wider strategic interests have a great bearing on this situation. Indeed, India is a strategic partner of the US and a member – along with the US, Australia and Japan – of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue against China in the Asia-Pacific region. Besides this, India signed many military modernisation agreements with the US, such as the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) and Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA). In fact, India's plan is to involve Russia and the US to modernise its military, in order to balance the growing military power of China and establish hegemony in South Asia.[17] Consequently, Pakistan needs to adopt measures in order to maintain strategic parity with India and prevent war in the region.[18]The challenges of modern technologies
There is a real risk of a nuclear-level escalation in South Asia due to the incorporation/inclusion of new and emerging technologies – including ballistic missile defence (BMD) systems and hypersonic missiles[19] – in the respective militaries of Pakistan and India. Recent developments in the domain of artificial intelligence (AI) may especially affect the strategic stability of the region. Pakistan and India, as well as China, are exploring the use of AI in areas of strategic importance, such as command and control, early-caution, BMD, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) systems; unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs) and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs); and electronic and cyber warfare. AI allows performing high-level computing tasks with speed and precision that cannot be accomplished through other sources.[20] A nontraditional attack in the form of a cyber-attack, or a conventional attack with AI integration in weapons, can damage the nuclear capabilities of a state by undermining the second-strike capability.[21] New technologies pose new threats: in 2019, for example, India's largest reactor Kudankulam faced a cyber-attack which led to the theft of data.[22]
Since developments in emerging technologies are very fast and it is very difficult to regulate these technologies due to their speed and efficacy,[23] the militarisation of AI would ultimately enhance the position of powerful states, with weaker states being at pains to seek parity with them. Widespread application of AI to military affairs would thus increase the imbalance between Pakistan and India (due to Indian heavy investment in AI) and could also hinder the prospects of arms control. India – the third-largest military spender in the world, with an allocation of 72.6 billion US dollars for defence for 2023–24[24] – is indeed investing a considerable amount of financial resources in AI. For example, New Delhi has imported technologies such as 100 Heron TPUAVs from Israel Aerospace Industries for the promotion of indigenous production in 2020.[25] Against this backdrop, Pakistan is also expanding its own military to enhance its security.[26]Looking ahead
Relations between Pakistan and India are currently characterised by mistrust, mutual threats, enmity and misperceptions. Therefore, there is an urgent need to find ways for arms control talks in order to regulate the nuclear behaviour of both countries. Both are developing countries and their economies are not as robust as those of the US and China; thus, arms control would play a vital role in reducing their defence budgets and enabling them to invest their financial resources in more pressing sectors, such as the energy one.
In the current scenario, great powers are unlikely to be able to play a leading role in arms control in South Asia: Russia is engaged in the war against Ukraine, while the US is focused on containing the emerging power of China through QUAD and AUKUS in the Asia Pacific. Hence, there is a pressing need for the governments of Pakistan and India and their political leaders to take the initiative and resume the peace negotiation process to limit the development of weapons and new military technologies. What is ultimately at stake is the peace and stability of South Asia.Sonia Naz is a Visiting Lecturer at the International Relations Department of the Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi.[1] Sitara Noor, "Strategic Stability in South Asia: The Evolving Challenges and Potential Opportunities for India and Pakistan", in Strategic Studies, Vol. 43, No. 1 (2023), p. 64-94, https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.043.01.00272.[2] On 14 February 2019, a 19-year-old young Kashmiri resident from the Indian Occupied Kashmir (IoK) blew himself up killing more than 40 personnel of India's Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). Within hours, India blamed Jaish-e-Muhammad, a militant group banned in Pakistan, and accused Pakistan of harbouring the terrorists. Pakistan denied its involvement and offered full cooperation to investigate the incident and bring to justice the perpetrators of the suicide attack. See Adil Sultan, "Pulwama' Crisis: Causes, Implications, and Lessons for the Future", in Strafasia, 10 April, 2019, https://strafasia.com/pulwama-crisis-causes-implications-and-lessons-for-the-future.[3] Mario E. Carranza, India Pakistan Nuclear Diplomacy. Constructivism and the Prospects for Nuclear Arms Control and Disarmament in South Asia, London, Rowman & Littlefield, 2016.[4] Abeer Iftikhar Tahirkheli, "India's Strategic Force Modernization and Its Implications on Strategic Environment of Pakistan", in Strategic Thought, Vol. 4, No. 1 (2022), p. 155-171, https://strategicthought.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/83; Mario E. Carranza, India Pakistan Nuclear Diplomacy, cit.[5] Rizwana Abbasi and Zafar Khan, Nuclear Deterrence in South Asia. New Technologies and Challenges to Sustainable Peace, London/New York, Routledge, 2020.[6] Aamna Rafiq, "Militarisation of Artificial Intelligence and Future of Arms Control in South Asia", in Strategic Studies, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Summer 2021), p. 49-52, https://issi.org.pk/?p=30770.[7] Feroz Hassan Khan, "Strategic Risk Management in Southern Asia", in Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament, Vol. 5, No. 2 (2022), p. 369-393, https://doi.org/10.1080/25751654.2022.2136878.[8] Sudhi Ranjan Sen and Rezaul H Laskar, "Rajnath Singh's Hint on 'No First Use' Change Is Message to Pakistan", in The Hindustan Times, 16 June 2020, https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/story-kzEZhswPwx0dnPefQTkZ3L.html.[9] Sannia Abdullah, "Pakistan and the Non-proliferation Regime", in Naeem Salik (ed.), Nuclear Pakistan. Seeking Security and Stability, Lahore, University of Lahore Press, 2018, p. 152-153, https://ciss.org.pk/PDFs/Nuclear-Pakistan.pdf.[10] Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, "Arms Control: Risk Reduction Measures Between India and Pakistan", in SASSU Research Papers, No. 1 (June 2005), https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/99910/RP%20No%2001.pdf; Iftikhar A. Qureshi and Hassan Jalil Shah, "Deteriorating Economic Conditions and Their Impact on National Security", in ISSRA Papers, Vol. 11, No. 2 (2019), p. 29-44, https://issrapapers.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/20.[11] Ibid.; Sannia Abdullah, "Pakistan and the Non-proliferation Regime", cit., p. 153-154.[12] Sannia Abdullah, "Pakistan and the Non-proliferation Regime", cit., p. 158-160.[13] Tom Z. Collina and Daniel Horner, "The South Asian Nuclear Balance: An Interview with Pakistani Ambassador to the CD Zamir Akram", in Arms Control Today, Vol. 41, No. 10 (December 2011), p. 8-13, https://www.armscontrol.org/node/5163.[14] Feroz Hassan Khan, "Prospects for Indian and Pakistani Arms Control and Confidence-Building Measures", in Naval War College Review, Vol. 63, No. 3 (Summer 2010), Article 8, https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol63/iss3/8.[15] Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, "Contemporary Nuclear Debates", in Naeem Salik (ed.), Nuclear Pakistan. Seeking Security and Stability, Lahore, University of Lahore Press, 2018, p. 229, https://ciss.org.pk/PDFs/Nuclear-Pakistan.pdf.[16] Feroz Hassan Khan, "Prospects for Indian and Pakistani Arms Control", cit., p. 13.[17] Mujib Mashal and Karan Deep Singh, "India and Russia Expand Defense Ties, Despite Prospect of U.S. Sanctions", in The New York Times, 6 December 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2021/12/06/world/asia/india-russia-missile-defense-deal.html.[18] Rizwana Abbasi and Zafar Khan, Nuclear Deterrence in South Asia, cit.[19] Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, "The Missile Race Is Destabilizing South Asia's Strategic Environment", in Arab News, 6 November 2021, https://arab.news/bk48s.[20] Sam Guthrie, "Conventional and Nuclear Applications of Artificial Intelligence: A Brief Examination of India and Pakistan", in Sam Dudin and Chelsey Wiley (eds), The 2019 UK PONI Papers, London, Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), December 2019, p. 39-42, http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep37409.10.[21] Abdul Moiz Khan, "Emerging Technologies and the Nuclear Responsibilities Approach", in BASIC Analysis, 14 February 2022, https://wp.me/p9AKJD-3IE.[22] Palwasha Khan, "Building a Bilateral Framework for Cyber Security in South Asia", in South Asian Voices, 12 November 2021, https://www.stimson.org/?p=48238.[23] Ghazala Yasmin Jalil, Emerging Technologies and their Impact on Strategic Stability in South Asia, ISSI Seminar Report, 12 March 2020, https://issi.org.pk/?p=25819.[24] Sitara Noor, "Strategic Stability in South Asia", cit., p. 75.[25] Aamna Rafiq, "Militarisation of Artificial Intelligence and Future of Arms Control in South Asia", cit., p. 54.[26] Feroz Hassan Khan, "Strategic Risk Management in Southern Asia", cit., p. 379-382.

The approval of Directive 2000/60/EC, better known as the Water Framework Directive (WFD), resulted from efforts to create a coherent approach to water policy at the European scale. It requires surface waters (rivers, lakes, wetlands and transitional and coastal waters) to attain good ecological and chemical status and establishes quantitative and chemical standards for groundwater. The WFD required a significant shift in priorities, goals and operational procedures by placing the emphasis on ecosystem protection and ecological health as a means to guarantee the availability of sufficient good quality water to meet sustainable needs. By establishing the river basin as the pre-eminent geographical scale for water management, it also explicitly recognized that any policy aiming at protecting European waters necessarily had to deal with the policies that guided activities in the surrounding watershed. The discussion and approval of the WFD coincided with a growing debate about, and advocacy for, a paradigm shift in water management. The shift was the expression, in the field of water resources management, of a transformation in the way we understand the relationship between society and nature, reflecting changes in other realms of our socioeconomic environment. The new approach results from the need to acknowledge the hybrid nature of water, emphasizing the complexity of the ecological, socioeconomic, technological, cultural and institutional processes that are intertwined in discourses and understandings of water. Claims about the legitimacy of intervention no longer reside exclusively in the realms of authority and privileged knowledge. Rather, legitimacy now depends on shared definitions of both problem and potential solutions. The evolving water management paradigm thus results from the fact that we are dealing with complex and reflexive socioecological systems and there are diverse incommensurable and equally valid interpretations of our physical environments. In the context of uncertainty, complexity, differing world views and high stakes that characterize water management challenges, new governance approaches have been offered as panaceas to effectively handle them. Most significant among them is the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM), which promotes the principles of integration, participatory management approaches, and the use of economic instruments to achieve water policy goals. The WFD is perhaps the most comprehensive and far reaching attempt to align water management policy and practice along these principles. An evaluation of its implementation can therefore throw some light on the potential for these management prescriptions to successfully deal with the challenges that are inherent to problems of complex socio-ecological systems This dissertation contributes to a significant body of scholarly work that has studied the European experience with the WFD by critically analyzing the experience of its implementation from three complementary theoretical perspectives that refer three of the four pillars of the WFD: the scalar choices that derive from the application of the IWRM approach to water resources management that the WFD embodies; the use of economic instruments to achieve water policy goals; and the emphasis on public information, consultation and participation to legitimize water planning and management decisions and improve the effectiveness of the Directive. Through the analysis of the geographically specific case of Spain, it questions the underlying assumptions that justify this approach to European water governance and tries to discern whether the policy goals have been met. The analysis is presented through three articles that have been published in peer reviewed academic journals and a fourth publication, of a more normative nature, that reviews the evolution of water policy in Spain with a particular focus on the post-WFD implementation period. The first article (Chapter 4) summarizes the state of the art of the current debate on scalar politics and water governance. In this context, the paper reviews the territorial and organizational evolution of river basin authorities in Spain, since their origins in 1926 as Confederaciones Sindicales Hidrográficas, to their situation in 2015, in light of the current critical approach to the river basin as the unquestionable scale for water governance. It analyzes the complex process of adjustment of the river basin management approach to the politicaladministrative division of the state into increasingly powerful Autonomous regions that emerged with the advent of democracy in the 1970s, and the ensuing reconfiguration of areas of influence, division of authority, and emergence of power conflicts that are still unresolved. The paper argues that when discussing 'spatial fit' issues dealing with natural resources management, special attention should be given to ensuing changes in social relationships and power structures that each option entails, within their specific historical and geographical context. The second article (Chapter 5) discusses the way economic instruments are being promoted as a desirable alternative to public sector action in the allocation and management of natural resources. The case of water is at the vanguard of these processes and is proving to be particularly contentious. In the European Union water policies are increasingly emphasizing the application of economic instruments to improve the allocative equity and economic efficiency in the use of scarce resources. However, there are few analyses of how these instruments are really working on the ground and whether they are meeting their objectives. The paper aims to contribute to this debate by critically analyzing the experience with water markets in Spain, the only country in the European Union where they are operative. It looks at water permit sales during the 2005-2008drought period using the Tajo-Segura transfer infrastructure. The paper describes how the institutional process of mercantilización of water works in practice in Spain. It shows that the use of markets requires an intense process of institutional development to facilitate and encourage their operation. Additionally it argues that these institutions tend to favor the interests of clearly identifiable elites, instead of the public interest they supposedly promote. The third article (Chapter 6) looks at the shift from hierarchical-administrative water management toward more transparent, multi-level and participated governance approaches that has brought about a shifting geography of players, scales of action, and means of influencing decisions and outcomes. In Spain, where the hydraulic paradigm has dominated since the early 1920s, participation in decisions over water was traditionally limited to a closed water policy community, made up of economic water users, primarily irrigator associations and hydropower generators, civil engineering corps and large public works companies. The river basin planning process under the WFD presented a promise of transformation, giving access to non-economic water users, environmental concerns and the wider public to water-related information on planning and decision-making. This process coincided with the consolidation of the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) by the water administration, with the associated potential for information and data generation and dissemination. ICTs are also increasingly used by citizen groups and other interested parties as a way to communicate, network and challenge existing paradigms and official discourses over water, in the broader context of the emergence of 'technopolitics'. The paper investigates if and in what way ICTs may be providing new avenues for participated water resources management and contributing to alter the dominating power balance. We critically analyze several examples where networking possibilities provided by ICTs have enabled the articulation of interest groups and social agents (what we call citizen water networks - CWN) that have, with different degrees of success, questioned the existing hegemonic view over water. The critical review of these cases sheds light on the opportunities and limitations of ICTs, and their relation with traditional modes of social mobilization in creating new means of societal involvement in water governance. It also shows that the low democratic profile of current water management institutions in Spain clearly hinders ICTs' potential to democratize decision-making processes. Without a real willingness to open up true spaces of deliberation where all actors can participate in conditions of equality, the role of ICTs will remain one of strengthening CWNs' organizational capabilities and ability to obtain and generate information, but will not alter the basic framework for water policy-making. The final article (Chapter 7) complements the more theoretical focus of the previous chapters and from a normative perspective analyzes the evolution of Spanish water policy since the approval of the 1985 Water act. It focuses on the post-WFD implementation period (from 2003 onwards) and on the role economic water users, environmental interests and engaged citizens have played in the achievement of some key WFD-related water policy goals: environmental objectives; public and user participation in water planning and management; and use of economic instruments to achieve water policy goals. Relying on a review of different examples and experiences, the paper concludes that the necessary transformation in water policy goals, operations and procedures required by the implementation of the WFD has not taken place. The traditional water policy community has resisted this transformation and largely continues to dominate water policy decision-making. At the same time, in the context of the WFD a variety of citizen water networks that defend the patrimonial values of water have developed and consolidated and can play a significant role in the consecution of this transformation. In any case, the reforms along the three key WFD-axis analyzed have been more formal than substantial, and the key decisions over water continue to respond to the interests and priorities of the traditional water policy community.

Günümüzün rekabet yoğun iş yaşamında, örgütlerin birer öğrenen örgüte dönüşümü, onların rekabetçi yeteneklerini artırmalarını sağlamaktadır. Ayrıca, günümüzde çalışanların sadece kendilerinden beklenen rol davranışlarını değil, bunun ötesindeki, gönüllü sergilenen rol ötesi davranışları da sergilemeleri beklenmektedir. Örgüt yazınında bu tür davranışlar örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları (ÖVD) olarak isimlendirilmektir. Öğrenmeyi destekleyen, astları güçlendiren bir liderlik sitilini uygulayan, takım çalışmasına ve iletişime değer veren yapıları ile öğrenen örgütler, çalışanların rol ötesi davranışlar sergilemeleri için uygun bir ortam hazırlayabilirler. Bu temel düşünceden hareketle yürütülen çalışmanın amacı, çalışanların öğrenen örgüt algılarının, örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışlarına etkilerini araştırmaktır. Yabancı veya yerli yazında böyle bir araştırmanın daha önce yürütülmemiş olması ise çalışmanın önemli bir boşluğu doldurmasını sağlamaktadır. Çalışmaya, Türkiye'de faaliyet gösteren 20 farklı firmadan 436 beyaz yakalı çalışan katılmıştır. Analiz bulguları, araştırmaya katılan çalışanların öğrenen örgüt algıları ile örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları arasında aynı yönlü ve anlamlı bir ilişki olduğunu göstermiştir. Regresyon analizi sonuçları ise sürekli öğrenme, diyalog ve araştırma, gömülü sistemler ve destekleyici liderlik boyutlarının ÖVD üzerinde ilave varyans açıkladığını; ancak takım çalışması, güçlendirilmiş çalışanlar ve sistemler arası bağlantı boyutlarının ise ÖVD üzerinde böyle bir etki yaratmadığını ortaya koymuştur. Bu bulgular, öğrenen örgüt algısının çalışanların örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları üzerinde önemli bir etken olduğunu göstermektedir. Ayrıca araştırma bulguları yöneticiler açısından değerlendirildiğinde de önemli sonuçlar sunmaktadır. Örgütsel vatandaşlık davranışları, çalışanların gönüllü ve örgütün işleyişine katkı yapan davranışlar olduğundan, bu tür davranışların çalışanlar tarafından sergilenmesi, hem örgütün ürün ve hizmet kalitesinin artmasına yardımcı olmakta, hem de böyle bir artış için hiçbir ilave maliyet ödenmemektedir. Şu halde bu davranışları artıracak yönde örgütü dönüştürmek, yönetsel anlamda da fayda sağlayabilecektir. Araştırmada, ortaya konulan bulgular tartışılmıştır. ; Discretionary behaviors that promote the effectiveness of organizations differ from formal role behaviors. These informal role behaviors have been termed as prosocial organizational behavior (Brief and Motowidlo, 1986; George, 1990) or organizational citizenship behavior (OCB; Bateman and Organ, 1983; Organ, 1988; Smith et al., 1983). Dennis Organ and his colleagues (Bateman and Organ 1983; Smith et al., 1983) were the first to conceptualize OCB, describing it as "individual behavior that is discretionary, not directly or explicitly recognized by the formal reward system, and in the aggregate promotes the efficient and effective functioning of the organization" (Organ, 1988, p. 4). Briefly, these behaviors are not compulsory in job definitions, are not rewarded or punished by organization management, and are discretionary. Dimensions of OCB include altruism (discretionary behavior that intends to help others in the organization about a certain problem), conscientiousness (a general compliance that requires employees to go beyond their minimum job requirements), courtesy (intentions that consider others before acting or deciding and informing them about the actions), civic virtue (employees' self-responsibility about organizational problems and attention to the social and political life of the organization) and sportsmanship (willingness to accept the inevitable problems or matters that are related to the job; Organ, 1988). As the ability to survive in an uncertain and turbulent environment is becoming more vital for work organizations today, the need for employees who voluntarily contribute to the organizational welfare beyond their formal roles is greater than ever (Somech and Drach-Zahavy, 2004). Therefore, organizational climate and structure need to be designed to support the emergence of OCBs. Transforming an organization into a learning organization by spreading the learning culture throughout the organization may both expedite to cope with the uncertainty of the environment more effectively and to meet with OCBs more frequently because employees' expectations will be satisfied. In this study we tried to demonstrate how employees' perceptions about their companies in the case the companies being learning organizations would affect their OCBs. Many studies have focused on the antecedents of OCB or OCB's relation with some organizational factors. However, the learning capacity of the organization as an antecedent of OCB has not been treated as often. A common result of all these studies is that employee perceptions about the job atmosphere are crucial if employees are to behave beyond formal roles or display OCB (Somech and Drach-Zahavy, 2004). In learning organizations, people focus on continuous learning processes that are carried out collectively by all of the employees rather than on their own performance results. In such organizations, people expand their own points of view beyond formal role definitions and develop a system approach (Senge, 1996). This approach facilitates organizational learning so that learning ability of the organization can support OCB within the organization (Somech and Drach-Zahavy, 2004). In some studies, it is suggested that OCB could support interpersonal relations in the organization and that it also might be a useful tool for managers to use in fostering a lively work climate (Kidwell et al., 1997). In this respect, the discretionary characteristic of OCB might be both a motivational factor and one of the most important antecedents of teamwork in an organization. As another antecedent of OCB, the clarity of the job might be conceptualized as the extent to which employees know what to expect in their daily routine and how explicitly rules and policies of the organization are communicated. OCB is closely connected to job clarity, comprehensible norms and rules, and good planning of work (Turnipseed and Murkison, 1996). Job clarity is especially related to the shared vision dimension of the concept of learning organization. Sharing the vision among the organization members may increase the clarity of the job. Podsakoff et al., (1996) suggested that if the employees knew the future of their work, their OCB exhibitions would be augmented. Leader attitudes also play a key role in the emergence of OCBs in an organization (Brightman and Moran, 1999; Ehrhart, 2004; Turnipseed and Murkison, 1996). Some leader behaviors, especially transformational leadership behaviors, positively influence OCBs. Many studies have found a direct link between transformational leadership and OCB (e.g., Kent and Chelladurai, 2001; Koh et al., 1995; Podsakoff et al., 1990, 1996). In conclusion, given the interactions described above, it can be summarized that organizational structure and climate have a direct impact on the emergence of OCBs. Thus, we may expect more OCBs from employees in a learning organization than from those in an unlearning one. Hence, the hypotheses can be stated as follows: Hypothesis 1. There will be a positive relationship between employees' learning organization perceptions and their OCBs. Hypothesis 2. All of the learning organization dimensions will contribute significantly to each of the OCBs independently. In this study, the participants of the survey are white-collar workers from 20 different middle or large-sized companies in Turkey. The questionnaires, consist of Learning Organization Scale and OCB Scale, were posted to the human resources departments of the firms with an information note. Of the 600 questionnaires sent, 460 (76.6%) were returned. As a result, 436 valid responses were used in the study. Findings indicated that intercorrelations between the learning organization and OCB dimensions show statistically significant positive relations between the learning organization and OCB dimensions (p < 0.01). Although intercorrelations between learning organization dimensions were high (.71 ≤ r ≤ .86), they were average (.50 ≤ r ≤ .67) between OCB dimensions. The relation between the learning organization and OCB dimensions was significant, positive, and average (.24 ≤ r ≤ .55). Hierarchical multiple regression analysis was performed to test whether learning organization dimensions explained additional variance in OCBs. The final model for altruism included continuous learning (β = .11; p < .05), dialogue and inquiry (β = .12; p < .05), and providing leadership (β = .12; p < .05). The conscientiousness model contained continuous learning (β = .14; p < .05) and dialogue and inquiry (β = .16; p < .01). The courtesy model comprised dialogue and inquiry (β = .18; p < .001) and providing leadership (β = .09; p < .05). The sportsmanship model contained continuous learning (β = .13; p < .05), dialogue and inquiry (β = .14; p < .01), and embedded systems (β = .13; p < .05). Lastly, the civic virtue model included continuous learning (β = .16; p < .01) and dialogue and inquiry (β = .32; p < .001). It is interesting that team learning, empowerment, and systems connections dimensions had no significant effects on any of the OCB dimensions. The results of this study indicate that there is a significant and positive relation between employees' learning organization perceptions and their OCBs. Whereas the structures of the organizations are being transformed toward a learning organization, OCBs performed by employees found to be increased, yielding support for Hypothesis 1. To explore whether learning organization dimensions explained additional variance in OCBs, we conducted a hierarchical regression analysis. Results showed that the dimensions of continuous learning and dialogue and inquiry were the most important factors in predicting and explaining the variance of OCBs. Although embedded systems and supportive leadership helped to explain additional variance of OCBs, other learning organization dimensions (team learning, empowerment, and systems connections) had no significant effect; therefore, Hypothesis 2 was partly supported. These findings have some useful implications for managers. In today's working life, employees are obligated to move beyond their formal roles to increase the organization's accomplishments. Since the findings of this study revealed a strong and significant relationship between employees' learning organization perceptions and their OCBs, an organizational transformation toward a learning organization in those enterprises could augment OCBs throughout the organization. This study displayed a strong relation between learning organization concept and OCBs. OCBs play a key role in developing the quality of the services produced by organizations. To exist in a competitive world, organizations have to improve their service qualities. If managers can transform their organizations into learning organizations, it seems that OCB exhibition within the organizations is likely be enhanced—as will the service qualities.

This volume explores emerging research and pedagogy in analytics, collaboration, and decision support with an emphasis on business intelligence and social media. In general, the chapters help understand where technology involvement in human decisions is headed. Reading the chapters can help understand the opportunities and threats associated with the use of information technology in decision making. Computing and information technologies are reshaping our global society, but they can potentially reshape it in negative as well as positive ways. Analytics, collaboration and computerized decision support are powerful decision aiding and decision making tools that have enormous potential to impact crisis decision making, regulation of financial systems, healthcare decision making and many more important decision domains.Many information technologies can potentially support, assist and even decide for human decision makers. Despite the potential, some researchers think that we know the answers to how these technologies will change society. The 'Wisdom of Crowds' or 'Big Data' become the topic of the day and are soon replaced with new marketing terms. In many ways, mobile technology is just another form factor to adapt decision support capabilities too and experiment with new capabilities. The cloud is a nebulous metaphor that adds to the mystery of information technology. Wireless technology enables the ubiquitous presence of analytics and decision support. With new networking capabilities, collaboration is possible anywhere and everywhere using voice, video and text. Documents can be widely shared and massive numbers of documents can be carried on a small tablet computer. Recent developments in technologies impact the processes organizations use to make decisions. In addition, academics are looking for ways to enhance their pedagogy to train students to be more adept in understanding how emerging technology will be used effectively for decision making in organizations.The chapters are based on papers originally reviewed at the Special Interest Group on Decision Support Systems (SIGDSS) Workshop at the 2013 International Conference on Information Systems (ICIS 2013). Ultimately this volume endeavors to find a balance between systematizing what we know, so we can teach our findings from prior research better, and stimulating excitement to move the field in new directions. Lakshmi Iyeris an Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Programs in the Information Systems and Supply Chain Management Department, Bryan School of Business and Economics at the University of North Carolina Greensboro (UNCG). She received her Ph.D. in Business Administration from the University of Georgia, Athens, GA and her M.S. in Industrial Engineering from the University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa. Her research interests are in the area of business analytics, knowledge management, emerging technologies its impact on organizations and users, and diversity in computing. Her research work has been published in or forthcoming in Communications of the AIS, Journal of Association for Information Systems, European Journal of Information Systems, Communications of the ACM, Decision Support Systems, eService Journal, Journal of Electronic Commerce Research, International Journal of Business Intelligence Research, Information Systems Management, Journal of Global Information Technology and Management, and others. She is a Board member of Teradata University Network, Chair of the Special Interest Group in Decision Support and Analytics (formerly SIGDSS), and served as research track co-chair for BI Congress.Dr. Iyer is also involved in community engaged outreach and scholarship that furthers the role of women in IT (wiit.uncg.edu). She is a member of the American Association of University Women (AAUW) and received the Dr. Shirley Hall Award from AAUW Greensboro Branch in April 2011 for exemplary contribution to enrich STEM education for women. She is founder and Director of the 'IT is for Girls' at UNCG, an outreach program for middle and high-school girls that aims to increase their awareness about education and career paths in computing. She has received funding from AAUW, National Center for Women in IT (NCWIT) and from foundations to offer STEM events for young women. Dr. Iyer serves as a co-chair of the Association of Information Systems' (AIS) task force on Women in IS to enhance the outreach efforts of AIS to women in Information Systems (IS) based on systematic assessment of the current status of women in IS, globally, including students (both current and potential) and professionals in academia, corporate, and non-profit organizations with the intent to creating a nurturing, supporting environment conducive to enhancing the growth and success of women in IS field.Daniel J. Poweris a Professor of Management and Information Systems at the College of Business Administration at the University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, Iowa and the Editor of DSSResources.COM, the Web-based knowledge repository about computerized systems that support decision making, the editor of PlanningSkills.COM, and the editor of DSS News, a bi-weekly e-newsletter. Dan writes a regular column in Decision Support News. Also, Dan is a blogger on the Business Intelligence Network.Since 1982, Daniel Power has published more than 50 articles, book chapters and proceedings papers. His articles have appeared in leading journals including Decision Sciences, Decision Support Systems, Journal of Decision Systems, MIS Quarterly, Academy of Management Review, Communications of the Association for Information Systems and Information and Management. He is also co-author of a book titled Strategic Management Skills and he has authored four books on computerized decision support. His DSS Concepts book (2002) titled Decision Support Systems: Concepts and Resources for Managers is a broad ranging scholarly handbook on the fundamentals of building decision support systems. His expanded DSS Framework has received widespread interest. His latest book from Business Expert Press is titled Decision Support, Analytics, and Business Intelligence.Professor Power is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of the Midwest Association for Information Systems (JMWAIS), a member of two academic journal editorial boards, and was the founding section editor of the ISWorld pages on Decision Support Systems Research and was founding Chair of the Association for Information Systems Special Interest Group on Decision Support and Analytics (SIG DSA). Also, Professor Power was the founding President of the Midwest United States Chapter of the Association for Information Systems (MWAIS) and served as the at-large member of the Board of Directors.In 1982, Professor Power received a Ph.D. in Business Administration from the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He was on the faculty at the University of Maryland-College Park from 1982 to 1989. Dr. Power has been a visiting lecturer at universities in China, Denmark, Ireland, Israel, and Russia. Power has consulted with a number of organizations and in Summer 2003 he was a Visiting Faculty Research Fellow with the U. S. Air Force Research Lab Information Directorate (AFRL/IF).Dr. Power is a pioneer developer of computerized decision aiding and support systems. During 1975-77, he developed a computerized system called DECAID, Decision AID. In 1981-83, he reprogrammed and expanded the system for the Apple II PC.

When the BRICS grouping held its annual summit in late August, it was widely covered as a portentous affair that signaled a ripening challenge to the U.S.-led global order. For the first time, the group expanded considerably, reflecting a growing ambition not necessarily shared by each original member. It was reasonable to wonder whether a robust challenge to U.S. hegemony was imminent.For Latin America's largest nation, however, participation in an increasingly assertive BRICS need not conflict with a warm working relationship with Washington. Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva demonstrated as much at last week's UN General Assembly. Indeed, Lula's deft diplomacy turned his country into arguably the biggest winner at the annual gathering of global leaders, showing almost single-handedly that the door is not yet shut on a genuinely independent foreign policy in a moment of heightening superpower tensions. He did so by identifying substantive areas of mutual interest with the United States and taking concrete steps to show flexibility and an openness to dialogue, also with respect to the Ukraine war.When Lula, who began an unprecedented third term in January, announced early in his address on Tuesday that "Brazil is back," he was interrupted by applause from members of the General Assembly, which by tradition Brazil opens. Lula's address emphasized many of the same points he made as Brazil assumed the reins of the G20 in India earlier this month: the urgency of combating climate change, the need to find mediated solutions to armed conflicts, and the importance of reversing growing inequality worldwide. Lula's return to the dais 20 years after his first address as president marked a welcome return to form for Brazil, a country long committed to the UN as a meaningful arena of international diplomacy. Indeed, aside from South Africa's Cyril Ramaphosa, Lula was the only BRICS leader to attend this year's General Assembly.Lula used his address to criticize the UN for its inability to preserve its relevance, describing the impasse as he sees it and calling for reforms that he believes can make the body matter more. "The international community must choose: On the one hand, there is the expansion of conflicts, the deepening of inequalities and the erosion of the Rule of Law," he said." On the other, the renewal of multilateral institutions dedicated to promoting peace." He decried sanctions applied unilaterally and the ongoing embargo against Cuba. He also criticized the ineffective insularity of the UN Security Council, discredited by "the actions of its permanent members, who wage unauthorized wars in search of territorial expansion or regime change. Its paralysis is the most eloquent proof of the need and urgency to reform it, giving it greater representativeness and effectiveness." Lula made clear that his nation wants a greater say in a UN that is actually functional and effective, not withdrawal from a body consigned to irrelevance.Lula's meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky the next day demonstrated his careful and even-handed diplomacy in pursuit of an early end of the war in Ukraine. Brazil, like most Global South states, has prioritized relations with both warring parties as it realizes well the high economic costs of the conflict's continuation. Even though he has clearly criticized Russia's invasion of its much smaller neighbor, he had before this week not met personally with Zelenskyy. Finally having done so, Lula has bolstered his claim to fairness and balance.For his part, and from a different angle, President Joe Biden argued for the continued importance of the UN. He called the lack of further world wars, the ascension of hundreds of millions out of poverty, and the eradication of several devastating diseases "a profound testament to what we can achieve when we act together when we take on tough challenges." U.S. health assistance in Africa — such as PEPFAR and fighting the Ebola epidemic — have been excellent examples in this regard. Biden urged the UN to re-embrace its founding precepts of collaboration, respect for sovereignty, and human rights and seemed to signal support for a reform of multilateral institutions to reflect shifting international dynamics. He also spoke of strengthening democratic values around the world. In these areas, his message aligned with Lula's.The following day, Lula and Biden held a bilateral meeting to discuss a host of issues, but most importantly to announce a new joint effort related to workers' rights. "Over the last few days," Biden said by way of introducing the initiative, "the nations of the world have talked about climate change, sustainable development, food security, economic resilience." The president noted the centrality of working people to each one of these challenges and concluded that "we have to empower them as well. And that's what this new partnership is all about." Pointing at Lula, he added, "the partnership actually was this man's idea." While both leaders talked about the importance of union protections, living wages, pensions, and other basic rights often denied in the modern economy — Lula's labor minister also took the opportunity to sit down with members of the United Auto Workers to discuss the ongoing strike and working conditions in the United States — it remains to be seen what concretely will come from this new undertaking. Nevertheless, its importance should not be underestimated. More than anything, it marks an identifiable point of convergence between Brasília and Washington, an issue on which both leaders are personally and politically invested. Durable, productive ties between nations require such investment. A willingness to collaborate in this area — or even just to be seen committing to collaboration — is a positive sign. However, the Biden-Lula convergence on global labor standards may not be aligned with many Global South states, especially in Asia, who see the U.S. push for such standards as protectionism in disguise.Labor was not the only area in which members of the Brazilian delegation sought to make clear that it still very much wants to engage with the United States. Climate action was another. Finance Minister Fernando Haddad held multiple meetings with activists, government officials, and investors to pitch them on green investments in Brazil. Before flying to New York, Haddad gave an interview in which he praised Biden's economic agenda and said there was absolutely no reason the United States shouldn't see Brazil as a key trading partner — not least because, as he noted, "China is entering America through the Southern Cone." Minister of the Environment Marina Silva held several meetings as well, emphasizing Brazil's role in mitigating the effects of climate change. Together, these efforts underscored Lula's attempts to show that Brazil's embrace of a multipolar world does not mean it is eager to turn its back on the United States. That Brazil is finding meaningful areas of collaboration with countries of various ideological and political stripes indicates that international relations in Latin America have not yet ossified into the rigid opposing camps that would characterize a new cold war.It might serve as a model, in fact, for countries looking to avoid one.

Associate Director of Global Networks and Inclusion Maya Ranganath reflects on the goals, outcomes, and key learnings of this summer's 11th annual Africa Evidence Summit in Nairobi. The Summit would not be possible without our partners: the Network of Impact Evaluation Researchers in Africa, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, and many others mentioned in the post below.https://medium.com/media/f17cd8514f9c798ca99f083c6c2054d7/hrefLow and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs) disproportionately experience the world's greatest challenges — climate change, food security, and rampant inequality. Effective solutions to these problems must be evidence-informed and inclusive of scholars living in these countries. However, many LMICs face a shortage of researchers — only two percent of the world's research output is produced by African scholars. The evidence-informed policy community has marshaled significant momentum to address this problem and invest in LMIC research infrastructure. In fact, a recent report from the Center for Global Development identified a 26 percent increase in organizations with impact evaluation capacity since 2019. The Africa Evidence Summit, co-hosted by CEGA and the Network of Impact Evaluation Researchers in Africa (NIERA) this summer, further showcased this progress.Now with more than a decade of momentum, the Summit returned to Nairobi for its largest gathering yet: In a signal of the demand for more rigorous and locally-led evidence on what works to combat poverty, more than 500 researchers, policymakers, and practitioners attended. As every year, the Summit had four goals:Elevate the voices of African scholarsDisseminate new research findings to decision-makersSeed new collaborationsGenerate insights to advance evidence-informed policymaking and, specifically, ways to make the ecosystem more inclusiveTo this end, the Summit featured 21 research presentations from CEGA affiliated faculty, our fellows network, and partners (see here for a full list of presentations). It also included several panels that focused on meta-themes, including:Incentives, resources, and pathways for African-led publicationFunder perspectives on supporting African-led researchSupporting pro-poor growth in sub-Saharan Africa (led by event partner African Economic Research Consortium)Centering African voices in policy-making and advocacy (led by event partner Afrobarometer)Below we present some key insights from the event. Please see our takeaways document for more information.Evidence must be generated by, and in partnership with, local researchers…"To claim the 21st century as the turning point for Africa, African experts and scholars should step up to define, own, and drive the continent's development agenda," said Dr. Eliya Zulu, Executive Director of the African Institute for Development Policy (AFIDEP), in his keynote address.Summit co-host NIERA (comprised of alumni of CEGA's fellowship program) is leading this movement as the first all-African network of evidence generators. But greater investment is needed.As Rose Oronje, AFIDEP Director of Public Policy and Knowledge Translation and Head of Kenya Office, discussed, the low rate of publications by African scholars reflects a need for greater investments by governments in research infrastructure. Constantine Manda, 2012 CEGA Fellow and Assistant Professor at UC Irvine added, "We need to reform our institutions — for not just the number of publications, but the quality of them." "The incentive structure is broken and something needs to change," noted Chris Chibwana, Program Officer at the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation.…which requires re-aligning incentives, investing in research capacity, and collaborating.A variety of solutions were proposed. Oronje suggested including more editors from Africa on journals, "as they will be looking at research differently because they understand the context." Aurelia Munene, founder of Eider Africa, proposed engaging NGOs to complement African universities, training new faculty on supervision, and "providing researchers with a sense of belonging." Jordan Kyongo, Head of the East Africa Research & Innovation Hub at the UK's Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), added that "universities must support an enabling environment for students to [become] researchers." Manda urged scholars in high-income countries to "ask for invitations to present work to an African audience" to expose students to new research methods, insights, and questions.In this vein, collaboration is not only an important driver of innovation but also the keystone in inclusive evidence generation. The growing group of impact evaluators, big data researchers, and other evidence generators in LMICs relies on a close-knit community for intellectual partnership, capacity building, evidence dissemination, and funding. Indeed, the Summit would not have succeeded without its local partners (NIERA, AFIDEP, Afrobarometer, AERC, Busara, among others) and the many talented researchers who presented posters.From left to right: CEGA Fellows Jonathan Izudi, Bezawit Bahru, and Michel Ndayikeza listen to a presentation at AES 2023 | Luft VenturesEvidence is essential, but insufficient alone, for policy changeThe summit featured many research studies aimed to assist decision-makers to support vulnerable communities. A few highlights include:CEGA Faculty Co-Director Ted Miguel's study on the intergenerational impacts of child health investments in East Africa, which shows that deworming school children decreases under-five mortality in the children of those dewormed by one-fifth.A randomized control trial presented by Youth Impact's Thato Letsomo demonstrated that the ConnectEd intervention, which sends children a weekly math problem and provides tutoring phone calls, improved learning in Uganda by more than a standard year of schooling.University of Ghana's Edward Asiedu's study found that providing patients with information on their insurance coverage reduces their out-of-pocket expenditure on health.2021 CEGA Fellow Mary Nantongo's early-stage design to evaluate the impact of Uganda's Parish Development Model on the poverty levels, incomes, and participation in decision-making of beneficiary households.However, Dr. Zulu made a powerful point, saying "Evidence is essential, but not sufficient for policy. Researchers need to understand the key people and decisions being made in order to help." Building on this, Tricia Ryan from USAID led a presentation on evidence gap maps, a visual tool that identifies where more evidence is needed on a particular research subject. 2020 CEGA Fellow and Director of Research at the International Center for Evaluation and Development (ICED) Solomon Zena Walelign presented his evidence gap map, which found that more research is needed on how infrastructure interacts with the nutritional needs of people in LMICs, especially women, girls, and low-income consumers.CEGA's long history of working to shift norms in development economics toward greater leadership by African scholars has produced significant results. The Africa Evidence Summit reflects that growth, and we are excited to harness this community's momentum to advance our shared goals. Sign up for our Global Networks newsletter to hear first about next year's Summit.Supporting an inclusive evidence ecosystem: Insights from the 2023 Africa Evidence Summit was originally published in CEGA on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

ABSTRACT THE INFLUENCE OF TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP AND WORK CULTURE ON HUMAN RESOURCES PERFORMANCE(A Case Study of the State Civil Apparatus, the Department of Population and Regional Civil Registration, Melawi Regency, Nanga Pinoh District, West Kalimantan) By : Bella SafiraB1021161114 Good performance is optimal, efficient and effective performance, namely performance that is in accordance with organizational standards and supports the achievement of organizational goals. Employee performance is influenced by several factors, including the Transformational Leadership Style and Work Culture. Transformational leadership style is the act of a leader who is able to change the perceptions, attitudes and behavior of subordinates regardless of whether the changes occur or not and the Work Culture leads to the unity of the shared meaning system adopted by organizational members that differentiates the organization from other organizations. Work culture in general is a philosophical statement, a function as a binding demand on employees because it can be formally formulated.This study aims to examine and analyze the effect of transformational leadership style and work culture on the performance of human resources in the Department of Population and Civil Registration, Melawi Regency, Nanga Pinoh District. The population in this study were all employees at the Department of Population and Civil Registration of Melawi Regency, Nanga Pinoh District. The sample in this study were 59 respondents. The data analysis model used is Multiple Linear Regression Analysis. Based on the results of the study, it shows that transformational leadership styles and work culture can predict or explain their effects on human resource performance. The results of the t-test study of the transformational leadership style and work culture variables have a significant effect on the performance of human resources. 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Globalization leads to development inequalities between the so-called favorable and marginal rural areas. On a generic market, the latter can hardly compete with favorable rural areas because they are generally less endowed with production factors, located far from the markets and often have poorly developed infrastructures and unfavorable natural conditions for production-oriented agriculture. To avoid price competition some marginal rural areas demonstrate capacity to redefine their development paths through endogenous development. This model relies on local resources to offer specific products and services. The present research focuses on cheese agrifood systems in mountain rural areas. Due to the strong symbolic dimension of such systems on the one hand, and the central role of collective organization on the other hand, the territorial approach developed in French-speaking literature seems valuable for the research. In particular, the concept of Localized Agrifood Systems (LAS) appears to be interesting. LAS corresponds to agrifood systems anchored in specific territories, defined as socially constructed, culturally marketed, and institutionally regulated spaces. They rely on territorial quality differentiation of food products, as an alternative to standardized production. This process mobilizes both material attributes related to intrinsic qualities of the product and symbolic attributes linked to the geographical origin. Territorial governance, which means coordination among heterogeneous local actors, ensures the process of differentiation and the construction of cheese reputation. At the same time, this process requires a specific demand related to a higher willingness to pay from consumers. These are the conditions needed to enable a process of territorial development, as it should result in a higher price and a fairer profit distribution and, therefore, in higher incomes and satisfaction of the local needs. In addition, territorial development considers further social, cultural and environmental dimensions. The differentiation process relies on the creativity of the local actors and offers a potential for self-organization, which depends on the ability of these actors to cooperate and to act collectively. The general aim of this research is to analyze how actors in mountain cheese LAS act collectively for the territorial quality differentiation of the cheese. It encompasses three specific objectives described as follows: i) to analyze the territorial governance structures and the collective strategies implemented to differentiate mountain cheese, ii) to analyze relational processes within a collective organization to understand what is decisive in achieving collective action, iii) to link producers' representations of identity and the feeling of belonging to territory to their degree of involvement in collective action. The framework of Common Pool Resources (CPRs), territorial proximity and territoriality are employed and connected in this thesis to grasp the relationships between collective action and territory in LAS. First, the CPR framework is used to investigate the normative and multilevel institutional dimensions of collective action, and therefore the governance structures. In fact, this framework allows considering the capacity of self-organization of the local actors through the design of localized institutional arrangements and the establishment of shared norms. At the same time, it also includes the role of governments in potentially supporting localized collective action. Second, the territorial proximity approach is used to integrate the geographical and organized relationships into the analysis. Lastly, the territoriality approach considers the role of identity and feeling of belonging in collective action. This thesis applies both qualitative (e.g. semi-structured interviews, in-depth interviews with key actors, "farm biographies") and quantitative (e.g. social network analysis, statistics) methods. This research is conducted in two different case studies. The first study area is located in the Campos de Cima da Serra in southern Brazil, where the Serrano cheese is produced. It is a traditional raw milk cheese; however, it is an informal production due to new consumers' preferences for young instead of matured cheese and difficulties of compliance with hygiene standards. Moreover, production is still poorly organized and the first forms of collective action recently emerged in the 2000s. The second study area is located in the province of Trento, in the Italian Alps. Cheese production is strongly organized by the producers, who are grouped in dairy cooperatives which process milk into different typical cheeses. The cooperatives are associated to a consortium that organizes the cheese production at the province level. Results show that a mixed form of governance, i.e. including local public and private actors, as found in the province of Trento, seems crucial for the success of collective action for cheese differentiation. Whereas a top-down model, i.e. with a predominance of public actors in the coordination, as found in the Campos de Cima da Serra, leads to a low participation of producers in collective action. In order to enhance cheese reputation, the local actors concerned must create exclusion mechanisms by designing their own rules, which include sanction mechanisms, and by defining a pertinent geographical area of production. Most of the time, these rules correspond to specifications in geographical indications. Nonetheless, the success of local collective action also depends on governments and on the implementation of public policies that aim at supporting and valorizing the production. In addition, agritourism plays an important role in differentiation. Regarding the relational structure within collective organizations, the success of collective action relies on a high degree of organizational trust and reciprocity, which are conditioned by geographic and organized proximity. Indeed, geographical proximity, facilitated by village grouping, professional meetings and cultural events, allows increasing face to face interactions and therefore trust. However, the mountain environment can exacerbate isolation, leading to less participation in collective action. The presence of transport and communication infrastructures is therefore necessary to reduce isolation. Moreover, the absence of hierarchy regarding the socioeconomic status among producers, the presence of prestige-based leaders, as well as the resolution of conflicts through the definition of rules seem important for collective action achievement. Finally, producers' representations of identity reflect their participation in collective action. It therefore seems important to stimulate discussion between the different producers, in order to create common representations conducive to collective action, where the feeling of belonging may be an important element to provide higher commitment. This thesis aimed at deepening the knowledge of territory-based collective action in mountain cheese LAS. It intended to improve scientific knowledge, but also professional practices and public action in favor of the development of marginal rural areas. Future directions would consist in deepening and developing research. The first research avenue involves emphasizing the analysis of the complexity between territory and collective action, which includes the ideal (i.e. identity, representations) and political (i.e. hierarchy and conflicts) dimensions, as well as the link between collective action dynamics and territorial development outcomes. The second research avenue focuses on the implementation of participatory approaches to support the local actors in the design, implementation and evaluation of their projects.

Tämän tutkimuksen keskiössä ovat aluetason hallitusten kansainväliset yhteistyöorganisaatiot. Tutkimuksella valotetaan niiden toimijaroolia Itämeren makroalueen monitasoisessa hallintojärjestelmässä ja sen jatkokehittämiseksi. Tutkimuksen kohteena olevat organisaatiot edustavat aluetason poliittisia päätöksentekoelimiä analysoiden kaksi maaesimerkkiä: vaaleilla suoraan valittuja päätöksentekoelimiä federalistisen Saksan osavaltioissa, ja vaalien perusteella nimitettyjä poliittisia päätöksentekoelimiä unitaristisen Suomen maakuntien liitoissa. Tämä Q-tutkimus selvittää aluetason hallitusten kansainvälisten yhteistyöorganisaatioiden sihteeristöjen sekä saksalaisten ja suomalaisten jäsenalueiden edustajien subjektiivisia näkemyksiä näiden yhteistyöorganisaatioiden roolista alueellisella, kansallisella ja Euroopan unionin tasoilla. Arvioin työssäni monitasoista hallintojärjestelmää erilaisten teoreettisten lähestymistapojen valossa. Samalla peilaan keskustelua monitasoisen hallintojärjestelmän määritelmästä ja sisällöistä suhteessa niistä kirjallisuudessa esitettyihin erilaisiin tulkintoihin ja soveltamistapoihin. Kriittisen tarkastelun kohteena on kolme keskeistä politiikan välinettä, joita käytetään Itämeren makroalueen monitasoisessa hallintojärjestelmässä: kumppanuusperiaate, Euroopan unionin Itämeri-strategia ja Euroopan aluekehittämisen seurantaverkoston (ESPON) käsikirja alueellista hallintajärjestelmää varten. Nämä politiikan välineet luovat sitä empiiristä kontekstia, joka mahdollistaa aluetason hallitusten kansainvälisten yhteistyöorganisaatioiden nykyroolin analysoinnin Itämeren makroalueen monitasoisen hallintojärjestelmän kontekstissa. Samalla yllä mainitut politiikan välineet muodostavat arvokkaan lähdemateriaalin tutkimuksen metodologian tueksi. Aluetason hallitusten kansainvälisten yhteistyöorganisaatioiden sekä niiden suomalaisten ja saksalaisten jäsenalueiden edustajien subjektiivisten näkemysten tutkimiseen käytän Q-metodologiaa. Metodologisen analyysin tulosten perusteella löytyi neljä faktoria (i) "Monitasoisen hallintajärjestelmän rakentajat EU:n Itämeri-strategian avulla", (ii) "Strategisten hankkeiden edistäjät", (iii) "Aluekehittämistavoitteiden edunvalvojat" ja (iv) "Jäsenalueiden älykkään erikoistumisen edistäjät". Faktorit ilmentävät yhteistyöorganisaatioiden tehtäviä, koordinaatio-ongelmia monitasoisessa hallintojärjestelmässä sekä työskentelytapojen muutostarpeita Itämeren makroalueen muuttuvassa operationaalisessa viitekehyksessä. Faktoreille yhteiset konsensusväittämäklusterit toivat esiin lukuisia näiden yhteistyöorganisaatioiden toimintaan liittyviä ongelmia: näkyvyydessä ja sitoutumisessa horisontaaliseen ja vertikaaliseen viestintään; makroalueellisessa koordinaatiossa ja yhteistyössä kansallisen tason hallitustenvälisten yhteistyöorganisaatioiden kanssa; Euroopan unionin rahoitusvälineiden hyödyntämisessä; maantieteellisessä edustavuudessa ja poliittisen legimiteetin puolustamisessa sekä voimavarojen tehokkaammassa käytössä. Tämä tutkimus osoittaa, että aluetason hallitusten kansainväliset yhteistyöorganisaatiot kohtaavat useita ongelmia, ja etteivät ne ole vielä täysin sopeutuneet Itämeren makroalueen muuttuvaan operationaaliseen viitekehykseen, eivätkä Euroopan unionin nykyisiin politiikan välineisiin ja prosesseihin. Tulokset osoittavat myös, että nykyistä Itämeren makroalueen monitasoista hallintojärjestelmää voi luonnehtia melko valtiokeskeiseksi ja ylhäältä alaspäin ohjatuksi. Monitasoinen hallintajärjestelmä ei ole optimaalisesti toimiva aluetason hallitusten kansainvälisten yhteistyöorganisaatioiden eikä niiden jäsenalueiden näkökulmasta. Dikotomia hallitustenvälisyyden ja monitasoisen hallintojärjestelmän teoreettisten lähestymistapojen välillä ilmentää jännitteitä eri politiikan osa-alueilla, eri politiikkojen laadinnassa ja käytäntöön soveltamisessa. Poliittinen ja perustuslaillinen viitekehys vaikuttaa myös selkeästi yhteistyöorganisaatioiden jäsenalueiden valtuuksiin ja vastuisiin omissa maissaan, ja siihen, kuinka ne voivat toimia niissä, sekä siihen millaisen aseman jäsenalueet mahdollistavat näille yhteistyöorganisaatioille monitasoisessa hallintojärjestelmässä. Käynnissä oleva Suomen sosiaali-, terveyspalvelu- ja maakuntauudistus tarjoaa mielenkiintoisen esimerkin siitä, kuinka muutos poliittisessa ja perustuslaillisessa viitekehyksessä voisi vahvistaa maakuntien toimintamahdollisuuksia aluetason hallitusten kansainvälisten yhteistyöorganisaatioiden kautta Itämeren makroalueen monitasoisessa hallintojärjestelmässä. Tutkimuksen tuloksiin pohjautuen esitän lopuksi seitsemän yleisesti sovellettavaa politiikkasuositusta aluetason toimijoille. Suositukset perustuvat tämän Q-tutkimuksen osallistujien subjektiivisiin näkemyksiin, teoreettiseen keskusteluun ja aiempiin tutkimuksiin kansallisen tason hallitusten välisistä yhteistyöorganisaatioista. Politiikkasuositusten tarkoituksena on esittää aloitteita aluetason hallitusten kansainvälisten yhteistyöorganisaatioiden työn jatkokehittämiseen, sekä niiden prioriteettien ja yhteistyömuotojen uudelleen arviointiin monitasoisen hallintojärjestelmän rakenteissa. ; This study has international cooperation organizations of regional governments (ICORGs) in focus and examines their role in the present multi-level governance (MLG) system of the Baltic Sea macro-region while also seeking to develop MLG system further. The study focuses on ICORGs representing regional governments, analysing two specific country-cases: elected political bodies of Länder in the Federal Republic of Germany, and nominated political bodies of Regional Councils in the unitary Republic of Finland. In particular, the study examines the subjective views of representatives of the ICORG secretariats, Finnish regions, and German Länder in relation to the regional, national, and EU levels of MLG. In this work, I evaluate MLG through different theoretical approaches, reflecting the ongoing debate over the definition and contents of MLG arising from different interpretations and applications of the concept in the literature. I critically assess and examine the partnership principle, the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR), and the European Observation Network for Territorial Development and Cohesion (i.e., European Spatial Planning Observation Network/ESPON) Handbook for Territorial Governance. These policy instruments serve as the empirical context of the study, and hence documents concerning their activities form part of the primary material enabling the methodological analysis of the current role of the ICORGs in the Baltic Sea macro-regional MLG context. I use a Q methodological approach to study the subjective views of representatives of the ICORGs studied and of their Finnish and German member regions. Based on the results of the methodological analysis and the factor interpretation, four factors were extracted: (i) "Builders of the MLG through the EUSBSR," (ii) "Facilitators of Strategic Projects," (iii) "Lobbyists for Regional Development Objectives," and (iv) "Promoters for Smart Specialization in their Member Regions." The factors reveal ICORGs´ tasks, respond to their coordination problems, and meet the need for them to change their working methods within the changing operational context in the Baltic Sea macro-region. The clusters of the "consensus-like-items" shared by all factors opened up for the ICORGs challenges in visibility and commitment to horizontal and vertical communication; in macro-regional coordination and cooperation with intergovernmental organizations (IGOs); in commitment to the EU financing instruments; in geographical representativeness and the political legitimacy; and in efficient use of resources. This study shows that the ICORGs currently suffer from several problems and have not yet fully adapted to the current EU policy instruments and processes or to the changing operational environment in the Baltic Sea macro-region. The findings also make obvious that the current MLG system of the Baltic Sea macro-region can be defined as rather state-centric and top-down driven, and does not function properly from the ICORGs´ and their member regions´ points of view. The tensions indicated by the theoretical dichotomy between intergovernmental and MLG approaches to EU policymaking prevail also in policy practice. Political and constitutional contexts clearly influence the mandates and responsibilities of the ICORG member regions in their respective countries, how they act in the ICORGs, and what kind of position they allow the ICORGs to have in the MLG system. The current reform of health, social services, and regional government in Finland provides an interesting example of how changes in political and constitutional contexts could increase the chances of the regions working through the ICORGs within the MLG system of the Baltic Sea macro-region. Finally, the academic results concerning the subjective views of the respondents, uncovered by means of Q methodology, are discussed on the more practical level to propose seven policy recommendations for regional actors. Earlier research on the IGOs, and the theoretical discussion in the study, also inform this more practical application of the results. These recommendations are made to provide an impetus for the future development of the ICORGs´ work and possibly to inspire them to reconsider their priorities and cooperation schemes within the MLG structure.

Featuring an international slate of artists, the festival focuses on the ceaseless flow of people, information, and substances, through expanding urban areas, the virtual realm of cyberspace, and endangered natural landscapes. In the face of worldwide streams of refugees and migrants, an overload of manipulable digital information, and injurious amounts of harmful particles suspended in the atmosphere and discharged into waterways, those in power look the other way. And all the while they withdraw and intensify control to protect what they have. Short-term success is favoured over having a sustained vision of the future. The programme derives its thematic approach from the concept of the "space of flows", as set forth by the Spanish sociologist Manuel Castells in his seminal 1996 volume The Rise of the Network Society. "The space of flows", explained Castells, "dissolves time by disordering the sequence of events and making them simultaneous, thus installing society in eternal ephemerality". Two decades later, one could say that we exist in exactly such a society: a networked one, defined as an open, borderless, and intangible entity, in constant flux and an ever shifting shape. It is our shared experience that we are all part of an enmeshed whole that provokes and confronts us on a near-daily basis with events unfolding in faraway locales. As we take note of them via our screens in the form of a tweet, an image, or a video they evade traditional geographic boundaries and notions of localness. And the speed with which people, goods, information, and pollutants are distributed and disseminated is so rapid that it is sometimes impossible to distinguish between catalyst and consequence. Moreover, how should we judge a message on our screen? Can we really see and understand what is going on? Through the rise of the network society, a real virtuality became visible, making us aware that we are no longer only living in a "space of places". Castells explains this as a space in which we were familiar with every nook and cranny of our village and acquainted with all our neighbours, and in which we could trace in our minds the jigsaw configurations of the horizon-bound fields. A new layer was created, and this "space of flows" catapulted us into a fluid ecosystem that requires a substantial shift in our perspective on humanity and the planet. On that note, Rebecca Solnit, author of River of Shadows, describes the ascents of Hollywood and, somewhat later, Silicon Valley as those of industries which have reshaped "a world of places and materials [into] a world of representations and information, a world of vastly greater reach and less solid grounding". And it is precisely the industries of Hollywood and Silicon Valley that by and large define the frames through which we perceive and see the world.Solnit interweaves her biography of Eadweard Muybridge, the photographer and innovator of early motion-picture studies and technologies, with meditations on the concept of "the annihilation of time and space". "The annihilation of time and space" is an expression from the Industrial Revolution used to describe the groundbreaking, time-altering technologies of the day, such as rail travel and the telegraph, both of which aimed to accelerate lines of transportation and communication.In this respect, each new technology functions as yet another medium that enhances our experience of time and space. But do they bring us a clearer vision? Or do they blur our minds instead? The artists selected for this year's Photomonth present projects that encourage us to develop ways of thinking that refuse to be hemmed in by boundaries and led by prejudices. The works provoke a more informed, flexible, and empathetic response to the most pressing issues that we, as humans, face today. As such, the festival focuses on the tension between the impulse to delimit a space with walls and to fearfully exclude the unknown, and the impossibility to regulate processes of moving enormous quantities of people, information, and substances within and across physical and virtual spaces. Envisioned as one overarching group show, the festival blends stories and images in an attempt to examine the "space of flows" that we currently inhabit, and grapple with its implications. To distinguish between the myriad focuses of the artists' projects, they have been divided into three chapters: migration to and within contemporary Europe; the invisibility and intangibility of digital data; and urgent environmental issues. The exhibited works address multiple topics, including: societal anxieties stirred by ignorance and mistrust, as well as political fearmongering; consequences of human interventions for the climate; stories of forced displacement; and the growing threat of cyberwarfare. Conflicts, unemployment and lack of prospects have forced untold thousands of people to leave behind their homes, belongings, and loved ones. Refugee or migrant, they undertake an often perilous journey to promised lands where they find themselves at risk of being detained and targeted by the rhetoric of populist political movements.Europe finds itself divided between the liberal values of tolerance and the nostalgia of those who crave a return to a fantasised past in which "everything was known". Meanwhile, in an etheric elsewhere, our data hover invisibly in an artificial "cloud", or else whizz in the blink of an eye through cables snaking underground and undersea. In truth, the vast majority of us don't have a clue what happens to our data after their transformation into bits and cascading scrolls of zeroes and ones. Computer programmers, cryptocurrency experts, and bitcoin speculators have little interest in making their shadowy realm more transparent or comprehensible to the layperson. The rest of us are left in the dark as to what exactly happens to the digitised facsimiles of ourselves, once rendered and uploaded. What subcutaneous layer, for example, do we unwittingly expose when we pass through an airport's body scanner? And although "wild nature" has been reduced in many latitudes to a contradiction in terms, it is still a quality we seek out and yearn to experience. In some regions of the world in which a highly cultivated natural environment is mistaken for its original state, we have been disrupting natural processes for ages. Heavy industries such as mining, the presence of nuclear power plants, and what goes under the name of forest management have had a profound, and in many cases irreversibly deleterious effect on the well-being, and long-term vitality of both human and animal habitats. Even if statistically calculable, it remains difficult, if not impossible, to visualise and truly comprehend the vast movement of migrant populations, the frictionless transfer of encoded data and its ciphered binary digits, and the large-scale release of contaminants into our air, soils, and water. Nevertheless, all the selected artists attempt to do just that: with their lens-based art, they make the "space of flows" more fathomable by humanising its statistics, personalising and particularising its abstractions, and demystifying its technophilic enigmas. Their art stimulates and resonates with the intellect, imagination, and conscience of the viewer. Work shown by Edmund Clark: 'Negative Publicity: Artefacts of Extraordinary Rendition' https://www.edmundclark.com/works/negative-publicity/#text Exhibition also includes: Esther Hovers, Rune Peitersen, Armand Quetsch, Agnieszka Rayss, Katja Stuke & Oliver Sieber

Includes bibliography (p. 439-461). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 304 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Engineering, Department of Architecture, 2016. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Η έννοια της συλλογικής νοημοσύνης χαράσσει νέες κατευθύνσεις ως προς τον τρόπο προσέγγισης πολλών σύγχρονων θεμάτων πολιτικής, οικονομικής, κοινωνικής και ηθικής φύσης, αποδίδοντας μεγάλη έμφαση στις δυναμικές σχέσεις που αναπτύσσονται μεταξύ των συμβαλλόμενων μερών. Κατ' επέκταση, ο συλλογικός χώρος που προκύπτει ως αποτέλεσμα αυτής της 'ανοικτής' διαδικασίας, μπορεί να αποτελέσει το πεδίο όπου διάφορες αβεβαιότητες αποκαλύπτονται, αλλά και να λειτουργήσει ως το πεδίο όπου οι αντιθέσεις, συγκρούσεις και αντιπαραθέσεις συνιστούν τα κύρια στοιχεία που ορίζουν την αρχιτεκτονική δημιουργία. Εξετάζοντας οποιαδήποτε χωρική προβληματική, καλούμαστε να ανταπεξέλθουμε σε έναν τεράστιο αριθμό παραμέτρων που αναδεικνύουν την ανεπάρκεια των διαθέσιμων μεθόδων σχεδιασμού για την αντιμετώπιση πολύπλοκων αστικών προβλημάτων. Σε άλλους επιστημονικούς κλάδους, όπως αυτόν της πληροφορικής, η διαχείριση της πολυπλοκότητας φαίνεται να επιτυγχάνεται από τους ίδιους τους χρήστες, με την υιοθέτηση διαφόρων μοντέλων συλλογικών διαδικασιών, όπως είναι ο ανοικτός κώδικας (open source), η ομότιμη δυναμική (p2p), ο πληθοπορισμός (crowdsourcing), κ.λπ. Εν αντιθέσει, στον κλάδο του αστικού σχεδιασμού οι εκφάνσεις συλλογικών πρακτικών σχετίζονται με την έννοια του συμμετοχικού σχεδιασμού, ο οποίος συχνά περιορίζεται στην εμπλοκή διαφόρων ενδιαφερομένων στη διαδικασία σχεδιασμού και στην απόδοση ευθυνών σχεδιασμού προς αυτούς, για την παραγωγή χώρων που θα αφορούν τις ανάγκες των πραγματικών χρηστών. Παρότι ο σχεδιασμός συνήθως επικεντρώνεται στο τελικό προϊόν σχεδιασμού, στην πραγματικότητα τα στάδια της διαδικασίας σχεδιασμού, τα οποία ξεκινούν με τον προσδιορισμό ενός αστικού προβλήματος και με στόχο την ανάπτυξη ενός τελικού προϊόντος, συνήθως παραμένουν στην αφάνεια, παρόλο που αποτελούν ουσιώδες μέρος της αρχιτεκτονικής πρακτικής. Για τους λόγους αυτούς, η παρούσα μελέτη αποσκοπεί στη διερεύνηση της έννοιας της συλλογικής νοημοσύνης, εστιάζοντας στο σχεδιασμό ως μια διαδικασία η οποία εκτείνεται πέρα από τα όρια κάθε έργου και η οποία δύναται να συμβάλλει στη διάδοση της γνώσης. Το τελευταίο κατέστη δυνατό μέσα από την επιλογή της πλατφόρμας αρχιτεκτονικών διαγωνισμών Europan, ως περιπτωσιολογικής μελέτης. Για το σκοπό αυτό χρησιμοποιήθηκαν αναλυτικές μέθοδοι προσέγγισης συγκεκριμένων έργων από το αρχείο του Europan, σε συνδυασμό με ένα αριθμό συνεντεύξεων των εμπλεκόμενων μερών για τα επιλεγμένα έργα, καθώς επίσης πραγματοποιήθηκε διεξοδική μελέτη του 28-χρόνου αρχείου του Europan. Η διατριβή κατέδειξε ότι οι συλλογικές πρακτικές που διενεργούνται μεταξύ των παραγόντων ενός έργου (πόλεις, αρχιτέκτονες, εμπειρογνώμονες, φορείς ανάπτυξης) και οι οποίες διαμορφώνουν σταδιακά το σχεδιασμό ενός έργου, επωφελούνται και ενισχύονται από τις πλατφόρμες επικοινωνίας που προσφέρονται από το θεσμό του Europan (χώροι δημόσιας συζήτησης (forum, debates), εργαστήρια, εκθέσεις, κλπ.). Ως εκ τούτου, διαπιστώθηκε ότι ένα έργο αστικού σχεδιασμού μπορεί να αποκτήσει υβριδικά χαρακτηριστικά, επηρεαζόμενο τόσο από την ιδιαιτερότητα του χωρικού πλαισίου αναφοράς όσο και από τη δυναμική των δικτύων των παραγόντων τα οποία εκτείνονται σε όλες τις ευρωπαϊκές πόλεις που εμπλέκονται στο θεσμό. Κατά συνέπεια, διαπιστώθηκε ότι η πλατφόρμα του θεσμού Europan αποτελεί όντως ένα πρακτικό πολυεπίπεδο μέσο, μια κοινή πλατφόρμα επικοινωνίας των διαφόρων παραγόντων, ένα μέσο για την παραγωγή και διάδοση της γνώσης, ένα εν εξελίξει ερευνητικό πεδίο καθώς και ένα ενεργό μέσο στη διαμόρφωση πολιτικής. Η καινοτομία της εργασίας έγκειται στο γεγονός ότι ο συγγραφέας πρότεινε την ανάπτυξη μιας προσαρμοστικής μεθοδολογίας για τη χαρτογράφηση της πορείας εξέλιξης μιας αστικής κατάστασης, από το στάδιο προσδιορισμού της προβληματικής μέχρι και την υλοποίηση ενός έργου και η οποία αξιοποιεί πλήρως τη συσσωρευμένη γνώση που διαθέτει σήμερα ο θεσμός του Europan. Η επιστημονική αξία της εργασίας έγκειται στο ότι η γενίκευση της μεθοδολογίας αυτής θα μπορούσε να οδηγήσει στην εφαρμογή της πέρα από τα καθορισμένα όρια του θεσμού του Europan και να συμβάλει στην εμφάνιση ή την περαιτέρω ενίσχυση της συλλογικής νοημοσύνης. ; The concept of collective intelligence opens up new avenues in the potential approaches to many contemporary issues of a political, economic, social and moral nature, by laying great emphasis on the dynamic relations which are developed among the contributing parties. In turn, the collective space that emerges as the outcome of this 'open' process can function as the field where uncertainties are revealed as well as where the confrontation with differences, contrasts, conflicts and controversies that define architecture on the making, takes place. Coming across any problematic urban situation, we are faced with a vast number of parameters that highlight the inadequacy of our planning methods to respond to complex urban problems. In other disciplines, such as in Information Technology, the management of complexity appears likely to be resolved by the users themselves, by embracing several models of collective processes, such as open source, p2p, crowdsourcing, etc. That said, in urban design such manifestations of collective practices are usually related to the 'traditional' form of participatory design, that is often limited to engaging stakeholders in the design process and to attributing design responsibilities to them in order to produce environments for the actual users. Despite the perseverance of a design process being mainly focused on the end-product of the design, the process that starts from identifying the urban problem towards an end-product usually remains invisible but at the same time is a very challenging part of the architectural practice. On these grounds, this study explores the concept of collective intelligence by focusing on design as a process that stretches beyond the specific project and contributes to the spread of knowledge. The latter was made possible with the employment of Europan architectural competitions' platform as a case study. Analytical approach methods of selective Europan projects including interviews of key actors for the selected projects and the study of Europan's 28 year course archive were employed. The dissertation demonstrated that the collective practices between project actors (cities, architects, experts, developers) formulate gradually the design project, profiting from the platforms offered by the Europan institution (forums, workshops, debates). Therefore, it was found that the making of an urban design project can obtain hybrid characteristics, depending both on the specificity of the actual context and the dynamics of networks of actors that span all European cities involved. Consequently, it was found that the Europan platform is indeed a practical multi-level medium, a shared platform for the communication of diverse actors, a means of production and spread of knowledge, a domain of research in progress and an active argument in the formation of politics. The novelty of this study lies in the fact that the author suggested the development of an adaptive methodology for mapping an urban situation's course of evolution into an implemented project that fully exploits Europan's accumulated knowledge. The significance attached to the latter is that the methodology's generalization could lead to its use over and above the Europan's context and contribute to the emergence or the enhancement of collective intelligence.