Suchergebnisse

Der Umsturz in der Ukraine 2014, der Putsch in Bolivien gegen Evo Morales 2019 und die Massenproteste gegen die Regierung in Bulgarien 2020 haben etwas gemeinsam: In ihrem Zentrum standen Parteien und Politiker/innen, die gegen demokratische Grundsätze verstiessen und enge Verbindungen zu CDU, CSU und ihren Stiftungen - Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung und Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung - hatten. Sie wurden von diesen jahrelang gezielt gefördert, um ein neoliberales Gegengewicht zu missliebigen Kräften zu bilden. Schliesslich gelang es ihnen, an die Schalthebel der Macht zu kommen. Das erklärt auch, warum sie trotz ihrer Bündnisse mit rechtsextremen und faschistischen Kräften und ihrer autoritären Politik stets auf Rückendeckung aus der Bundesrepublik und anderen westlichen Staaten zählen konnten. Welche ökonomischen Interessen und geostrategischen Überlegungen stecken hinter dieser Politik? Aert van Riel zeigt an diesen und weiteren Beispielen, wie konservative Kräfte aus der Bundesrepublik auch ohne Militäreinsatz die Weltpolitik beeinflussen. (Verlagswerbung)

The purpose of this article is to reassert the importance of realist thought in the international theory of Martin Wight. Following Hedley Bull, it has become prevalent in international relations theory to present Wight as a rationalist thinker, and international society as a rationalist principle that offers an alternative or third way in international relations. I argue that international society is actually Wight's attempt to integrate two perspectives on international relations — the Realist and the Rationalist. I argue that this relationship is asymmetric — that international society is the product of realist impulses and logic which force the creation of a series of secondary institutional and legal mechanisms that can channel but not control the desire for power in international relations.

"Der Beitrag zeigt, daß die Stärkung der Exportfähigkeit der deutschen Industrie durchgängig ein besonderes Anliegen der Wirtschaftspolitik war. Seit dem Ende der siebziger Jahre hat die internationale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit eine bis dahin nicht gekannte Bedeutung in der wirtschafts-, sozial- und tarifpolitischen Auseinandersetzung erlangt. Der Beitrag diskutiert die dafür ausschlaggebenden Entwicklungen, wobei insbesondere der Zusammenhang zwischen wirtschaftlichen Interessen und wirtschaftspolitischen Zielen einerseits und der damit korrespondierenden inhaltlichen Ausfüllung des Begriffs der internationalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit andererseits herausgearbeitet wird." (Autorenreferat)

"Mit dem ATT (Arms Trade Treaty) wurden im April 2013 von der UN-Generalversammlung erstmals rechtlich verbindliche, globale Normen zur Regulierung des internationalen Waffenhandels auf den Weg gebracht. Doch bringt dieses erste international gültige Abkommen die erhofften Verbesserungen? Die Autorin ermittelt in ihrem Report die Erfolgsaussichten des Vertrags, indem sie seine Effektivität bewertet. In ihrem Fazit warnt sie vor überzogenen Erwartungen und schließt mit Empfehlungen für eine verantwortungsvolle deutsche Rüstungsexportpolitik." (Autorenreferat)

To the impressive list of Italian periodicals on international law led by the prestigious Rivista di Diritto Internazionale there has now been added The Italian Yearbook of International Law, published exclusively in English. Italian scholars have made a very significant contribution to doctrinal developments in international law; however, some of their work has gone unnoticed because Italian is not among the languages in widespread use in international law circles. In addition, Italian scholarship has suffered somewhat from what some consider to be an overly theoretical or abstract approach to the subject matter. While it is always a noteworthy occasion to welcome a new member into the family of international law yearbooks, the advent of the Italian yearbook is particularly noteworthy, contributing as it does to the accessibility of a broad range of material and learned comment. It is appropriate, therefore, that the first issues of The Italian Yearbook of International Law receive extended comment in the pages of this Yearbook.

From the refusal of the U.S. Congress to approve fast-track trade authority and certain foreign aid packages to the obstacles placed by Western European parliaments in the path of economic integration, legislatures often interfere with national leaders' efforts to reach and implement predictable international agreements. This seems to give an advantage to dictators, who can bluff with confidence and make decisions without consultation, and many assume that even democratic governments would do better to minimize political dissent and speak foreign policy from a single mouth. In this thoughtful, empirically grounded challenge to the assumption that messy domestic politics undermine democracies' ability to conduct international relations, Lisa Martin argues that legislatures--and particularly the apparently problematic openness of their proceedings--actually serve foreign policy well by giving credibility to the international commitments that are made. Examining the American cases of economic sanctions, the use of executive agreements versus treaties, and food assistance, in addition to the establishment of the European Union, Martin concludes that--if institutionalized--even rancorous domestic conversations between executives and legislatures augment rather than impede states' international dealings. Such interactions strengthen and legitimize states' bargaining positions and international commitments, increasing their capacity to realize international cooperation. By expanding our comprehension of how domestic politics affect international dialogue, this work is a major advance in the field of international relations and critical reading for those who study or forge foreign policy

This article argues that the normative promise of recognition theory in International Relations has become increasingly inadequate to the cross-cutting and intersecting issues characteristic of a globalised and fragmented world. Engaging in critical readings of cosmopolitan forms of recognition theory, the critique of sovereignty and Markell's influential critique of recognition theory, I suggest that the increasing ontological specificity of recognition theory in IR has come at the expense of its ability to develop links between different areas of international politics. The result is a failure to deal with recognition's simultaneity, or the co-existence of analytically distinct and internally coherent recognition orders that is characteristic of the international. Building on this insight, I argue that a more historically-sensitive and materialist approach to recognition can be grounded in the concept of multiplicity. By opening recognition up to processes of interaction, and not merely reproduction, multiplicity frames the international more clearly as a historical presupposition, rather than a limit, of recognition. Furthermore, placing recognition struggles within the state, international institutions or transnational movements in relation to each other ensures that IR can contribute to the further development of recognition theory by situating recognition struggles at the intersection of different moral geographies.