Article in the George Washington University Magazine ; legislators and school directors are being elected, often with help from white voters, all across the South. Achieving racial justice remains the task of first priority for the South. Its religious, political and educational resources must be fully committed, or needless suffering will continue to create tensions and ill will. The slowing down of the movement toward equality in some places is doubtless due to reaction against the excesses of militants on the campuses and, to a lesser extent, in the streets, but the white majority cannot afford to change the priorities - granted that the ending of violence and maintenance of order are also matters of great urgency. The suppression of crime must not be confused with repression of the valid aspirations of our fellow men. An increasing number of white Southerners are aware of this. Two specific activities illustrate the point - one by an important religious body, the Southern Baptist Convention, and the other by a self-constituted bipartisan and biracial group of Southerners, the Southern Committee on Political Ethics (SCOPE), interested in, among other things, securing full political rights of minorities. The writer is currently serving as chairman of this Committee and has the support of such influential Southerners as former Congressman Frank Smith of Mississippi, and Carl Elliott of Alabama; newspaper publishers Hodding Carter, Jr., of Greenville, Mississippi; H. B. Patterson of Little Rock, Arkansas; and others, including educators, labor leaders and businessmen. The Baptist exertions in the race field are designed to exhibit the same concern shown by other denominations in comparable work and proceed under a clear mandate of the 1968 Convention of the eleven million member denomination. An item of special interest to George Washington alumni is the establishment of the Ecumenical Institute at Wake Forest University, a Baptist institution, as was GW originally under the name of Columbian College. Wake Forest was founded by one of Columbian College's early graduates, Samuel Wait, for whom the Wake Forest chapel is named. The Institute is dedicated to building bridges of understanding, and its founders believe that one by-product of its work will be The suppression of crime must not be confused with repression of the valid aspirations of our fellow men. improved communications between the races. Millions of sensitive Southern white voters are profoundly disturbed by the subtle (and not so subtle) racist appeals of some of the region's politicians. They are found primarily in the ranks of the Wallace party organization which represents a substantial movement. The Wallace followers seek to exploit the dissatisfaction arising from the strategy of the militants, white and black, and this puts a brake upon the struggles for economic and social change so essential to the improvement of the condition of the South's poor. As the non-South well-wishers, who in my opinion are legion, seek effective ways to help us, they should particularly recognize the plight of our rural poor. Hunger is an ever present reality for millions of Americans, 40 per cent of whom are in Southern states. The plight of the South's victims among children is particularly poignant. It is at the point of impingement of hunger on the South's poor that we find the greatest awareness of common suffering and an identification of interest between white and Negro. Even if dullness of spirit and unkindness of attitude among some within the white community should outweigh good will, we can predict that the races will come together for united attacks against social evils. Recognition of a common humanity makes it inevitable - or the American experiment fails. As communication improves, a larger number of the white community will be aware of the basic expectations of the black community. It will become apparent that if all discrimination were miraculously abolished and complete economic equality suddenly achieved, the matter of first importance to the black man, acknowledgement of his human dignity, would stand out . let white Southerners remember that the quiet and peace were at a dreadful cost. in boldest terms as the unfinished business. If present tensions and the outbreaks of violence seem to place too great a strain upon the Southern community and cause a yearning for the serene days of segregation, disfranchisement and black subservience, let white Southerners remember that the quiet and peace were at a dreadful cost. It is better that we be conscious of the Negro's wounds, though it casts away the amenities that made life pleasanter for us. Rebelliousness is visible. That is all to the good. Let us ask only that, in keeping with the constitutional concept of a continuing non-violent revolution, it be kept free from lawlessness, for that way the ends of justice can be more quickly served and the wounds be completely healed. As the white South changes there are also substantial changes in the Negro community. One example, pointed to by the black opponents of violence and excessive action, has to do with public criticism. In the early stages of the civil rights struggles, there was a sort of tacit understanding that no Negro would publicly condemn another Negro - the appearance of complete unity was regarded as too precious an asset to be lightly discarded. That has changed - very noticeably. This change is obviously wholesome. No white friend can counsel as effectively for improved techniques in the continuing struggle as those within the black society. The cleavages now appear, and since the militant forces contain white recruits just as the moderate forces now include black adherents, the moral elements are emerging in clearer perspective. The stability that can be attained only by justice and decency may appear first in the South, and the region may well contribute good examples and wise guidance for the nation, revealing as an empty charge the statement sometimes heard in the distressed central cities that the migration of the South's poor is the sole cause of ghetto troubles. The hope of accelerated change is therefore partially in the vision and compassion of Washington's political powers and partially in the South's sense of the new inter-relationship of races and regions. Our hope seems justified, but time is running, if not running out.
Authors' introductionWe present an overview of research about racial residential segregation. The first part of the article reviews major debates and findings drawn primarily from the sociological literature. The second part of the article identifies new areas of research that in some cases cross into other disciplines such as geography and urban studies. We show the enduring persistence of racial residential segregation as well as its causes and consequences. We also highlight the ways in which residential segregation can be better understood by including discussions about the varied social and spatial expressions of, and responses to, segregation. The social scientific examination of the patterns and everyday experiences of racial residential segregation remains prolific.Authors recommendKrysan, Maria 2002. 'Community Undesirability in Black and White: Examining Racial Residential Preferences through Community Perceptions.'Social Problems 49: 521–43.The author presents an empirical critique of research which examines the role that residential preferences play in perpetuating racially segregated residential settlement patterns. The data are drawn from the Multi‐City Study of Urban Inequality. The author analyzes black and white participants' responses to open‐ended questions about community undesirability in 23 communities spread across four US metropolitan areas. Rather than examine residential preferences in relation to hypothetical communities of varying relative racial compositions, the author uses respondents' subjective perceptions of actual communities, and the reasons they give for their perceptions, as measures of residential preference. The major finding of the article is that preferences are mediated by class‐ and race‐based considerations, such as perceived community crime rates or a community's reputation as a hotbed of racial animosity and hostility.Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.The authors report on national‐ and metropolitan‐level residential segregation trends for white, black, Hispanic, and Asian groups using a cross‐sectional analysis of 2000 Census data. They also present findings from a longitudinal analysis of changing residential segregation trends for the period 1980 to 2000. During this time black–white segregation levels, measured by the Index of Dissimilarity, steadily declined nationally and in most major metropolitan areas. However, Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation levels increased slightly at both the national and metropolitan levels since 1980. The authors estimate regression models to test prevailing hypotheses that seek to account for these changes. Notably, they conclude that black–white segregation remains high especially in older manufacturing centers in the Northeast and Midwest. Levels of Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation meanwhile are increasing in regions where these minority groups are most heavily concentrated and where they continue to grow due to high levels of foreign‐born in‐migration.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton 1993. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.This book is a seminal contribution to the scholarly debate about the causes and consequences of black urban poverty in the US. The authors argue that racial residential segregation is the key social process which explains the conditions under which a black urban underclass forms and is maintained. Segregation creates a 'structural niche' of concentrated black socioeconomic deprivation wherein, for instance, conditions of welfare dependency become normative and oppositional cultures emerge in reaction to the contradictory values of dominant groups. Massey and Denton claim that segregation is perpetuated by, but also compounds, the effects of institutional racism and white prejudice. To support their claim the authors point to historical trends in levels of racial residential segregation they attribute to public policy as well as private decision‐making. The book makes a methodological statement as well in relation to the conceptualization and measurement of residential segregation.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.The authors develop a theoretical framework to account for an emerging 'new inequality' in home mortgage lending and home‐ownership that has contributed to contemporary patterns of residential segregation. The 'old inequality', which was characterized by individual‐ and neighborhood‐level race‐ and class‐based discrimination, gave way in the early 1990s to a new form of inequality based on access to high‐cost loans and exposure to predatory lending practices. The authors rely on descriptive metropolitan‐level data on home mortgage lending to document rising rates of home‐ownership and loan origination among African American and low‐income borrowers, and within minority neighborhoods, since the early 1990s. Their interpretation of these data, however, leads them to conclude that despite these gains, the residential segregation generated by the old inequality creates the conditions for the emergence of the new inequality and similar patterns of residential segregation.Wyly, Elvin K., and Daniel J. Hammel 2004. 'Gentrification, Segregation, and Discrimination in the American Urban System.'Environment and Planning A 36: 1215–41.This article is a nice companion to the article by Williams et al. (2005) (see above). The authors examine racial and economic inequalities, such as residential segregation and racial discrimination, related to mortgage reinvestment and gentrification in major US central cities since the early 1990s. Using regression models to analyze home mortgage lending data and credit market characteristics across 30 US cities, the authors find that both early‐ ('peripheral') and late‐stage ('core') gentrification reproduce familiar patterns of race‐ and class‐based segregation, and are associated with more intensified forms of racial discrimination by property developers, realtors, and lenders.Online materials
Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) –Home Mortgage Disclosure Act http://www.ffiec.gov/hmda/ This website provides access to publicly reported loan data under the provisions of the federal Home Mortgage Disclosure Act. The site allows users to view descriptive information on consumer lending institutions as well as borrower and loan characteristics that can be geocoded by census tract. The site is fairly user‐friendly yet provides access to powerful aggregate loan data. Researchers have used these publicly available data to compile profiles of consumer finance and investment trends across metropolitan areas or to begin to document patterns of disinvestment, redlining, and subprime lending. Racial Residential Segregation Measurement Project (Reynolds Farley, University of Michigan) http://enceladus.isr.umich.edu/race/racestart.aspQuoted from the website:This website provides you with indexes of racial residential segregation for all states, for all counties, for all metropolitan areas and for all cities of 100,000 or more using information from the Census of 2000. Indexes of dissimilarity, exposure indexes and interracial contact measures are available for five single races and for the three most frequently reported combinations of two races. Segregation measures are provided using three different levels of local area geography: census tracts, block groups, and blocks. The links on this page provide you with access to the calculation of measures, descriptions of their meaning, information about the census data and the measures as well as to a bibliography of major studies of the extent, causes, and consequences of racial residential segregation in the United States. Windows on Urban Poverty (Paul Jargowsky) http://www.urbanpoverty.net/ This website provides interactive features that examine the 'spatial context' of urban poverty; that is, the ways in which poor and segregated neighborhoods shape the life chances of impoverished individuals and families. The site has links to reports and policy briefs as well as a mapping tool which allows users to view the spatial expression of concentrated poverty neighborhoods and related demographic information. Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research (University at Albany, State University of New York) http://www.albany.edu/mumford/ The site allows users to access a wide range of social and economic indicators that document conditions of racial residential segregation across the US. The Mumford Center is a leader in reporting on national‐ and metropolitan‐level demographic trends compiled from publicly available US Census data. The U.S. Census Bureau http://www.census.gov/ This is the official US government website where users can access US Census data. The site includes a range of interactive mapping tools that can be used to generate profiles of key demographic, social, and economic indicators at varying geographic scales, such as the neighborhood and metropolitan levels. The site also links users to relevant census‐based government reports, news releases, and even multimedia content (e.g., video, radio, photography).
Sample syllabusCourse outline and reading assignments Section 1: Segregation Trends and Patterns Residential Segregation in Black and White 'Census 2000 Basics' (http://www.census.gov/mso/www/c2000basics/00Basics.pdf)For an updated and extended discussion of measurement issues see: http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/housing/housing_patterns/housing_patterns.htmlMassey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. American Apartheid: Chapter 1: 'The Missing Link'; Chapter 2: 'The Construction of the Ghetto'; Chapter 3: 'The Persistence of the Ghetto'Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1988. 'The Dimensions of Residential Segregation.'Social Forces 67: 281–315.Adelman, Robert M., and James Clarke Gocker. 2007. 'Racial Residential Segregation in Urban America.'Sociology Compass 1: 404–23. Moving Beyond the Black/White Dichotomy Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley. 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.Fischer, Claude S., Gretchen Stockmayer, Jon Stiles, and Michael Hout. 2004. 'Distinguishing the Geographic Levels and Social Dimensions of U.S. Metropolitan Segregation, 1960–2000.'Demography 41: 37–59.White, Michael J., Eric Fong, and Qian Cai. 2003. 'The Segregation of Asian‐origin Groups in the United States and Canada.'Social Science Research 32: 148–67.Crowder, Kyle D. 1999. 'Residential Segregation of West Indians in the New York/New Jersey Metropolitan Area: The Roles of Race and Ethnicity.'International Migration Review 33: 79–113. Section 2: Causes of Residential Segregation Institutions and Actors Charles, Camille Zubrinsky. 2003. 'The Dynamics of Racial Residential Segregation.'Annual Review of Sociology 29: 167–207.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 1 ('Introduction') and Chapter 2 ('More Pluribus, Less Unum? The Changing Geography of Race and Opportunity').Tegeler, Phillip. 2005. Chapter 9 (Briggs): 'The Persistence of Segregation in Government Housing Programs'.Jackson, Kenneth.1985. Crabgrass Frontier. Chapter 11: 'Federal Subsidy and the Suburban Dream: How Washington Changed the American Housing Market'. Group Differences in Socioeconomic Status and Neighborhood Preferences Logan, John R., Richard D. Alba, Thomas McNulty, and Brian Fischer. 1996. 'Making a Place in the Metropolis: Locational Attainment in Cities and Suburbs.'Demography 33: 443–53.Alba, Richard D., John R. Logan, Brian J. Stults, Gilbert Marzan, and Wenquan Zhang. 1999. 'Immigrant Groups in the Suburbs: A Reexamination of Suburbanization and Spatial Assimilation.'American Sociological Review 64: 446–60.Harris, David R. 2001. 'Why are Whites and Blacks Averse to Black Neighbors?'Social Science Research 30: 100–16.Krysan, Maria, and Reynolds Farley. 2002. 'The Residential Preferences of Blacks: Do they Explain Persistent Segregation?'Social Forces 80: 937–80.Emerson, Michael O., George Yancey, and Karen J. Chai. 2001. 'Does Race Matter in Residential Segregation? Exploring the Preferences of White Americans.'American Sociological Review 66: 922–35. Mortgage Lending Discrimination Yinger, John. 1995. Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost: The Continuing Costs of Housing Discrimination. Chapter 2 ('The Housing Discrimination Study'); Chapter 3 ('Discrimination in Housing'); Chapter 7 ('The Impact of Housing Discrimination on Housing Quality, Racial Segregation, and Neighborhood Change').Ross, Stephen L., and Margery Austin Turner. 2005. 'Housing Discrimination in Metropolitan America: Explaining Changes between 1989 and 2000.'Social Problems 52: 152–80.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell. 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.Freidman, Samantha, and Gregory D. Squires. 2005. 'Does the Community Reinvestment Act Help Minorities Access Traditionally Inaccessible Neighborhoods?'Social Problems 52: 209–31. The Search for Housing Turner, Margery, and Stephen Ross. 2005. Chapter 4 (Briggs): 'How Racial Discrimination Affects the Search for Housing.'Farley, Reynolds. 1996. 'Racial Differences in the Search for Housing: Do Whites and Blacks Use the Same Techniques to Find Housing?'Housing Policy Debate 7: 367–85.Massey, Douglas S., and Garvey Lundy. 2001. 'Use of Black English and Racial Discrimination in Urban Housing Markets: New Methods and Findings.'Urban Affairs Review 36: 452–69.Feagin, Joe. 1994. Living with Racism: The Black Middle‐Class Experience. Chapter 6: 'Seeking a Good Home and Neighborhood.' Section 3: Consequences of Residential Segregation Poverty Concentration and Hypersegregation Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 5: 'The Creation of Underclass Communities'; Chapter 6: 'The Perpetuation of the Underclass'.Jargowsky, Paul A. 1997. Poverty and Place: Ghettos, Barrios, and the American City. Chapter 5: 'Theory and Evidence on Inner‐City Poverty.'Wilkes, Rima, and John Iceland. 2004. 'Hypersegregation in the Twenty‐First Century: An Update and Analysis.'Demography 41: 23–36.Roy, Kevin. 2004. 'Three‐Block Fathers: Spatial Perceptions and Kin‐Work in Low‐Income African American Neighborhoods.'Social Problems 51: 528–48. Neighborhood Effects Sampson, Robert J., Jeffrey D. Morenoff, and Thomas Gannon‐Rowley. 2002. 'Assessing "Neighborhood Effects": Social Processes and New Directions in Research.'Annual Review of Sociology 28: 443–78.LaVeist, Thomas A. 1993. 'Segregation, Poverty, and Empowerment: Health Consequences for African Americans.'The Milbank Quarterly 71: 41–64.Rosenbaum, Emily, and Laura E. Harris. 2001. 'Low‐Income Families in Their New Neighborhoods: The Short‐Term Effects of Moving from Chicago's Public Housing.'Journal of Family Issues 22: 183–210.Wagmiller, Robert L. 2007. 'Race and the Spatial Segregation of Jobless Men in Urban America.'Demography 44: 539–62. Crime and Neighborhoods Anderson, Elijah. 1999. Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City. Preface, Introduction ('Down Germantown Avenue') and Chapter 1 ('Decent and Street Families').Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 1999. Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril among the Black Middle Class. Chapter 4: 'Neighborhood Networks and Crime'.Massey, Douglas S. 2001. 'Segregation and Violent Crime in Urban America.' Pp. 317–44 in Problem of the Century: Racial Stratification in the United States edited by Elijah Anderson and Douglas S. Massey.Logan, John R., and Brian J. Stults. 1999. 'Racial Differences in Exposure to Crime: The City and Suburbs of Cleveland in 1990.'Criminology 37: 251–76. Section 4: Mobility, Class, and Public Policy Residential Mobility Lee, Barrett A., R.S. Oropesa, and James W. Kanan. 1994. 'Neighborhood Context and Residential Mobility.'Demography 31: 249–70.South, Scott J., and Kyle D. Crowder. 1998. 'Leaving the 'Hood: Residential Mobility between Black, White, and Integrated Neighborhoods.'American Sociological Review 63: 17–26.Crowder, Kyle D., Scott J. South, and Erick Chavez. 2006. 'Wealth, Race, and Inter‐Neighborhood Migration.'American Sociological Review 71: 72–94.Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 2000. 'The Limits of Out‐Migration for the Black Middle Class.'Journal of Urban Affairs 22: 225–41. Intersection of Race and Class: The Black Middle Class Pattillo, Mary. 2005. 'Black Middle‐Class Neighborhoods.'Annual Review of Sociology 31: 305–29.Cashin, Sheryll D. 2001. 'Middle‐Class Black Suburbs and the State of Integration: A Post‐Integrationist Vision for Metropolitan America.'Cornell Law Review 86: 729–76.Adelman, Robert M. 2004. 'Neighborhood Opportunities, Race, and Class: The Black Middle Class and Residential Segregation.'City and Community 3: 43–63.Lacy, Karyn. 2004. 'Black Spaces, Black Places: Strategic Assimilation and Identity Construction in Middle‐Class Suburbia.'Ethnic and Racial Studies 27: 908–30. Public Policy and Politics Rubinowitz, Leonard S., and James E. Rosenbaum. 2000. Crossing the Class and Color Lines: From Public Housing to White Suburbia.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 14: 'Politics and Policy: Changing the Geography of Opportunity'.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 8: 'The Future of the Ghetto'.Project ideas US Census Data Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Nancy Denton, University at Albany, State University of New York)Your task for this assignment is to compare one US metropolitan area to another one. Your focus of the comparison should be on key sociodemographic variables including, but not limited to, the overall population size of the areas, the racial and ethnic composition of the areas, the socioeconomic standing of the areas, the housing quality, what types of occupational opportunities exist, the level of immigration in the areas, the level of residential segregation between groups in the areas, among others.You can choose any two metropolitan areas but they must be defined as such by the Census Bureau (i.e., make sure you obtain information at the metropolitan level). There should be some component of change; that is, identify how these variables have changed over time (an ideal strategy would be to focus on 1980 to 2000 changes, but there could be other strategies). In the end, you want a five‐page report comparing the two places. Which one would be better to live in? Why? From whose perspective?Potential data sources include:
The US Census: go to http://www.census.gov and click on 'American Factfinder' or another census tool The Lewis Mumford Center: go to http://www.albany.edu/mumford and click on 'Census 2000' and use one of the tools to obtain data
Urban Ethnography Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Charles Gallagher, Georgia State University)Write a short ethnography about an urban, public space. Your task is to choose a public space (broadly defined) and examine who uses the space, how the space is used, and the interactions that occur between people in that space. Pay close attention to issues like (but others too) the racial and ethnic background of the people using the space, the socioeconomic reasons which explain the location of the site (e.g., exchange versus use values; urban development), and the extent to which the space is actually 'public' (i.e., are there restrictions to the space like bars separating benches in half?).You can observe any public space. For example, the extent to which a park is actually public is continually and consistently contested and negotiated. What about transportation nodes? Malls? Restaurants? Comparative Urban Assignment Your task for this assignment is to review three scholarly articles about a city outside of the US. Your focus can be on any aspect of the city but you should include some general information about the area including, but not limited to, the geographic and demographic size of the area, the socioeconomic standing of the area, the residential segregation of groups in the area, among other issues.You can choose any city or metropolitan area as long as it is outside of the US. In the end, you want a five‐page report reviewing the three articles with a brief introduction about the city (this information could be gleaned from one of the articles).The main international urban journal, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, will be very useful for this assignment, but you can obtain articles from any peer‐reviewed journal. Make sure to use only scholarly journals rather than popular magazines, newspaper articles, or the internet. Rely on the social science literature.
Radovan Karadzic en La Haya.Responsable por uno de los genocidios mas sangrientos de la historia reciente, Radovan Karadzic, el ex jefe político de los serbobosnios comparecerá ante el Tribunal Penal Internacional para ex Yugoslavia. Karadzic fue trasladado en la noche del pasado martes a La Haya. Horas antes del traslado, tenía lugar una manifestación organizada por la oposición nacionalista serbia en el centro de Belgrado, que degeneró al final en altercados entre unos centenares de jóvenes y la policía. Varios medios informan al respecto: "El Mercurio" de Chile: "Masiva protesta antes de su traslado en las calles de Belgrado: Karadzic fue extraditado a La Haya":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/30/internacional/internacional/noticias/B46C4AF2-02E3-4C90-823E-ECC1FC5E98D2.htm?id={B46C4AF2-02E3-4C90-823E-ECC1FC5E98D2}"El País" de Madrid: "Karadzic llega al Tribunal de La Haya: Serbia envía de noche al presunto criminal de guerra a las dependencias penitenciarias internacionales.- Será juzgado por genocidio y otros crímines por el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la ex Yugoslavia": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Karadzic/llega/Tribunal/Haya/elpepuint/20080730elpepuint_4/Tes"New York Times": "Karadzic Arrives in Hague After Protest by Loyalists":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/31/world/europe/31hague.html"CCN": "Karadzic set to make first court appearance":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/30/karadzic.deportation/index.html"Karadzic appeal not received by court"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/28/karadzic.deportation/index.html"Karadzic to defend himself in war crimes court":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/23/serb.arrest/index.html"Thousands protest Karadzic arrest":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/29/karadzic.deportation/index.html"Time":"Karadzic Wants No Lawyer":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827424,00.html"Le Monde": "Radovan Karadzic comparaîtra jeudi devant le TPI"http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/30/radovan-karadzic-est-arrive-a-la-haye_1078522_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"Los Ángeles Times": "War crimes suspect Karadzic extradited to The Hague":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-serbs30-2008jul30,0,2903253.story"MSNBC": "Karadzic in U.N. custody in Netherlands: Ex-fugitive flown to the Netherlands following violent protest in Belgrade":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25887949/"Thousands protest in Belgrade for Karadzic: U.S. Embassy warns Americans to avoid protest amid fears of violence":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25890371/"Paper: Karadzic lawyer tries to stop extradition: Appeal meant to prevent war-crime suspect from being sent to U.N. court":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25859649/"Times":"Radovan Karadzic extradited to The Hague":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4427730"La Nación": "Está acusado de genocidio: Radovan Karadzic, a disposición de La Haya. El ex líder serbio llegó a Holanda para ser juzgado en el Tribunal Penal Internacional":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034845"Avanza su extradición: Karadzic será llevado a La Haya en secreto": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034388"El Tiempo" de Colombia: "Radovan Karadzic fue llevado a La Haya, Holanda, para ser juzgado por crímenes de guerra":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/radovan-karadzic-fue-llevado-a-la-haya-holanda-para-ser-juzgado-por-crimenes-de-guerra_4416080-1"The Economist":"Arrest of a bearded man": http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792314"El Universal" de Méjico: "Karadzic queda en poder de la ONU en Holanda":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/526234.htmlAMERICA LATINA"El Mercurio" publica: "Reclaman la restitución del Ejército: Ex militares haitianos ocupan un antiguo cuartel":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/30/internacional/internacional/noticias/B0B07BB4-211D-4F05-9FEB-6704AF47278D.htm?id={B0B07BB4-211D-4F05-9FEB-6704AF47278D}"La Nación" publica: "Uribe pide "discreción"":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034424"MSNBC" informa: "Woman suspected of being FARC's Europe link: Maria Remedios Garcia Albert, 57, was the alleged rebel liaison":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25873981"The Economist" analiza: "Energy reform in México: Crude and oily. A controversial referendum and the future of the state oil company":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11791596"MSNBC" anuncia: "Mexican military losing drug war support: Border residents report abuse, violence by soldiers sent to curb narcotics": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25851906/"El País" de Madrid publica: "El presidente electo de Paraguay ya no es sacerdote: El Papa ha suspendido definitivamente a Fernando Lugo porque las profesiones de obispo y gobernante de un país no son compatibles http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/presidente/electo/Paraguay/sacerdote/elpepuint/20080730elpepuint_8/Tes"El País" de Madrid informa: "Chávez: "Bush quiere revivir la guerra fría". El presidente venezolano dice, en una carta enviada a Fidel Castro, que EE UU planea agredir a Cuba http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Chavez/Bush/quiere/revivir/guerra/fria/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_14/Tes"The Economist" anuncia: "Argentina: Et tu, Julio? :The president suffers a heavy defeat at the hands of her number two":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11791614"La Nación" informa: "Bolivia: ratifican el referéndum. Pese a los pedidos de suspensión, la Corte Electoral dijo que se celebrará el 10 de agosto":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034389ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"New York Times" informa: " U.S. Military Says Soldiers Fired on Civilians":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/28/world/middleeast/28iraq.html?ref=world"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "La Casa Blanca pronostica un déficit presupuestario récord para 2009: Sería de 482.000 millones de dólares, aproximadamente el 3,5% de la economía": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/Casa/Blanca/pronostica/deficit/presupuestario/record/2009/elpepueco/20080728elpepueco_8/Tes"La Nación" publica: "La economía enfrenta a Obama y McCain: El candidato demócrata advirtió que Estados Unidos está en "emergencia económica"; fuertes críticas de su rival republicano":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034414"The Economist" analiza: "It's the economy again, stupid.John McCain and Barack Obama are offering profoundly different prescriptions, though economic and political realities will limit their ambitions": http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792500"El País" de Madrid informa: "Republicanos y demócratas se enfocan en la economía: Barack Obama convoca a un panel de lujo para revisar sus propuestas.- John McCain mantiene contactos con las autoridades monetarias": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Republicanos/democratas/enfocan/economia/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_13/Tes"El Mercurio" de Chile anuncia: "Le queda menos de un mes antes de ser proclamado oficialmente en la Convención Demócrata: Obama entra en la recta final para decidir quién será su candidato a Vicepresidente":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/30/internacional/_portada/noticias/CAE4A8B7-3485-4112-8844-D31E89023938.htm?id={CAE4A8B7-3485-4112-8844-D31E89023938}"Time" informa: "Obama's Vice-Presidential Dilemma":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1827714,00.html"Time" publica su sitio con links sobre las elecciones en los Estados Unidos: http://thepage.time.com/EUROPA"El País" de Madrid informa: "Erdogan llama a la unidad tras los atentados de ayer en Turquía: La explosión consecutiva de dos bombas sacude un barrio obrero de Estambul.- La cifra de muertes sube a 17 y hay unos 150 heridos, una decena de ellos de gravedad.- La policía sospecha de los independentistas kurdos": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Erdogan/llama/unidad/atentados/ayer/Turquia/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_4/Tes"New Yorrk Times2 anuncia: "Police Investigate Istanbul Bombings":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/world/europe/29turkey.html?ref=world"Time" publica: "Fatal Bombings in an Edgy Turkey":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827056,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "Comienza el proceso para ilegalizar el partido de Erdogan": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Comienza/proceso/ilegalizar/partido/Erdogan/elpepuint/20080728elpepiint_6/Tes"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "El Tribunal Constitucional de Turquía rechaza ilegalizar al partido de Gobierno":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Tribunal/Constitucional/Turquia/rechaza/ilegalizar/partido/Gobierno/elpepuint/20080730elpepuint_9/Tes"Le Monde" publica: "Turquie : la justice n'interdit pas le parti au pouvoir":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/30/turquie-la-justice-n-interdit-pas-le-parti-au-pouvoir_1078861_3214.html"Time" analiza: "Who Was Behind the Turkish Blasts?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827398,00.htmlEl País" de Madrid informa: "Las peores inundaciones en Ucrania en 100 años se cobran la vida de 13 personas. Las fuertes lluvias han destruido más de 21.000 casas y 20.000 hectáreas de cultivos, y han dejado inutilizadas 2.020 kilómetros de carreteras y más de un centenar de puentes": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/peores/inundaciones/Ucrania/anos/cobran/vida/personas/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_5/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "Ukraine floods kill 22, force 20,000 to flee: Damages estimated at $800 million, but few funds available to clean up":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25887744/"Time" informa: "Thousands of British Passports Stolen": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827501,00.html"La Nación" publica: "Los que huyen de la miseria. Actos desesperados de los ilegales en España para no ser deportados: Viajes riesgosos y casamientos arreglados":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034426"MSNBC" informa: "7 jailed for genocide over Srebrenica massacre. War crimes court orders Bosnian Serbs to serve sentences of up 42 years":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25908708/"The Economist" analiza: "France: The reformist president. Quietly but determinedly, Nicolas Sarkozy is pressing ahead with reforms in France-all without provoking huge strikes and street protests":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792306ASIA – PACÍFICO /MEDIO ORIENTE"New York Times" informa: "Bomb Attacks in Baghdad and Kirkuk Kill Dozens": HTTP://WWW.NYTIMES.COM/2008/07/29/WORLD/MIDDLEEAST/29IRAQ.HTML?REF=WORLD"El País" anuncia: "Tres mujeres suicidas causan al menos 28 muertos en Bagdad. Miles de peregrinos llenan Bagdad con motivo de una importante festividad chií.- En Kirkuk, otro atentado suicida deja 22 muertos": HTTP://WWW.ELPAIS.COM/ARTICULO/INTERNACIONAL/MUJERES/SUICIDAS/CAUSAN/28/MUERTOS/BAGDAD/ELPEPUINT/20080728ELPEPUINT_9/TES"La Nación" publica: "Cuatro mujeres suicidas atacaron en Irak:: Hicieron detonar los explosivos que llevaban y mataron a 57 personas; hay por lo menos 300 heridos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034419"MSNBC" informa: "Female suicide bombers kill 57, wound dozens. Attackers target Shiite pilgrimage in Baghdad, Kurdish rally in Kirkuk": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25880699/"New York Times" anuncia: "Olmert to Resign After September Vote": HTTP://WWW.NYTIMES.COM/2008/07/31/WORLD/MIDDLEEAST/31MIDEAST.HTML?_R=1&HP&OREF=SLOGIN"CNN" publica: "Ahmadinejad: The big powers are going down":HTTP://EDITION.CNN.COM/2008/WORLD/MEAST/07/29/IRAN.AIDS.AP/INDEX.HTML"Time" informa: "Ahmadinejad: 'Powers' Going Down": HTTP://WWW.TIME.COM/TIME/WORLD/ARTICLE/0,8599,1827377,00.HTML"The Economist analiza: "Iran: Who runs it?": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792348"La Nación" anuncia: "Irán criticó a la ONU ante los Países No Alineados. Ahmadinejad aseguró en la cumbre de cancilleres que el organismo actúa "a favor de las grandes potencias"; pidió crear un fondo para financiar proyectos del bloque":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034530"CNN" informa: "Pakistani militants abduct 30 police": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/29/pakistan.abductions/index.html"Time" anuncia: "Cambodia Reelects Longtime Leader": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827054,00.html"MSNBC" publica: "Typhoon slams Taiwan, triggering floods, slides: At least one killed, air traffic disrupted; Typhoon Fung Wong heads to China": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25881000/"The Economist" analiza: "The Beijing Olympics:Five-ring circus": http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792915"El Mercurio" publica: "Denuncias a días de la inauguración de los Juegos Olímpicos: China no cumple promesas y mantiene censura a la prensa y faltas a DD.HH.": HTTP://DIARIO.ELMERCURIO.COM/2008/07/30/INTERNACIONAL/_PORTADA/NOTICIAS/CB8049AE-EDCE-4C33-AF25-F7337A8C08B6.HTM?ID={CB8049AE-EDCE-4C33-AF25-F7337A8C08B6}"El País" informa: "Ni los Juegos Olímpicos pueden con la censura en China: El COI no logra convencer al país asiático para que los periodistas tengan acceso libre a Internet": HTTP://WWW.ELPAIS.COM/ARTICULO/INTERNET/JUEGOS/OLIMPICOS/PUEDEN/CENSURA/CHINA/ELPPGL/20080730ELPEPUNET_3/TES"New York Times" anuncia: "China to Limit Web Access During Games":HTTP://WWW.NYTIMES.COM/2008/07/31/SPORTS/OLYMPICS/31CHINA.HTML?HP"China Daily" publica: "WTO talks collapse amid farm row": HTTP://WWW.CHINADAILY.COM.CN/CHINA/2008-07/30/CONTENT_6887475.HTM"CNN" informa: "China rebuffs human rights report":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/29/china.humanrights/index.html"CNN" publica: "India: Police defuse 18 bombs at market":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/29/india.bombs.ap/index.html+"Time" anuncia: "India: The Terrorists Within": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1826950,00.htmlAFRICA"New York Time" informa: "Sudan Rallies Behind Leader Reviled Abroad":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/28/world/africa/28sudan.html?ref=world"CNN" publica: "U.S. expands Zimbabwe sanctions":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/25/zimbabwe.sanctions/index.html"MSNBC" publica: "Officials say Zimbabwe talks break off: Mugabe insists he remain president":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25887595/"MSNBC" informa: "Cash crisis, inflation worsen in Zimbabwe: Bank chief plans new currency reforms to tackle inflation and shortages":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25869792/"CNN" anuncia: "Nigerian militants: We'll destroy oil pipelines":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/23/nigeria.oil/index.htmlECONOMIA"The Economist" analiza: "World trade: Dried up. Talks over the Doha round of global trade talks have collapsed":http://www.economist.com/finance/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11831960&source=features_box_main"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11793527&CFID=15321684&CFTOKEN=24001901"New York Times" informa: "Stock Indexes Continue to Slip":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/business/29stox.html?_r=1&ref=business&oref=slogin"El País" de Madrid informa: "El FMI alerta del empeoramiento de la crisis crediticia: La institución internacional achaca este empeoramiento a la ralentización de la economía mundial.- Subraya la caída de los precios de la vivienda en España": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/FMI/alerta/empeoramiento/crisis/crediticia/elpepueco/20080728elpepueco_7/Tes"CNN" publica: "Global trade deal falls apart":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/07/29/wto.collapse.ap/index.html"CNN" informa: "High oil price boosts BP profit":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/07/29/bp.profit.ap/index.html"La Nación" publica: "La liberalización del comercio mundial. Anunciaron el fracaso de la Ronda de Doha. El director general de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, Pascal Lamy, confirmó que las negociaciones quedaron truncas; declaró estar "profundamente consternado"":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034531La caída del crudo impulsa a Wall Street: "La Bolsa de Nueva York muestra fuertes avances; el petróleo bajó más de tres dólares y se negocia en US$ 121 el barril en el mercado estadounidense": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034574OTRAS NOTICIAS"Time" publica: "Beijing Cites Many Olympic Threats": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827353,00.html"MSNBC" publica: "Olympic threats fuel unease about security: China says heavy defense will secure Games, but clampdown is smothering":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25890371/"Time" informa: "A Video Threat to the Olympics?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1826953,00.html"The Economist" analiza: "Global Islam: Unusual guests, a most unusual host. A new breeze may be blowing very softly from the Saudi sands":http://www.economist.com/world/international/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792340
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Blogbetreiber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie einen Blog Beitrag zitieren möchten.
In the 2019–20 school year – the most recent with federal data – 51.4 percent of public schools possessed an armed, sworn, law‐enforcement officer. School Resource Officers (SROs) are police officers with a community‐oriented approach intended to increase safety by mitigating crime, violence, and other anti‐social behavior in schools. Some Americans view added police presence as an appropriate response to safeguard students, while others fear an increase in police misconduct. There is also growing concern SROs accelerate the "school‐to‐prison pipeline": pushing students into the criminal justice system through excessive discipline and law enforcement contact. With important concerns both for and against SROs, policymakers must ask: Do they do more harm than good? SROs are relatively new, and there are yawning gaps in research. Studies are often limited to small samples and find contradictory outcomes on arrest rates and effects on school safety. Nevertheless, a common theme is the presence of SROs increase disciplinary actions, including punishments potentially carrying significant long‐term harms. Researchers Gottfredson, et al. compared schools with increased SRO presences to schools with no increase in SROs. They found that schools with increased SROs saw the number of drug and weapons‐related offenses rise, as well as higher instances of exclusionary discipline by school administrators. Exclusionary discipline refers to measures that remove students from school, such as out‐of‐school suspensions. The study also concluded the increase in SROs did not improve school safety. Researchers Sorensen, Shen, and Bushway found the presence of SROs in middle schools decreased serious violence, in contrast to Gottfredson, et al., making schools safer, but they also increased "out‐of‐school suspensions, transfers, expulsions, and police referrals." The increase in suspensions was especially acute for Hispanic and Black students. A third study, comparing schools near police departments that did and did not qualify for SRO grants, had similar results, finding schools near departments above the threshold increased the number of recorded firearm offenses and decreased the instances of violent fights, but increased expulsions, referrals for arrest, out‐of‐school and in‐school suspensions, and chronic absenteeism. Black students experienced the largest effect on out‐of‐school suspensions, over two times greater than white students, followed by students with disabilities and males. Through exclusionary discipline, students miss the point of school – to be in the classroom learning – which can create lasting educational and socialization gaps. Additionally, the stigma surrounding the label of "criminal" can ostracize students from their social groups and remove support provided at school. But positive relationships are vital, particularly given the uptick of mental health disorders such as anxiety and depression among young Americans. Another study, which compared schools with and without SROs in the same districts, found no effect on total arrests, but a 402.3 percent increase in the arrest rate for disorderly conduct. The null findings on total arrests suggest arresting students is not the most common form of correction by SROs, but the five‐fold increase in disorderly conduct bears consideration. Disorderly conduct is cited when someone "disrupts the peace" and it is among the most discretionary – and possibly minor – actions potentially resulting in charges. For example, a student abruptly shouting in class could be charged with a misdemeanor or civil infraction, or in severe circumstances, a felony. The charge could depend on several factors: the teacher's tolerance of the disruption, the student's prior relationship with the teacher or SRO, or occurrences of interruptions in prior classes. The circumstances surrounding filing charges against a student can be subjective, leaving criminal justice system involvement largely open to SRO choice. Criminalization of misbehavior can inhibit future education, employment, and housing opportunities, feeding the "school‐to‐prison pipeline." Additionally, narrowing of options may lead to a higher likelihood of recidivism, as students are deprived of opportunities that increase individual capital. Weisburst found that increased police presence in Texas schools led to a 2.5 percent decrease in high school graduation rates and about a 4 percent decrease in college enrollment rates. An alternative to SROs could be encouraging administrators or parent monitors. Both groups could benefit from gaining greater awareness of school issues by engaging with the larger student body. Monitor positions create positive connections for youth by bridging social gaps between staff, parents, and students. Administrations can highlight mediation practices when conflict arises between students, and hold interventions with families, emphasizing law enforcement as a last resort. Such negotiation and conflict resolution are essential life skills. States are rapidly expanding SRO programs, federal grants enable local agencies to create positions, and Congress continues to propose bills expanding such programs. Given the paucity of good research and the mixed findings of what does exist, expanding SROs is something all levels of government—especially Washington, which has no constitutional authority to intervene—should be hesitant to do.
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Blogbetreiber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie einen Blog Beitrag zitieren möchten.
Thanks to the case of COVID that I'm still combatting, I've spent many evenings these past two weeks watching films I missed over the past few years -- with an emphasis on genre films that my spouse does not like all that much, including science fiction, overly violent action movies, and disaster films. She's again been away fulfilling a family obligation. These are the films I watched, ranked in order of my liking, with a few comments:Dune (2021) (HBO Max)This was far and away the best film I saw during the two weeks, but it is not without some significant flaws. I read the novel back in the late 1970s or early 1980s and saw the earlier filmed version not long after it was available on cable after a theatrical run. This version of the film told a compelling story with a clear narrative. I recall that the prior film sort of failed at that, but it's been many years since I saw it. Still, this movie's pacing is kind of slow and the plot turns on a betrayal that is not very well explained. I will watch the next one. Midnight Sky (2020) (Netflix)Ultimately, this film is a disaster film more than a science fiction film. If it didn't star George Clooney it would probably be a lot less watchable. The film makes some strange narrative choices -- relying upon a good number of flashbacks to Clooney's youth and showing some "normal" day-to-day activity on a long-haul space mission. Not all of the threads weave together into a coherent narrative. I mean, ultimately, what was the purpose of this film? It was mostly entertaining, in its way, but the writing could have used a few tweaks. The Old Guard (2020) (Netflix)The premise of this film is interesting -- imagine a small group of people who cannot be killed. Indeed, their wounds miraculously heal in a very short amount of time. This superpower gives them the ability to live for centuries and combat whatever foes they decide to identify. Charlize Theron is the main character (and leader of the fighting force), but she isn't given much to say that is all that interesting. Apparently this is based on a comic book and it has that feel. I kept thinking that someone who has read the comics would have a much better idea of these characters and their relationships. Without that knowledge, the film fails to connect on some level. El Camino: A Breaking Bad Movie (2019) (Netflix)If you ever wondered what happened to Jesse after the Breaking Bad series ended, then this film provides some answers. It was good to see some of the original stars make appearances in this film (often in flashback), but I didn't think it was as well-written (or well-paced) as an average episode of the original series. Better Call Saul is generally also better. It is worth your time and maybe should be a bit higher on this list. The Outfit (1973) (HBO Max)This film obviously isn't a recent release, but I had not seen it even though I've read a lot of Richard Stark's (Donald Westlake's) Parker novels. Those books are terrific, generally, and they work because the main character is basically a super-efficient criminal who nonetheless often runs into bad luck. The life of crime he selects is not easy. This film is not especially loyal to the original book and Robert Duvall did not make a very good Parker. And in this film he's named Earl Macklin. Greenland (2020) (HBO Max)At several points during the film I thought about ending my viewing. The story is clunky, featuring an "extinction-level" event for the planet, but focusing on the survival efforts of one family. The three members of the family are racing for shelter in a secret government bunker, but they become separated across Georgia and Tennessee thanks to a series of unfortunate events. One of these characters is a small child and the ongoing disaster is playing havoc with communications. Their reunion is all-too-easily achieved, frankly, even as it causes the father character to steal a car, fight for his life, and .... make peace with his father-in-law because of a prior act of adultery? The script is kind of a mess. Visit this blog's homepage.
For 280 character IR and foreign policy talk, follow me on twitter.
Or for basketball, baseball, movies or other stuff, follow this personal twitter account.
Invariablemente, y aunque no haya sido su propósito, en muchas ocasiones, en distintos estudios que hay sobre narrativa criminal, policíaca, el espionaje y el thriller se observa un hecho innegable: una confusión teórica sobre lo que son estas cuatro literaturas. Esto ha derivado en una prolongada discusión que no ha ayudado a disipar dicha confusión, sino todo lo contrario, la ha acentuado. Como bien apunta Rodríguez Joulia Saint Cyr (1970: 9) gran parte de los críticos y teóricos reúnen bajo la denominación de una serie de géneros y subgéneros que no corresponden a él. De ahí que dentro de la literatura hispanoamericana se considere novelas policíaca a Ensayo de un crimen (1943-1944) de Rodolfo Usigli, El túnel (1948) de Ernesto Sábato, Yo maté a Kennedy (1972) de Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, La cabeza de la hidra (1978) de Carlos Fuentes o Linda 67: historia de un crimen (1995) de Fernando del Paso, cuando ninguna de ellas lo es. Pero ¿por qué se da esta situación de confusión? Este conjunto de textos, junto a otros más, poseen un gran intercambio de tipologías discursivo-textuales criminales, policíacas, de espionaje y del thriller traspasando las fronteras de estas cuatro literaturas y provocando la ruptura del límite entre lo criminal, policíaco, espionaje y thriller, lo que, finalmente, lleva a toda una serie de confusiones y dudas: si un texto tiene como investigador a un criminal ¿es policíaco? Es indudable que la confusión entre estas cuatro narrativas tiene causas que van más allá de una lectura inadecuada por parte de los lectores: el problema se encuentra a un nivel profundo, en la enorme dificultad por delimitar las fronteras genéricas de ellos y de analizar debidamente las fluctuaciones de los elementos genéricos de cada una. Por tanto, se abre la posibilidad de estudiar el problema del límite entre lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller. Sin embargo, ¿es necesario un estudio de este problema? El problema de la ruptura de las fronteras de las literaturas criminal, policíaca, de espionaje y thriller ha sido estudiado de manera secundaria y casi desapercibida, ya que el denominado «género policíaco» ha «monopolizado» buena parte de los estudios como podemos ver a continuación "The Art of the Detective Story" (1924) de Austin Freeman, Le detectitte novel, et l'influence de la pensée sciéntifique (1929) de Regis Messac, Le roman policier (1941) Roger Caillois, The Art of the Mystery Story (1946) de Howard Haycraft, Petite histoire du roman policier (1956) de Fereydoun Hoveyda, Breve storia del romanzo poliziesco (1962) de Alberto del Monte, Le roman policier (1964) de Thomas Narcejac y Pierre Boileau, "Typology du roman policier" (1966) de Tzvetan Todorov, The Pursuit of Crime (1981) de Dennis Porter o Histoire du roman policier (1996) de Jean Bourdier, entre muchos otros. Mientras tanto, en lengua española se observan trabajos como "Leyes de la narración policial" (1933) y "Los laberintos policiales y Chesterton" (1935) de Jorge Luis Borges, Ensayo sobre la novela policial (1947), el prólogo a Los mejores cuentos policiales mexicanos (1955) y "Qué es lo policíaco en la narrativa" (1987) de María Elvira Bermúdez, Biografía de la novela policíaca (1956) de Juan José Mira, La novela policíaca: síntesis a través de sus autores, sus personajes y sus obras (1973) de César E. Díaz, De la novela policíaca a la novela negra (1986) y La novela policíaca en España (1993) de Salvador Vázquez de Parga, La novela policíaca actual (1990) de Carmen García Pardo, La novela criminal española (1991) de José Valles Calatrava, así como su prólogo "La novela criminal" que realizó Sánchez Trigueros, La novela policíaca española. Teoría e historia crítica (1994) de José T. Colmeiro, El cadáver en la cocina: la novela criminal en la cultura del desencanto (1997) de Joan Ramón Resina, Los héroes de la novela policíaca (2006) de Sergi Echaburu Soler o Poética del relato policíaco: de Edgar Allan Poe a Raymond Chandler (2006) de Iván Martín Cerezo, entre otros. Sin embargo, es posible apreciar investigaciones sobre lo criminal, el espionaje y el thriller: La novela de intriga (1970) de Carlos Rodríguez Joulia St.- Cyr, Bloody Murder. From the Detective Story to the Crimen Novel (1972) de Julian Symons, Thrillers, la novela de misterio (1978) de Jerry Palmer, Le Roman d'espionnage (1983) de Gabriel Veraldi, Panorama du roman d'espionnage contemporain (1986) de Jean-Paul Schweighaeuser, Diccionario de la novela negra norteamericana (1986) y La novela negra (1986) de Javier Coma, The literature of crime and detection: an illustrated history from antiquity to the present (1988) de Waltraud Woeller y Bruce Cassiday o La novela de espías y los espías de novela (1991) de Juan Antonio de Blas. Ahora bien, ya sea en lo criminal, policíaco, espionaje o thriller una gran parte de estas investigaciones se orientan a revisiones historiográficas –sobre todo de lo policíaco– e intentos por definir estas literaturas. Si bien, es cierto que en algunos de ellas existen análisis socio-críticos, semánticos y pragmáticos, sin olvidar algunos hermenéuticos, intertextuales o paratextuales. Realmente son pocos los estudios, y algunos muy desconocidos, respecto a las continuas fluctuaciones de elementos entre lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller. Su evolución ha propiciado que los límites establecidos en ellos se hayan ido desdibujando, en gran medida por el «realismo noir norteamericano», el polar y «neopolar francés» y por disrupciones entre las cuatro narrativas que ha llevado a la aparición de vertientes como la literatura policíaca metafísica, la narrativa psicológica crimino-policíaca, el nuevo realismo socio-crítico criminal o policíaco, el thriller político o la nueva narrativa de espionaje, pero también por narrativas nacionales como la alemana, la escandinava, la italiana, la española, la japonesa, la mexicana, la argentina, entre muchas otras, las cuales han aportado o variado los elementos de lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller a tal punto que difícilmente se percibe una marca divisoria clara y precisa entre ellos cuatro. El hecho concreto es que con estas nuevas vertientes en lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller, los distintos elementos discursivo-textuales que los componen van a transitar libremente entre uno y otro género, violando continuamente la «frontera genérica» entre ellos. El enigma ya no se referirá exclusivamente a quién era el asesino o si el espía/agente secreto podría trastocar los planes del enemigo. Las motivaciones psicológicas, la crítica social, lo fantástico o la metafísica influirán notablemente en ellos. Ahora bien, el propósito de esta investigación se centra en varios objetivos. Primero, un estudio que incluya lo criminal, policíaco, espionaje y thriller dentro de un concepto que hemos denominado «narrativa sensacional de suspense», aunque este esfuerzo no es el primero que se realiza. Ya en el 1970, Carlos Rodríguez Joulia St.- Cyr lo había intentado con La novela de intriga, un estudio de lo policíaco, lo criminal, el espionaje y el misterio, en el cual el propio investigador deja ver un hecho indiscutible: la confusión en torno a qué es lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el misterio, y la cercanía que hay entre estas cuatro narrativas. Sin embargo, Rodríguez Joulia St.- Cyr se concentra de manera exclusiva en buscar los orígenes literarios, así como su desarrollo a nivel histórico. Dos años más tarde, el británico Julian Symons en Bloody Murder realiza interesantes apuntes y acotaciones en torno a lo que llama «sensational literature» y que engloba a textos con "violent ends in a sensational way" Symons (1992: 4) y en el que encontramos textos criminales, policíacos, de espionaje y thrillers, así como nuevos híbridos literarios. Desgraciadamente, Symons no lo estudió con mayor detalle. Hay que precisar que son los estudios de este investigador y autor británico los que sirven como punto de arranque de este estudio. El diseño y empleo de un término como «narrativa sensacional de suspense» no es al azar, responde a una necesidad que aparece debido a una serie de confusiones que se dan alrededor de las definiciones que hay en torno a lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller. En más de una ocasión se hace mención al denominado «género negro» sin especificar debidamente qué es o confundiéndolo: ¿Se trata de la literatura sensacional norteamericana de la primera mitad del siglo XX que incluye la obra de autores como Dashiell Hammett, Raymond Chandler, James M. Cain o Mickey Spillane? ¿O, tal vez, es un híbrido literario, producto de las fluctuaciones y combinaciones tipológicas criminales, policíacas, del espionaje y del thriller? El hecho es que ese clima de confusión ha llegado a tal punto que, incluso, se ha llegado a considerar la obra de autores clásicos, como Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, como olvidando el verdadero significado que Todorov (1966) acuña y que se relaciona directamente con la literatura norteamericana sensacional de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Es decir, se cae en un grave error al denominar la obra de Poe, Gaboriau, Christie o Wallace como novela negra, ya que no poseen ninguna característica de esta. A esta confusión se le suma el desconcierto que plantea la narrativa de espionaje y el thriller: ¿dónde incluirlos, en lo policíaco o en la llamada «novela negra» como varios estudios hacen, o es posible plantear que se trata de narrativas con características históricas, semánticas, pragmáticas y genéricas propias? El segundo objetivo es dejar de lado las confusiones en torno al empleo del término «novela negra» al cual sustituiremos por «realismo noir norteamericano». El primero hace referencia a esa literatura norteamericana sensacional que comienza a gestarse a principios de los veinte, y se ajusta al concepto de «realismo» que Raymond Chandler señala en su artículo The Simple Art of Murder (1950) y hace referencia directa a la denominación noir acuñado en la Série Noire, dirigida por Duhamel, a finales de la década de los cuarenta del siglo pasado. El tercer objetivo se centra en una serie de necesidades de la teoría literaria que solo en ocasiones, y de manera secundaria y casi desapercibida, han sido analizadas: la distinción conceptual entre lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller que lleva, inexorablemente a otro objetivo: al problema del límite y las fluctuaciones fronterizas en la «narrativa sensacional de suspense», es decir entre lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller, sin olvidar los nuevos híbridos literarios tales como el thriller de espionaje o policíaco o la narrativa psicológica crimino-policíaca. A través de un grupo de obras estudiadas observaremos cómo lo que denominamos «límites fronterizos genéricos» son traspasados en dichos textos por las continuas fluctuaciones comunicacionales de los elementos genéricos canónicos que componen lo criminal, policíaco, espionaje y al thriller. No obstante, es necesario establecer ciertos límites al conjunto de textos por analizar, ya que de lo contrario se correría el riesgo de exceder la propia investigación. Son siete las novelas elegidas: El complot mongol (1969) de Rafael Bernal, Noviembre sin violetas (1995) de Lorenzo Silva, Plenilunio (1997) de Antonio Muñoz Molina, Deudas pendientes (2005) de Antonio Jiménez Barca, Ojos de agua (2007) de Domingo Villar, El baile ha terminado (2009) de Julián Ibáñez y La soledad de Patricia (2010) de Carles Quílez, las cuales comparten un elemento temático en común: la investigación. La obra del mexicano Rafael Bernal se extiende a lo largo de más de veintiocho años de trabajo y en él queda constancia de sus grandes inquietudes: el mar, al cual plasma en el libro de relatos Gente de mar (1950) y en El gran océano –inédito hasta 1992–; la selva, la cual cobra vida en el libro de relatos Trópico (1946), en las novelas Su nombre era muerte (1947), Caribal, el infierno verde (1955) y en Tierra de gracia (1963); y lo policíaco, aunque, paradójicamente, este fuera una simple distracción para este autor, ya que solo le dedicaba ciertos momentos para descansar de proyectos más serios, desde su punto de vista. No obstante, Bernal puede ser considerado, con toda justicia, como una de las piedras fundamentales en la aparición y desarrollo de la narrativa policíaca mexicana, sin olvidar el crimen, el thriller y el espionaje, comenzando su periplo en la revista mexicana Selecciones Policías y de Misterio, fundada en 1946 por Antonio Helú, donde se publicarían relatos suyos como La muerte poética o La muerte madrugadora, sin olvidar otros cuentos como Un muerto en la tumba (1946) y La media hora de Sebastián Constantino (1946). Asimismo, Bernal nos presenta a uno de los primeros personajes investigadores amateurs mexicanos: Teódulo Batanes. En Un muerto en la tumba (1946) se descubre en la zona arqueológica Montealban el cadáver de un senador con un puñal de pedernal clavado en el pecho. Uno de los antropólogos, Batanes, es el encargado de resolver el misterio. Resulta curioso observar a este detective miope, desgarbado y que tiene el vicio de usar sinónimos de cuanta cosa dice. Un personaje basado, indudablemente, en la figura del padre Brown de G.K. Chesterton y que aparecería, nuevamente, en la novela corta De muerte natural (1948), en donde Batanes esclarece el homicidio, en un hospital, de una adinerada viuda. Otros textos policíacos de Bernal son El extraño caso de Aloysius Hand y El heroico Serafín, ambas incluidas, junto a De muerte natural, en el libro Tres novelas policíacas, las cuales observan ese estilo clásico de la «novela enigma». Es en 1969 cuando Bernal cambia radicalmente su estilo, alejándose de los esquemas clásicos gracias a la influencia del «realismo noir norteamericano», ofreciendo la obra maestra del thriller de espionaje mexicano: El complot mongol. Respecto a Lorenzo Silva su nombre es ya reconocido dentro de la literatura policíaca gracias a la pareja de guardias civiles conformada por el brigada Rubén «Vila» Bevilacqua, y la sargento Virginia Chamorro, una singular pareja de frustrados: el primero, un psicólogo que jamás logró ejercer como tal; la segunda, hija de un militar, que no logró acceder a ninguna de las academias de los ejércitos –tierra, mar y aire– y que encontró en la Guardia Civil el único resquicio para salvar la tradición militar familiar. El lejano país de los estanques (1998) es el nacimiento de la sociedad conformada por el entonces sargento «Vila» y la novata guardia Chamorro que deberán esclarecer el asesinato de una adinerada joven austriaca en los ambientes nocturnos de un pequeño centro turístico de Mallorca. La pareja aparece de nuevo en El alquimista impaciente (2000) en donde exploran el tema de la corrupción urbanística. En La niebla y la doncella (2002) Vila y Chamorro parten hacia la isla canaria de La Gomera para resolver el asesinato de un joven y que destapará un escándalo para la Guardia Civil. En la antología de cuentos Nadie vale más que otro (2004) Vila y Chamorro se enfrentan a cuatro distintos asesinatos que lo único que les demuestra es que el crimen se da por las situaciones más simple y absurdas. En La reina sin espejo (2005) la pareja de guardias civiles se enfrentan a un caso multipublicitado: el asesinato de una célebre periodista de Barcelona casada con un consagrado escritor catalán. Un caso que abandona los terrenos del crimen pasional y que lleva a Vila y Chamorro por los entresijos de la pornografía, la prostitución y la trata de blancas en Barcelona. La estrategia del agua (2010) nos enseña a un Rubén Bevilacqua ya ascendido a brigada, pero también profundamente decepcionado del sistema judicial español, que tiene que investigar, junto a la también ascendida sargento Virgina Chamorro, el asesinato de un criminal de poca monta y que entraña profundos lados oscuros que deberán averiguar los dos guardias civiles, acompañados de un nuevo compañero: el guardia Arnau. Sin embargo, el contacto de Lorenzo Silva con lo policíaco, y en general con la , no se da exclusivamente con la serie protagonizada por Vila y Chamorro. En La sustancia interior (1996) observamos un thriller histórico, mientras que en Muerte en el "reality show" (2007) dos nuevos investigadores aparecen: la juez Tortosa y el comisario Fonseca, los cuales deberán esclarecer un asesinato cometido «en directo». Asimismo otro texto del escritor madrileño sobresale enormemente: su primera novela Noviembre sin violetas (1995) la cual mantiene un pulso intertextual con La llave de cristal (1931) de Dashiell Hammett. Beatus Ille (1986), la primera novela de Muñoz Molina, recorre ampliamente los terrenos policíacos gracias a su discurso de investigación. No obstante, el texto no pertenece al género policíaco. La interdiscursividad que se presenta en este caso, por sí sola, no es elemento de peso para considerar Beatus Ille una novela policíaca. Hacen falta personajes, temática, ambientación, atmósfera y otros elementos para considerar el texto dentro de lo policíaco. Todo lo contrario sucede en El invierno en Lisboa (1987). Esta novela presenta características mucho más cercanas a lo criminal y a lo policíaco: hechos, acciones, personajes y temática, entre otros elementos, van construyendo una historia que, sin embargo, presenta serias dificultades: ¿es criminal o policíaca? Indudablemente la novela recuerda mucho los antiguos textos del «realismo noir norteamericano», como Cosecha roja o El halcón maltés de Dashiell Hammett, que, en muchas ocasiones, son tan difíciles de definir y clasificar. Una situación que se repetirá en Beltenebros (1989) solo que con mayores dificultades: el texto discurrirá entre lo policíaco, lo criminal, el thriller político y la narrativa de espionaje. En el caso de Los misterios de Madrid (1992) Muñoz Molina ofrecerá una parodia de lo policíaco a partir de un investigador –Lorencito Quesada– que poco o nada tiene que ver con los legendarios private eyes del «realismo noir» o del polar francés. El dueño del secreto(1994) regresa a la problemática presentada en El invierno en Lisboa y Beltenebros: ¿es un texto criminal o policíaco? Cualquier afirmación tajante puede estar errada, ya que, aunque posee algunos elementos propios de ambos géneros, como el discurso, la ambientación y la atmósfera, la novela está en estrecho contacto con la narrativa de espionaje y el thriller político, haciendo muy difícil una clasificación. Dentro de la obra de Muñoz Molina relacionada con lo criminal y lo policíaco, así como con otros géneros afines, encontramos los cuentos Te golpeare sin cólera (1983), El hombre sombra (1983), La colina de los sacrificios (1993), La poseída (1993), Borrador de una historia (1993), La gentileza de los desconocidos (1993) y la novela corta Nada del otro mundo (1993). Pues bien, con Plenilunio (1997) el escritor giennense explora el relato criminal y policíaco de un modo complejo: se adentra en el conflicto psicológico del investigador y del criminal, como lo lleva a cabo el norteamericano Thomas Harris en El dragón rojo (1980-1981) y El silencio de los corderos (1988), pero enlazando también elementos del thriller, el espionaje y el terrorismo. Por lo que se refiere al periodista Antonio Jiménez Barca su obra literaria se traduce en una sola novela: Deudas pendientes (2006), un texto que encierra ciertas complejidades propias del thriller y de lo policíaco. Domingo Villar es un autor gallego que saltó a la palestra en el año 2006 con la publicación de Ojos de agua, protagonizada por el inspector de policía Leo Caldas. Un texto que, como la siguiente aventura de Caldas, La playa de los ahogados (2009), mantiene un esquema clásico: un crimen se ha cometido y es necesario investigarlo y solucionarlo. No es de llamar la atención que este esquema siga siendo popular en la narrativa policíaca en general, ya que dicho esquema es actualizado por los escritores y adaptado a las necesidades de cada texto. Finalmente, la narrativa policíaca en este siglo XXI sigue manteniendo la máxima clásica de . Así pues, tanto en el caso del asesinato del músico Luís Reigosa como el del marinero Justo Costelo, el inspector Caldas continúa con los esquemas clásicos, pero lo interesante es que Domingo Villar le ofrece al lector una visión del complejo entramado psicológico gallego. Es interesante señalar dentro de la obra de Villar el cuento Las hojas secas, incluido en la antología de cuentos La lista negra (2009), compilada por Àlex Martín Escribà y Javier Sánchez Zapatero. En pocas ocasiones se tiene la oportunidad de escribir sobre el personaje-arquetipo del testigo. Pues bien, Domingo Villar es de los pocos que logra hacerlo a través de un ex-presidiario, testigo involuntario de un crimen que lo acosará hasta el día de su muerte. El santanderino Julián Ibáñez comienza en 1980 su andadura por el «sensacional de suspense» con la novela La triple dama, protagonizada por Ramón Ferreol, una antigua estrella de fútbol, un texto que se mueve entre el thriller y lo policíaco. Al año siguiente Ibáñez entregaría La recompensa polaca, pero es en 1983, con No des la espalda a la paloma, cuando Ramón Ferreol vuelve a aparecer en medio del suicidio de un agente de aduanas. En 1986, con Tirar al vuelo, Ibáñez sorprende con un investigador que se aleja totalmente de las convenciones policíacas respecto al personaje del investigador, ya que Novoa no se acerca en lo mínimo a ello. Él es un simple ciudadano común y corriente, un contable, que ve cómo el peligro se aproxima y tiene que tomar cartas en el asunto. Un personaje que protagonizaría Llámala Siboney (1988), Mi nombre es Novoa (1994) y ¿Y a ti, dónde te entierro, hermano? En la década de los noventa, Julián Ibáñez abordaría el espionaje gracias a Bar Babilonia (1991) y continuaría con otras dos novelas policíacas: Doña Lola (1991) y No hay semáforos para los pumas (1995). Ya en el año 2001, Ibáñez ofrece dos nuevos textos. En Manuela Scarface el escritor santanderino aborda la temática criminal de los asaltos bancarios a través de Paco Peña, un joven que trabaja en una sucursal de la Caixa, que una mañana de finales de agosto se ve sorprendido, junto al resto de empleados y clientes, por unos atracadores, por una banda de asaltantes. Pero la verdadera sorpresa de Paco será la de reconocer, a pesar de los disfraces de los delincuentes, a su novia Manuela. Una situación que puede hundirlo, ya que la policía y sus compañeros lo considerarían un cómplice. Mientras tanto, en Entre trago y trago observamos el bajo mundo del crimen, con sus ambientes turbios y corruptos, a través de Maza, un delincuente de poca monta que regenta El Oasis, un club de mala muerte perdido en una carretera de la Mancha. Un texto que nos recuerda los ambientes sórdidos del «realismo noir norteamericano» y el polar francés de los cincuenta. Resulta interesante ver esos ambientes deprimentes en la siguiente novela de Ibáñez: La miel y el cuchillo (2003), de la mano de otro delincuente menor, Florín, un cuarentón con humor crudo perteneciente a ese Madrid tenebroso, por el que este personaje deambulará golpeando y robando. En Los gorilas no bromean con la corbata (2006) observamos a Viriato Ansorena Ruiz, un chico común y corriente que por las noches se transforma en un fotoperiodista de sucesos que busca la noticia que lo encumbre a él y a su padre, sin pensar siquiera que ese descubrimiento puede costarle la vida. Por su parte, Que siga el baile (2006) es un regreso a esa temática policíaca híbrida, en la que el policía Barquín, testigo directo del extraño robo al bar Boom Boom, se verá implicado en una peligrosa investigación, en la búsqueda de las dos extrañas atracadoras. Con Crimen supertranquilo (2007), Ibáñez parece adoptar las convenciones del best-seller: quinientos años después de la expulsión de los judíos de Sefarad –la España hebrea– Rebeca viaja con su padre a Toledo en busca de la casa de sus antepasados. Pero, sorpresivamente, el hombre muere en el Servicio de Urgencias del Hospital. La historia se complica ya que existe la posibilidad de que el padre de Rebeca haya sido asesinado por causa de una antigua llave de oro que se encontraba entre sus pertenencias, robadas, supuestamente, por Pedro, el celador del hospital donde murió el viejo judío. El baile ha terminado (2009) muestra a Ruano Peredo, un policía del Grupo de Localización de Fugitivos, con sede en Gijón, que se verá envuelto en una compleja trama de espionaje en el que estarán involucradas la Guardia Civil, la Ertzaintza y ETA. En El beso del samurái (2009) la temática policíaca continúa dentro de la obra de Ibáñez. Pedro, el ayudante del detective de un hotel, se hace amigo de Helga, una joven alemana. Una amistad que le llevará a involucrarse en una misteriosa trama criminal. La búsqueda de Julián Ibáñez por romper los esquema y paradigmas policíacos la encontramos en Perro vagabundo busca a quién morder (2009) un extraño relato policíaco que, aparentemente, no encierra ningún crimen dentro de la forzada investigación que realiza el misterioso . En 2010, Ibáñez entrega tres nuevos textos en donde la investigación y el crimen se entrelazan de la mano de policías corruptos y delincuentes pragmáticos: Giley, un relato que explota al personaje del sospechoso, encarnado en el policía Cobos; Calle intranquilidad, un viaje hacia ese Bilbao testigo del tráfico de inmigrantes y el negocio de la prostitución y El invierno oscuro, la visión de un joven inmerso en el peligroso mundo de la kale borroka etarra. Por lo que respecta al barcelonés Carles Quílez, su acercamiento a lo «sensacional de suspense» comienza con Atracadores (2002) una antología en la que se observan once distintos cuentos basados, en clave periodística, en los crímenes de las principales bandas de atracadores de Barcelona en los últimos veinticinco años. Una interesante antología que nos enseña una ciudad oculta y sombría, que nada tiene que ver con el destino turístico que de ella se presenta. En Asalto a la virreina (2004), Quílez saca a relucir su identidad periodística al reconstruir un evento criminal sucedido en Barcelona en 1991: el intento de robo de la colección de monedas del Gabinet Numismàtic de Catalunya, instalado en el palacio de la Virreina. Ese rasgo del escritor barcelonés por reconstruir historias a partir de una visión periodística se repite en dos de sus siguientes novelas: Psicópata: un relato basado en personajes y situaciones (2005), en donde un periodista recibe el encargo de componer la historia de un psicópata encarcelado, un trabajo que se transforma en un sombrío reto que nos acerca a la problemática psiquiátrica de los asesinos seriales y su complejo mundo interno y La soledad de Patricia (2010), un texto que se mueve entre el espionaje y el thriller. Piel de policía (2006) se ajusta más a lo policíaco. Lacruz, ex policía que regenta un bar de mala muerte en Barcelona, ve cómo su vida cambia radicalmente a partir del asesinato de Castán, su ex compañero en la policía. Así pues, la elección de El complot mongol (1969), de Rafael Bernal, Noviembre sin violetas (1995), de Lorenzo Silva, Plenilunio (1997), de Antonio Muñoz Molina, Deudas pendientes (2005), de Antonio Jiménez Barca, Ojos de agua (2007), de Domingo Villar, El baile ha terminado (2009), de Julián Ibáñez y La soledad de Patricia (2010), de Carlos Quílez, no es al azar, sino meditada. En estas novelas se puede observar el traspaso de las diferentes fronteras que «separan» lo criminal, lo policíaco, el thriller y el espionaje, es decir la «narrativa sensacional de suspense», lo cual plantea la posibilidad de que no exista alguna frontera. Y, aunque en Ojos de agua se aprecia el esquema policíaco clásico, esto se debe a una razón: es necesario un texto policíaco para que pueda compararse este con uno criminal, un thriller o uno de espionaje y se ponga en evidencia las diferencias entras estas narrativas. Ahora bien, ante la situación de traspaso de fronteras genéricas por parte del grupo de novelas seleccionadas, surge una duda en especial ¿cómo llevar a cabo esta investigación? Una gran cantidad de hipótesis aparecen de inmediato, pero lo cierto es que lo más importante es poseer un método. Generalmente, muchos estudios de lo criminal y lo policíaco, sin olvidar los del espionaje y el thriller, son históricos, compendios a través de los cuales observamos la historia literaria de ambos géneros, así como su desarrollo y evolución. Investigaciones interesantes y valiosas, dado que rastrean obras y autores que habían sido olvidados o estaban ocultos bajo algún seudónimo. Sin embargo, una visión histórica no es suficiente para abordar un problema como el del límite entre lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller que se plantea a partir de El complot mongol, Noviembre sin violetas, Plenilunio, Deudas pendientes, Ojos de agua, El baile ha terminado y La soledad de Patricia. Para ello son necesarias más herramientas de investigación y por eso emplearemos directrices y pautas de análisis histórico, pragmático-hermenéutico, discursivo-textual, semántico y de la teoría del género. En el primer capítulo reflexionaremos sobre los aspectos históricos y para eso se llevará a cabo una revisión histórica literaria de lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller, solo que de una manera algo distinta: separando estas cuatro narrativas Como ya hemos señalado, existe una confusión entre ellas que puede llevar a pensar, como de hecho ocurre, que criminal es sinónimo de policíaco o viceversa, o que el espionaje está supeditado a lo policíaco, todo esto falso. A partir de esta visión histórica apreciaremos cómo se gesta cada narrativa de manera independiente haciendo ver que se trata de manifestaciones literarias distintas. Esto nos permitirá, por un lado, ver dónde se sitúan las novelas estudiadas, es decir, de dónde vienen, cuáles han sido los antecedentes históricos, sus antepasados literarios. Por otro lado, vamos a observar cómo una idea que venimos gestando desde hace varios años ve la luz. La inmensa mayoría de los críticos e investigadores consideran a Edgar Allan Poe como el padre de la novela policíaca, pero se olvidan o no le dan la importancia a un nombre clave sin el que el género, muy probablemente, no habría comenzado a popularizarse y establecerse: Charles Dickens. La labor de Dickens es enorme y, aunque desgraciadamente no podemos analizar su obra criminal y policíaca, es un objetivo claro revalidar su enorme labor haciendo mención de su trabajo. En el segundo capítulo emplearemos la pragmática-hermenéutica como uno de los pilares de análisis del problema del límite de la «narrativa sensacional de suspense» y la fluctuación tipológica en las novelas estudiadas, lo cual hará ver cuáles de estos textos se acercan más a formas híbridas. De igual modo, la pragmática-hermenéutica nos ayudará en otros dos objetivos: analizar las relaciones intratextuales de las novelas de Rafael Bernal, Lorenzo Silva, Antonio Muñoz Molina, Antonio Jiménez Barca, Domingo Villar, Julián Ibáñez y Carles Quílez, pero también las extratextuales, aquellas en las cuales se puede generar la confusión, en las relaciones que mantendrá el texto no solo con el lector, sino con mediadores que pueden resultar nocivos en el proceso comunicacional al generar dicha confusión. Asimismo, y aunque no realizaremos un profundo análisis comparativo, estableceremos relaciones comparativas entre los siete textos elegidos con el fin de evidenciar las diferencias entre lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller. Por lo que se refiere al capítulo dedicado al discurso y al texto es necesario aclarar que se transita por terrenos en los que no hay acuerdos respecto a la definición de ambos conceptos. No es nuestro propósito buscar una definición de ellos, sino reflexionar sobre ambos en base a las definiciones de un grupo de especialistas, y de este modo abordar el problema del límite en base a una confusión ya algo antigua: ¿existe un discurso policíaco, uno criminal o uno de espionaje? ¿Si es así ¿por qué un texto con un discurso policíaco como El maestro de San Petersburgo (1994) de Coetzee, no puede ser catalogado como policíaco? Nuestro interés se centrará en analizar el discurso criminal, policíaco, de espionaje y del thriller y ponerlo en referencia a El complot mongol, Noviembre sin violetas, Plenilunio, Deudas pendientes, Ojos de agua, El baile ha terminado y La soledad de Patricia junto a otros textos para observar cómo aparece el problema del límite, de la mano de una serie de elementos textuales que se mueven de una narrativa –lo policíaco– a otra –el thriller–. Otro pilar fundamental para esta investigación es la semántica. Empleando la semántica de «mundos posibles» y dos teorías de ella, la de Tomás Albaladejo y Lubomír Doležel, se observará cómo se va construyendo un texto ficcional, en este caso las novelas estudiadas, a partir de parámetros comunicacionales. Gracias a este análisis se confirmarán las impresiones pragmáticas: las novelas de Bernal, Silva, Muñoz Molina, Jiménez Barca, Villar, Ibáñez y Quílez se construyen a partir de eventos diametralmente opuestos: el crimen e investigación, terrorismo y espionaje contraterrorista, amenaza y seguridad, pero no bajo regímenes estrictos, sino como un texto en el que dos submundos, de acuerdo a la terminología de Albaladejo, el de los protagonistas y antagonistas de las obras estudiadas se enfrentan. Es imposible cerrar esta investigación sin tocar un tema espinoso en el que no hay grandes acuerdos: el del género. En el último capítulo tenemos el propósito de señalar los elementos genéricos de lo criminal, lo policíaco, el espionaje y el thriller y ver cómo se combinan, ofreciendo las señales del desplazamiento de la frontera entre estas narrativas y el problema de la confusión. También, y gracias a dos modelos genérico-comunicacionales, el de Kurt Spang y el de Jean Marie Schaeffer, tendremos la ocasión de vislumbrar cómo, de manera genérica, tratamos de ubicar las obras estudiadas y de confirmar su carácter híbrido. No obstante, es inevitable que en este capítulo hagamos mención al problema de la definición del género. Es claro que no se pretende dar una respuesta a dicho problema, ya que esto es imposible, pero lo que sí se llevará a cabo será, gracias a las propuestas de Spang, Schaeffer, García Berrio y Huerta Calvo, construir una definición que sea práctica para esta investigación. Igual de importante será observar en este último capítulo un concepto diseñado para esta investigación: el «sensacional de suspense». En ningún momento buscaremos defenestrar a la «novela negra», pero sí analizaremos el problema que aparece al utilizar dicho término, y las bondades que hay en torno al concepto «sensacional de suspense». Hay que aclarar que este estudio no está divido en dos secciones, una de metodología y otra de aplicación. Por el contrario, lo llevaremos a cabo in sito, es decir realizando la metodología y la aplicación conjuntamente. El motivo de esta elección es de carácter práctico, pues en anteriores trabajos de investigación nos ha funcionado correctamente.
Article by Morris Arnold on the Arkansas Legal System during the Colonial Period. ; THE ARKANSAS COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM, 1686-1766 Morris S. Arnold* Except for the silence of its final letter, there is nowadays nothing very French about Arkansas. Yet before the American takeover in 1804 the great majority of the European inhabitants of the area presently occupied by the state were of French origin. There is s9me visible proof of this in the names, many now mangled beyond e:asy recognition, which eighteenth-century voyageurs and coureurs de bois gave to a good many Arkansas places and streams; 1 and there are, as well, a number of Arkansas townships which bear the names of their early French habitants .2 While these faint traces of a remote European past survive, absolutely nothing remains of the laws and customs which the ancient residents of Arkansas observed. This is no accident. It was a favorite object of Jefferson to introduce the common law of England into the vast Louisiana Territory as quickly as he could. In the lower territory he waited too late. New Orleans had had a large French population and a somewhat professionalized legal system for some time, and the civilian opposition, given time to congeal, proved to * Ben J. Altheimer Distinguished Professor of Law, University of Arkansas at Little Rock. B.S.E.E. 1965, LL.B. 1968, University of Arkansas; LL.M. 1969, S.J.D. 1971, Harvard Law School. This article is the first chapter of Professor Arnold's book, UNEQUAL LAWS UNTO A SAVAGE RACE: EUROPEAN LEGAL TRADITIONS IN ARKANSAS, 1686-1836, which will be published later this year. l. See generally Branner, Some Old French Place Names in the State of Arkansas, 19 ARK. HIST. Q. 191 (1960). The etymology of some of these names is difficult and interesting. Who would guess very quickly, for instance, that Smackover in Union County is Chemin Couvert (covered road) in disguise? Id. at 206. Tchemanihaut Creek (pronounced 'Shamanahaw") in Ashley County is a good deal easier: Chemin a haut (high road) must have been its original name. Its initial letter, one local historian has plausibly suggested, is probably attributable to "a misguided attempt to derive the name from the Indian language." Y. ETHERIDGE, HISTORY OF ASHLEY COUNTY, ARKANSAS 17, 18 (1959). Other names should on sight be instantly intelligible to a modern Parisian, though their current pronunciation might cause him consternation: Examples are the Terre Rouge (red earth) and Terre Noire (black earth) Creeks in Clark County, the L 'Angui!le (eel) River in northeast Arkansas, and La Grue (crane) township in Arkansas county. 2. Vaugine and Bogy Townships in Jefferson County, Darysaw (Desruisseaux) Township in Grant County, and Fourche La Fave (Lefevre) Township in Perry County are good examples. 391 392 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 have sufficient muscle to win a partial victory.3 As a result, as to substantive civil matters the state of Louisiana is today a thoroughly civilian jurisdiction. In the upper territory, however, by a piecemeal process beginning in 1804, the English common law was insinuated into the legal system, until, in 1816, it was at last adopted virtually wholesale by the General Assembly of the Missouri Territory.4 The purpose of this article is to explain why civilian legal institutions proved so weak in Upper Louisiana and especially in Arkansas. It turns out that the smallness and character of the European population in Arkansas was the main cause for the vulnerability of European legal norms there. The reception of the common law in Arkansas was simply one element in a more general exchange of cultures which occurred following the Louisiana Purchase. I At ten o'clock on the morning of March 12, 1682, Robert Cavalier, sieur de la Salle, having been commissioned four years earlier by Louis XIV of France to explore and take possession of the Mississippi and its tributaries, drew near the Quapaw Village of Kappa. The village was located on the right bank of the Mississippi River about twenty miles north of the mouth of the Arkansas. From the war chants emanating from the Indian town, La Salle judged that he was in for a hostile reception; so he hastily constructed a "fort" on an island opposite the village and awaited developments. Soon, however, the Quapaw chief sent the calumet of peace, and La Salle and his men went to Kappa where they were received with every possible demonstration of affection both public and private. Asked by the Quapaws for help against their enemies, La Salle promised that they could thenceforth look for protection to the greatest prince of the world, in whose behalf he had come to them and to all the other nations who lived along and around the river. In return, La Salle said, the Quapaws had to consent expressly to the erection in their village of a column on which His Majesty's arms were to be painted, symbolizing their recognition that he was the master of their lands. The Indians agreed and Henry de Tonti, La Salle's lieutenant 3. See generally G. DARGO, JEFFERSON'S LOUISIANA: POLITICS AND THE CLASH OF LEGAL TRADITIONS (1975). 4. 1 LAWS OF A PUBLIC AND GENERAL NATURE, OF THE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA, OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA, OF THE TERRITORY OF MISSOURI, AND OF THE STATE OF MISSOURI, UP TO THE YEAR 1824, ch. 154 (1842). 1983) COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 393 and commandant of one of the two brigades in the company, immediately caused the column to be fashioned. On it was painted a cross and the arms of France, and it bore these words: Louis the Great, King of France and of Navarre, rules. 13th of March, 1682. Tonti then conducted the column with all the French men-at-arms to the plaza of the village, and, La Salle taking up a position at the head of his brigade and Tonti at the head of his, the Reverend Father Zeno be Membre sang the hymn 0 crux, ave, spes unica. The company then went three times around the plaza, each time singing the psalm Exaudiat te Dominus and shouting vive le roy to the discharge of their muskets. They then planted the column while repeating the cries of vive le roy, and La Salle, standing near the column and holding the king's commission in his hand, spoke in a loud voice the following words in French: On behalf of the very high, very invincible, and victorious prince Louis the Great, by the grace of God, King of France and of Navarre, the fourteenth of this name, today, the 13th of March, 1682, with the consent of the nation of the Arkansas assembled at the village of Kappa and present at this place, in the name of the king and his allies, I, by virtue of the commission of His Majesty of which I am bearer and which I hold presently in my hand . , have taken possession in the name of His ffi.ajesty, his heirs, and the successors to his crown, of the country of Louisiana and of all the nations, mines, minerals, ports, harbors, seas, straits, and roadsteads, and of everything contained within the same . . . . After more musket-firing and the giving of presents the Indians celebrated their new alliance throughout the night, pressing their hands to the column and then rubbing their bodies in testimony to the joy which they felt in having made so advantageous a connection. Thus did France gain sovereignty over and ownership of Arkansas. The reason that we know all these details and more about La Salle's activities in Arkansas is that he had requested, and received, from Jacques de la Metairie, the notary who was in his company, a lengthy proces-verbal describing the events at Kappa and officially attesting their occurrence.5 This was Arkansas's first exposure to civilian legal processes. It would be almost 150 years before the influence of the civil law ceased to make itself felt there. 5. 2 P. MARGRY, DECOUVERTES ET ETABLISSEMENT DES FRAN<;:AIS DANS L'0UEST ET DANS LE SUD DE L'AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE, 1614-1754 (1881). 394 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 II Arkansas Post was the first European establishment in the lower Mississippi valley. It was first located about twenty-seven miles by river from the mouth of the Arkansas on the edge of Little Prairie at what is now called the Menard Site. (See Figure 2). Settled in 1686 by six tenants of Henry de Tonti to whom La Salle in 1682 had granted the lower Arkansas as a seignory, 6 it was to serve as an Indian trading post and as an intermediate station between the Illinois country and the Gulf of Mexico.7 Tonti's plans for the place had been large indeed. In 1689 he promised the Jesuits to build a house and chapel at the Arkansas and to grant a resident priest a sizeable amount of land; while there, Tonti confidently asserted, the priest could "come and say mass in the French quarter near our fort."8 No priest in fact established himself during Tonti's ownership of the Arkansas and his French quarter and fort never materialized. When in an undated grant of land to Jacques Cardinal, one of his men at the Post, Tonti styled himself seigneur de ville de Tonti (lord of the town of Tonti),9 he was in the grips of an excessive enthusiasm. There is no evidence that the European population of the place ever exceeded six. In fact, when Joutel arrived there in 1687 there were only two Frenchmen remaining in residence; 10 and the single log house he descpbed is apparently the only structure ever erected at Tonti's Post. Joutel remarked of Tonti's two traders that "if I was joyous to find them, they participated in the joy since we left them the wherewithal to maintain themselves for some time." Indeed, he said, "they were almost as much in need of our help as we of theirs." He ridiculed the whole idea of a post at that location. "The said house," Joutel noted sarcastically, "was to serve as an 6. See Faye, The Arkansas Post ef Louisiana: French Domination, ;26 LA. HIST. Q. 633, 635-36 ( 1943). 7. Such was the view of Father Douay, a Jesuit who described Tonti's post in 1687. See M. THOMAS, THE ARKANSAS POST OF LOUISIANA, 1682-1783 (M.A. Thesis, University of California, 1948). 8. Tonti's grant to the Jesuits is quoted in 1 M. GIRAUD, A HISTORY OF FRENCH LOUISIANA 8 (J. Lambert trans., 1974). 9. The grant is translated in THE FRENCH FOUNDATIONS 396 (T. Pease & R. Werner eds., 1934). 10. Faye, supra note 6, at 735. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM Henry de Tonti, lieutenant of La Salle. He founded Arkansas Post in 1686 and in the late seventeenth century styled himself seigneur de ville de Tonti. He was the first European to possess judicial authority in Arkansas. (Courtesy of the Museum of the History of Mobile). 395 396 UALR LAW JOURNAL · [Vol. 6:391 entrepot [way-station] for the French who travelled in these parts, but we were the only ones whom it so served." 11 Short of supplies and virtually inaccessible, the tiny outpost never prospered. The war with the Iroquois closed the route to Canada and made trade to and from Arkansas impossible much of the time until 1693.12 By 1696, Jean Couture, Tonti's lieutenant and commandant at the Post, had deserted to the English, 13 and in 1699 Jesuit missionaries to the Quapaws found no trace of a French settlement. 14 By then the French had evidently abandoned the Arkansas, though there may have remained behind a "few white savages thereabouts as wild as red savages." 15 However grandiose and ambitious had been the schemes of Tonti, they would soon come to seem tame. In 1717 the Mercure de France, a Paris newspaper, began advertising the riches of Louisiana to its readers: Gold and silver could be mined there "with almost no labor." The mountains situated on the Arkansas River would be explored, and there, one correspondent exuded, "we shall gather, believe me, specimens from silver mines, since others already have gathered such there without trouble." When Cadillac sensibly protested that "the mines of the Arkansas were a dream" he was promptly committed to the Bastille "on suspicion of having spoken with scant propriety against the Government of France."16 The man behind the propaganda campaign was John Law, a Scot, who owned a bank in Paris and who had in 1717 succeeded in securing for his Compagnie d'Occident a monopoly on Louisiana trade. Law's company recruited thousands of colonists to settle in Louisiana and the king granted it authority to grant land from the 11. Joutel Remarques sur /'Ouvrage de Tonti Re/at(( a la Louisiane ( 1703), Archives Service Hydrographique (Paris), vol. 115-9, no. 12 (Typescript in Little Rock Public Library). The translation in the text is mine. 12. Faye, supra note 6, at 638. 13. IBERVILLE'S GULF JouRNALS 144 at n.98 (R. McWilliams ed. 1950). 14. 18 COLLECTIONS OF THE WISCONSIN HISTORICAL SOCIETY 427, at n.37 (1908). 15. Faye, supra note 6, at 646. See also I M. GIRAUD, supra note 8, at 8: "When d'Iberville reached the Mississippi [i.e., in 1699] the post had been abandoned." Some writers are reluctant to say that the Arkansas was completely devoid of Europeans at this time. See, e.g., P. HOLDER, ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIELD RESEARCH ON THE PROBLEM OF THE LOCATIONS OF ARKANSAS POST ARKANSAS 4 (1957): "The French occupation of the general area along the lower courses of the Arkansas and White Rivers was virtually continuous from the 1680's onward." The truth is that the sources simply fail to mention any Europeans in Arkansas, except Jesuit missionaries, between 1699 and 1721. It is, however, hard to resist believing that a few hunters and trappers ventured from time to time into the area and established temporary camps there. Almost certainly no real settlement existed however. 16. Faye, supra note 6, at 653. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 397 Royal domain. Proprietors of the company's land grants (concessionaires) were given considerable latitude in choosing the spots for their settlements, since the interior of Louisiana was not well known; and they therefore exercised much discretion in locating their colonists on arrival. 17 However, the company early on had recognized the Arkansas River as an important spot, since it was thought that it might well be the best route to the Spanish mines of Mexico. Thus the company specifically directed where the Arkansas concession should be located and ordered that it be the first occupied. 18 It granted this concession to Law himself. In August of 1721, a group of Law's French engages (perhaps as many as eighty) took possession of land on Little Prairie at or near the site of Tonti's abandoned trading post. 19 (See Figure 2). Although Law was by then bankrupt and had fled France, the news did not reach Louisiana until after Jacques Levens, Law's director in Louisiana, had caused the Arkansas colony to be established under the command of some of his subordinates.20 By December of that year Bertrand Dufresne, sieur du Demaine, replaced Levens as director for Arkansas, and in March of 1722 he took possession of the concession and began an inventory of its effects and papers.21 On his arrival he found only twenty cabins and three arpents (about 2.5 acres) of cleared ground. He reported a total of about fifty men and women resident,22 tristes debris, Father Charlevoix called them,23 of Mr. Law's concession. They had produced only an insignificant harvest. Lieutenant la Boulaye was nearby with a military detachment of seventeen men.24 (See Figure 1). Despite the existence of a company store at the Arkansas concession, both the colony and the military establishment were in considerable difficulty.25 Dufresne therefore immediately released twenty of the engages from service and gave them lots to cultivate in the hopes that a better harvest of corn and wheat would be realized in 1722. In February of the following year there were only forty-one colonists remaining, divided now into two small farming communi- 17. 4 M. GIRAUD, H!STOJRE DE LA LOUISIANE FRANc_;;AISE 198 (1974). 18. Id. 19. Id. 20. Id. at 199. 21. Id. at 271. 22. Id. at 272. 23. 6 P. CHARLEVOIX, JOURNAL D'UN VOYAGE FAIT PAR ORDRE DU Roi DANS L'AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONNALE 164 (1744). 24. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 273. 25. The following paragraph is based on Id. at 273-74. 398 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 ties: Fourteen men and one woman at Law's concession under Dufresne, and sixteen men, some with families, two leagues down the river with the troops. Among this latter group there lived six black slaves. 26 Benard la Harpe, while exploring the river in 1721, had predicted, or at least hoped for, a turn in the fortunes of the struggling colony, but that hope proved false and in 1727 Father Paul du Poisson, the Jesuit missionary to the Arkansas, reported that only about thirty Frenchmen remained behind.27 The military post had been abandoned two years previous. 28 Village des Arcan~as ---N Poste francais commande par le S. la Boulaie 0 - - - -, ·: ·Concession de M. Law I I L. --- ' MISSISSIPPI Figure 1 Sketch of the location of Law's colony by Dumont de Montigny,Archives Nationales, Paris, 6 JJ-75, Piece 254. All this seemed worth recounting in some detail because for generations historians of Arkansas have believed that a colony of Germans once occupied their river. Law did recruit many Germans for settlement in Louisiana, and they were destined for the Arkansas, but as soon as the news of Law's bankruptcy reached the colony 26. Recensement General des Habitans Estab!ys,,.SoteJouy Arkansas et d~s Ouvrier~ ~e la Concession cy devant Apartenant a M. Law, 18 February, 1723. (Transcnpt at Lomsiana History Center, Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans). 27. Du Poisson to Father___, translated in Falconer, Arkansas and the Jesuits in 1727-A Translation, 4 PUBLICATIONS OF THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 352, at 375 (1917). 28. Faye, supra note 6, at 670. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 399 in June of 1721, the Compagnie des Indies took over the direction of his concession;29 and when the time arrived to transport the German immigrants to Arkansas, the company, in an economy move, decided instead to send them to Delaire's grant in Lower Louisiana.30 In short, none of Law's Germans ever reached Arkansas. This is a pity, as the prospect of discussing, or at least imagining, a group of German immigrants living under French law on the Arkansas River was an intriguing one--one of which the facts have now unfortu-nately deprived us. · III Before 1712, the colony of Louisiana, with a population of only a few hundred, had been entirely under military rule and regular civil regulation was altogether lacking. On September 19, 1712, the Crown granted a trade monopoly to Antoine Crozat but he was given no governmental authority: As Henry Dart noted, the charter was "only an operating contract with the duties of government retained in the Crown."31 However, the charter did adopt as law for the colony "nos Edits, Ordonnances Et Coutumes Et !es usages de la Prevoste Et Vitf/omte de Paris--our edicts, ordinances, and customs, and the usages of the Provostry and Viscounty of Paris."32 The Coutume, despite its name, was actually a small code of some 362 titles first reduced to writing in 1510,33 and treating both substantive and adjective law. It was itself terse, indeed epigrammatic; but the commentary on it by the time of its adoption in Louisiana was voluminous. 34 Annotated versions of the Coutume were therefore very popular in France and in time they found their way to Louisiana.35 Also in 1712, by a separate instrument, a new and important institution was created for the colony, the Superior Council of Louisiana. 36 Modelled on the governmental arrangements already in 29. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 216. 30. Id. at 248. 31. Dart, The Legal Institutions of Louisiana, 3 SOUTHERN LAW Q. 247 (1918). This article also appears in 2 LA. HIST. Q. 72 (1919). 32. The charter is printed in 4 PUBLICATIONS LA. HIST. Soc. 13, at 17 (1909). 33. For a precis of its provisions, title by title, see Schmidt, History ef the Jurisprudence of Louisiana, l LA. L. J., no. l, l (1841). 34. The most useful eighteenth-century commentary is C. FERRIERE, CoMMENTAIRE SUR LA CouTUME DE LA PREVOTE ET VICOMTE DE p ARIS. It is available in several editions. 35. Dart, The Law Library ef a Louisiana Lawyer in the 18th Century, 25 REPORTS OF THE LOUISIANA BAR ASSOCIATION 12, at 22 et seq. (1924). 36. See Dart, supra note 31, at 249 et seq. See also, for some discussion of the work of this body, Hardy, The Superior Council in Colonial Louisiana, in FRENCHMEN AND FRENCH 400 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 place in other French colonies, the Council had original and exclusive jurisdiction to decide disputes arising anywhere in Louisiana. It consisted of the Lieutenant General of New France; the Intendant of the same; the Governor of Louisiana; a first councilor of the king; two other councilors; the attorney general; and a clerk. Judgments in civil cases required the concurrence of at least three members and in criminal cases at least five. The Council was originally created to exist for three years, but on September 7, 1716, it became by virtue of a Royal Edict a permanent institution.37 In 1717 a fundamental change occurred in the government of Louisiana. In that year Crozat, having lost an enormous sum under his operating charter, surrendered it, and John Law's Compagnie d'Occident was given a monopoly over trade in the colony. In addition, unlike Crozat's company, the Compagnie d'Occident was granted extensive governmental authority: It had the power to appoint the Superior Council, to name governors and military commandants, and to appoint and remove all judges. The charter also provided that "Seront tous !es juges Etbalis en tous !es d. Lieux tenus de juger suivant !es Loix Et ordonnances du Royaume Et se Con-former a la Coutume de la prevoste Et Vicomte de Paris. . . ."; that is, that "all the judges established in all the said places shall be bound to judge according to the laws and ordinances of the realm, and [shall also be bound] to conform to the customs of the Prevostry and Viscounty of Paris."38 This portion of the charter obviously provided for the reception of general French legislation and the Custom of Paris. In addition, it has been shown that subsequent French legislation, as soon as it was registered in the colony, and the legislation of the Superior Council itself, formed part of the body of colonial Louisiana law.39 The subsequent French legislation was of three distinct sorts: (a) general legislation; (b) special colonial legislation; ( c) colonial legislation passed specifically for Louisiana. 40 Two years later we hear for the first time about inferior courts for outlying portions of the colony. On September 12, 1719, the king noted the need to appoint persons to act as judges "to facilitate w A YS IN THE MISSISSIPPI v ALLEY 87 (J. McDemott ed., 1969); Micelle, From Law Court to Local Government: Metamorphosis of the Superior Council of French Louisiana, 9 LA. HIST. 85 (1968). 37. The edict is printed in 4 PUBLICATIONS LA. HIST. Soc. 21-23 (19CS). 38. Id. at 48. 39. Baade, Marriage Contracts in French and Spanish Louisiana: A Study in "Notarial" Jurisprudence, 53 TUL. L. REV. 3, 9 (1978). 40. Id. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 401 the administration of justice in places distant from the place where the Superior Council holds it sessions."41 The "heads or directors" of concessions along with "other of our subjects, capable and of probity" were to "exercise both civil and criminal justice." The edict went on to provide that, even in these inferior courts, "three judges shall sit in civil matters and in criminal matters five judges . " The plan, evidently, was to have a kind of provincial council at each settlement. The king further provided that an appeal from these local tribunals would lie in all cases to the Superior Council.42 All this was being done, of course, to make ready the way for Law's colonizing schemes. In 1720 or 1721 Louisiana was for the first time divided into districts (or counties). Arkansas was one of the nine districts originally created, and a local commandant and a judge was assigned to each "to put justice with greater ease in reach of the colonists."43 Presumably, and understandably, the plan to establish local councils outside New Orleans was abandoned at this time. The sources simply fail us on the question of whether more than one person was expected to sit on local courts, but it could not have proved workable in remote places like Arkansas to assemble a multi-member judicial body. In May of 1722 the Regent issued an order creating a provincial council for Illinois, the jurisdiction of which supposedly extended from "all places on and above and Arkansas River . . . to the boundaries of the Wabash River." The commandant of the Illinois, Lieutenant de Boisbriant, was to serve as "chief and judge" of this so-called council, which in fact had only one other member.44 It thus seems to have been the plan to abolish the Arkansas district and annex its territory to its nearest northern neighbor; and the Illinois provincial council was directed "to hold its sessions at the places where the principal factories of the company shall be estab- 41. The edict is printed in 4 PUBLICATIONS LA. HIST. Soc. 63 (1908). 42. The translation in the text is mine. The entire edict is translated and discussed in Dart, supra note 31, at 261 et seq. Further discussion of this edict can be found in Dart, The Colonial Legal Systems of Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas, 27 REPORTS OF THE LOUISIANA BAR ASSOCIATION 43 at 52 (1926). 43. Id. at 267. The other districts were New Orleans, Biloxi, Mobile, Alibamous, Natchez, Yazoo, N atchitotches, and the Illinois. 44. Translated extracts from this order appear in 2 J. WHITE, A NEW COLLECTION OF LAWS, CHARTERS, AND LOCAL ORDINANCES OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND SPAIN, RELATING TO THE CONCESSION OF LAND IN THEIR RESPECTIVE COLONIES . 439-40 (1837). 402 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 lished."45 This language could have been construed to require the Illinois council to sit at the Arkansas. It is, however, very much to be doubted that such a session was ever held, and certainly it is not believeable that anyone would repair from Arkansas to Illinois to settle a grievance in 1722. It seems probable, then, that whatever judicial functions were exercised at the Arkansas were entrusted to its resident directors even after the supposed creation of the council of the Illinois. The only resident director that the Arkansas ever had was, as we saw, Bertrand Dufresne, sieur du Demaine, who arrived at the Post March 22, 1722, and he was evidently the judge from that point on. Prior to that, Jacques Levens had been director, but as he never took up residence in Arkansas we have to presume that if judicial functions were undertaken by anyone, it was by one or more of the three subordinates to whom Levens had entrusted the management of the struggling colony: Jean-Baptiste, Menard, Martin Merrick, and Labro.46 When Dufresne left the Arkansas around 1726 we can hardly guess the means resorted to for the settlement of disputes. Probably Father Paul du Poisson, the Jesuit missionary resident from 1727 to 1729, used his good offices to maintain order among the approximately thirty Frenchmen who had remained behind.47 It seems probable, therefore, that Arkansas's first sustained exposure to European legal proceedings and principles occurred in the period during which Law's Company held sway in Louisiana. Tonti's seventeenth-century feudal seignory no doubt carried with it the right to render justice. Though his charter from La Salle has not as yet come to light,48 other conveyances of La Salle's are extant; and in them he gave his grantees judicial power over small cases ("low justice" this is called) while specifically reserving important cases ("high justice") to himself. (Cases of the latter type he directed to be heard by the judge "who shall be established at Fort St. 45. Id. at 440. 46. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 272. Menard left the Arkansas in 1722 (jd., 275) and was in New Orleans in 1720. Index to the Records efthe Superior Council of Louisiana, 4 LA. HIST. Q. 349 (1921). 47. Dufresne appears in the Arkansas census of January !, 1726; but on October 21, 1726, he is described as a "settler in Arkansas, but now domiciled with Mr. Traguidy [in New Orleans]." Index to the Records of Superior Council of New Orleans, 3 LA. HIST. Q. 420 (1920). In 1727 there was no director at the Arkansas, as Father Du Poisson tells us that he took up evidence in "the India Company's house, which is also that of the commandants when there are any here . " See Falconer, supra note 27, at 371. 48. For a charter from Tonti to Jacques Cardinal, one of his men at the Arkansas, see THE FRENCH FOUNDATIONS, supra note 9, at 396. 'Fhla is tlae Olll)' grant gf Tgati's eKtastF 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 403 Louis.")49 We do not know whether Tonti's charter contained identical provisions but it certainly would have contained similar ones. But during the fifteen years or so that Tonti held the right to dispose of certain cases arising in his seignory, it hardly seems credible that he or his deputies ever held anything resembling a court, or even executed many instruments or documents.50 IV In 1731 the Compagnie d'Occident surrendered its charter to Louis XV, and for the rest of the period of French dominion Louisiana was a Crown Colony. Late that same year a military garrison was re-established in Arkansas; it consisted of twelve men commanded by First Ensign de Coulange and was located again on the edge of Little Prairie. 51 (See Figure 2). It was apparently during the reorganization of the colony in 1731 that civil and military authority at the outposts of Louisiana were combined in the commandant of the garrison-an arrangement that would survive into the Spanish period and even for a short time during the American regime. Part of a post commandant's civil authority was to act as notary and judge. The exact scope of his judicial jurisdiction during the French period is obscure, there being no document of which I am aware which describes it specifically. Parkman, writing of conditions in the Illinois in 1764, says that the "military commandant whose station was at Fort Chartres on the Mississippi, ruled the Colony with a sway as absolute as that of the Pasha of Egypt, and judged civil and criminal cases without right of appeal."52 Captain Phillip Pittman, an English engineer and Mississippi explorer who was writing at almost exactly the same time, gives a slightly different version. According to him, the Illinois commandant "was absolute 49. Concession in fee by La Salle to Pierre Prudhomme, in id. at 32. 50. When Tonti petitioned for confirmation of his charter, he was evidently refused. The petition is printed in E. MURPHEY, HENRY DE TONTI, FUR TRADER OF THE MISSISSIPPI 119 (1941). It is possible that La Salle did not have the power to make permanent grants and that may be the reason that Tonti needed confirmation. The Letters Patent of May 12, 1678, giving La Salle the right to explore "the western part of New France" in the king's behalf, gave him the power to build forts wherever he deemed them necessary; and he was "to hold them on the same tern1s and conditions as Fort Frontenac." See T. FALCONER, ON THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI 19 (1844). La Salle said expressly in 1683 that this allowed him to "divide with the French and the Indians both the lands and the commerce of said country until it may please his majesty to command otherwise . " See THE FRENCH FoUNDATio~;upra note 9, at 43. The language is ambiguous, but on one permissible reading it indicates a specifically reserved power in the king to revoke grants made by La Salle. 51. Faye, supra note 6, at 673. 52. Quoted in Dart, supra note 31, at 249. 404 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 in authority, except in matters of life and death; capital offences were tried by the council at New Orleans."53 Of course, the Arkansas commandant's judicial jurisdiction was not necessarily as extensive as that possessed by the commandant of the Illinois. He may very well have been subordinate to the Illinois commandant during most of the French period. Some fitful light is thrown on the judicial authority of the Arkansas commandant by an interesting proceeding which took place at the Post in 1743.54 In October of that year, Anne Catherine Chenalenne, the widow of Jean Francois Lepine, petitioned Lieutenant Jean-Francois Tisserant de Montcharvaux, whom she styled "Commandant for the King at the Fort of Arkansas," asking him to cause an inventory and appraisal to be made of the community property in her possession. The object in view was to make a distribution to the petitioner's son-in-law and daughter who had the previous May lost all their goods when attacked by Chickasaws on the Mississippi not far below the mouth of the Arkansas. They had narrowly escaped with their lives.55 Widow Lepine had decided to make a distribution to "her poor children, at least to those who have run so much risk among the savages." She was preparing to marry Charles Lincto, a well-to-do resident of the Post, and she wished to dissolve the old community which by custom had continued after her husband's death in her and their children. The commandant informed Madame Lepine that on 26 October, 1743, he would inventory the "real and personal property derived from the marital community" and would bring with him two persons to look after the widow's interest and two to represent the children. The idea was that each party in interest should have independent appraisers present to insure the impartiality of the inventory and evaluation. De Montcharvaux in the presence of these and other witnesses caused the inventory to be made on the appointed day. The estate was fairly sizeable, being valued at 14,530 /ivres and 10 sols. It contained a great deal of personalty, including four slaves, a number of animals, 1600 pounds of tobacco, and notes and accounts receivable; the realty noted was "an old house" with three small outbuildings. Interestingly, no land was mentioned. There are two possible explanations for the absence of land in S3. P. PITTMAN, THE PRESENT STATE OF THE EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT ON THE M1ss1sSIPPI S3 (1770) (Reprinted with intro. by R. Rea 1973). S4. The relevant documents are translated in Core, Arkansas through the Looking Glass ef 1743 Documents, 22 GRAND PRAIRIE HISTORICAL SOCIETY BULLETIN 16 (1979). SS. This incident is reported and discussed in Faye, supra note 6, at 677-78. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 405 the inventory. One is that land may not have been actually granted to Arkansas settlers but only given over temporarily to their use. The other possibility is that the land on which the house was built had belonged to Lepine before the marriage and had remained his separate property under his marriage contract or under the general provisions of the Coutume de Paris. The Coutume, which, as we have seen, was in force in French Louisiana, provided that all movables (personalty), belonging to a husband or wife, whenever acquired, became part of the community; but only certain immovables (realty) acquired after the marriage were so treated.56 This rule could be altered by contract, but in Louisiana, as in France, the Coutume was often specifically incorporated into marriage contracts by future spouses in defining the regime that would rule their property; 57 and if there was no contract provision creating a property regime, the Coutume of course automatically applied. The inventory is said to have been made "Pardevant nous Jean Francois Tisserant Ecuyer Sieur Demoncharvaus Commandant pour le Roy au Fort des Arkansas." The formulapardevant nous ("before us") is Parisian notarial boiler-plate and indicates that the commandant was acting in his surrogate notarial capacity. To an American common lawyer, the notary is not a member of the legal profession, not even a paralegal. But in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France he enjoyed a much more elevated status, as indeed he still does in that country. Originally an official of the medieval European ecclesiastical courts, the notary developed into a noncontentious secular legal professional in France. In England, partly because the canon and secular laws were not on speaking terms, "the notarial system never took deep root."58 For one thing, an important aspect of the notary's duties, his authority to "authenticate" documents, was of little use to the English. The whole notion of a state-sanctioned authenticator of private acts was entirely foreign to the common law: Whereas in France we see notaries "making" and "passing" contracts, the common law left that to the parties. The state was very much in the background in England, and was called upon only to enforce obligations that arose by force of nature. The other aspect of the French notary's duties, the drafting of instruments, conveyancing, and the giving of legal advice, was per- 56. See Baade, supra note 39, at 7, 8. 57. Id. at 25. 58. l F. POLLOCK & F. MAITLAND, A HISTORY OF ENGLISH LAW 218 (2d ed., reissued with intro. by S. Milsom 1968). 406 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 formed by the regular legal profession in England. It is true that there was a scriveners' company organized in London in the sixteenth century which was granted a charter in the reign of James l.59 Members were empowered to draft legal documents, especially obligations (or bonds), and they gave a certain amount of low-level legal advice particularly in commercial and banking matters. 60 The few secular notaries who practiced in London at that time concerned themselves mainly with drafting documents relevant to international trade, and they were members of this company.61 But in the eighteenth century the company lost its effort to keep commonlaw attorneys from competing, and in 1804 parliament made conveyancing the monopoly of the regular legal profession.62 In contrast, the French notary's duties by the eighteenth century had come to include not only the familiar ones of administering oaths, taking acknowledgements, and giving "authenticity" to "acts" of private persons by attesting them officially, but they also ran generally to the drafting of documents, conveyancing, and the giving of practical legal advice.63 It is not surprising, therefore, that notaries would 59. See 12 w. HOLDSWORTH, A HISTORY OF ENGLISH LAW 70 (1938). See generally on the notary in England, Gutteridge, The Origin and Development ef the Profession of Notaries Public in England, in CAMBRIDGE LEGAL ESSAYS 12 (1926). 60. 12 w. HOLDSWORTH, supra note 59, at id. 61. 5 w. HOLDSWORTH, supra note 59, at 115 (3d ed. 1945). 62. 12 w. HOLDSWORTH, supra note 59, at 71-72; T. PLUCKNETT, A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE COMMON LAW 227-28 (5th ed. 1956). 63. As draftman of wills, marriage contracts, and conveyances, Mons. le Notaire has survived in France as a much respected person, especially in the country villages. He is a general non-forensic legal practitioner, his part in the legal scheme "being confined to voluntary as distinct from contentious jurisdiction." Brown, The office of Notary in France, 2 INT'L & COMP. L. Q. 60, at 64 (1953). Indeed, the French notary is close to the equivalent of the English solicitor, except for the latter's participation in litigation. Thus one modern-day commentator opined that "a solicitor would feel much at home in the etude of the French notary, though he would be surprised, and perhaps disappointed, by the cordiality of the morning post." Id. at 71. Today in Louisiana as well the notary enjoys considerable powers. See Burke & Fox, The Notaire in North America: A Short Study of the Adaptation of a Civil Law Institution, 50 TUL. L. REV. 318, at 328-32 (1975); Brosman, Louisiana-An Accidental Experiment in Fusrim, 24 TUL. L. REV. 95, 98-99 (1949). The Louisiana notary has the power "to make inventories, appraisements, and petitions; to receive wills, make protests, matrimonial contracts, conveyances, and generally, all contracts and instruments of writing; to hold family meetings and meetings of creditors; . to affix the seals upon the effects of deceased persons and to raise the same." LA. STAT. ANN.§ 35:2 (1964). When the Louisiana legislature defined the practice of law, and prohibited all but licensed attorneys from engaging in it, it therefore remembered to except acts performed by the notary which were "necessary or incidental to the exercise of the powers and functions of (his] office." LA. STAT. ANN. § 37:212(B) (1974). A walk through modern-day New Orleans will reveal a number of signs proclaiming the existence of "Law and Notarial Offices", a combination having an odd ring in the ears of an American common lawyer. The Louisiana notary is simply "a different and 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 407 make an appearance in eighteenth-century Louisiana. In New Orleans, of course, there was much work for them, but there were also provincial notaries operating in Biloxi, Mobile, Natchitoches, Pointe Coupee, and Kaskaskia.64 Since De Montcharvaux acted as notary for the Lepine inventory, it is reasonably clear that there was no provincial notary resident at the Arkansas at that time. This comes as no surprise since in 1746 there were at the Post only twelve habitant families, ten slaves, and twenty men in the garrison, 65 hardly a sufficient European population to require or attract a law-trained scrivener. When it was time to have their marriage contract made, the widow Chenalenne and her future spouse executed it in New Orleans. No doubt there was available there legal advice on which they might more comfortably rely.66 Besides, there was at that time no resident priest at the Post to perform the marriage. v On May 10, 1749, an event occurred that considerably reduced the European population of Arkansas and also made it difficult to attract settlers there for some time. On that day, the Post was attacked by a group of about 150 Chicaksaw and Abeka warriors. Their coming was undetected67 and thus they caught the small habitant population altogether unaware. They burned the settlement, killed six male settlers, and took eight women and children as slaves.68 The census taken later that year shows, not surprisingly, that the population had decreased since the previous census. Seven more important official person than is the notary public in other jurisdictions of the United States." Brosman, supra at 98. 64. See Baade, supra note 39, at 12. 65. Memoire sur /'Eta! de la Colonie de la Louisiane en 1746. Archives des Colonies, Archives Nationales, Paris [hereinafter cited as ANC], Cl3A, 30:242-281, at 249, (Typescript of original document available at Little Rock Public Library). As the average family size in Arkansas in the middle of the eighteenth century was about four, this would put the number of habitant whites at the Post at about forty-eight. 66. For an abstract of this marriage contract, see Records o.f the Superior Council o.f Louisiana, 13 LA. HlsT. Q. 129 (1944). 67. However, the habitants may have had a warning that something was afoot, for on May l, Francois Sarrazin had written from Arkansas that "two savages have killed a man and a woman and burnt a man in the frame." Records efthe Superior Court o.f Louisiana, 20 LA. HlsT. Q. 505 (1937). This incident may have been connected with the attack nine days later. 68. Vaudreuil to Rouille, September 22, 1749, calendared in THE VAUDREUIL PAPERS 59-60 (B. Barron ed., 1975). See also Faye, supra note 6, at 684 et seq. W. BAIRD, THE QUAPAW INDIANS: A HISTORY OF THE DOWNSTREAM PEOPLE 34 (1980), gives the number taken as slaves as thirteen. 408 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 men, eight women, eight boys, and eight girls remained, a total of only thirty-one white habitants at the Poste des Akansa .69 Nor did all this mark an end to serious trouble. When in June of 1751 First Ensign Louis-Xavier-Martin de Lino de Chalmette, the commandant of the Post, went uninvited to New Orleans to consult with the governor, his entire garrison of six men took the opportunity to desert. 70 Things were obviously at a critical juncture. When later in 17 51 Lieutenant Paul Augustin le Pelletier de la Houssaye took command at Arkansas he found there a post recently rebuilt by its habitants and _voyagij,tfrs and probably already relocated to a spot ten or twelve miles upriver at the edge of the Grand Prairie. (See Figure 2). It is clear that Governor Vaudreuil had determined to hold the Arkansas even if the cost proved high, for he assigned to De La Houssaye a large company of forty-five men.71 The lieutenant was also authorized to build a new fort; government funds being lacking, he undertook the construction at his own expense in return for a five-year Indian trade monopoly.72 This new beginning could, in the nature of things, have given only a slight lift to the prospects for sustained settlement in the Arkansas country. Late in 1752 Governor Vaudreuil was informed that the Osages had attempted an attack on Arkansas Post but had failed. 73 While this indicates a stability of sorts for the l?ost, thanks no doubt to the size of the new garrison, still the perceived danger must have been so high as to discourage all but the most intrepid from taking up residence at the Arkansas. Mentions of Arkansas in the legal records tend to emphasize the dangerousness of the place. For instance, a couple from Pointe Coupee, on the verge of leaving for a hunting trip to the White River country, thought it best to deed their property to a relative, with the stipulation that the deed was to be void if they returned.74 It is not surprising, therefore, that even as late as 1766, the last year of French dominion, only eight habitant families, consisting in all of forty white persons, were resident at Arkansas Post.75 69. Arkansas Post Census, 1749, Loudon Papers 200, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. There were also fourteen slaves resident at the post and sixteen voyageurs who had returned after their winter's work. There were five hunters on the White River and four on the St. Francis. Thirty-five hunters had failed to return from the Arkansas River. 70. Faye, supra note 6, at 708. 71. Id. at 211. 72. Id. 73. THE VAUDREUIL PAPERS, supra note 68, at 136. 74. Index to the Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, 24 LA. HlsT. Q. 75 (1941). 75. See Din, Arkansas Post in the American Revolution, 40 ARK. HIST. Q. 3, at 4 (1981). 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 409 All of these difficulties, and others, made for a place in which it might be regarded as too polite to expect the presence of much which corresponds to a legal system. In addition, political exigencies sometimes interfered to such an extent that the application of even-handed legal principle became inexpedient and thus entirely impracticable. For instance, the continued existence of the Arkansas settlement depended heavily on the loyalty of the Quapaws and their wishes were therefore relevant to any important decision made there. Their influence could extend even to the operation of the legal system as the following incident demonstrates. On 12 September, 1756, a meeting was held in the Government House in New Orleans to hear an extraordinary request from Guedetonguay, the Medal Chief of the Quapaws.76 His tribe had captured four deserters from the Arkansas garrison and had returned them; but the chief had come on behalf of his nation to ask Governor Kerlerac to pardon the soldiers. One of those captured, Jean Baptiste Bernard, in addition to having deserted, had killed his corporal Jean Nicolet within the precincts of the fort. The chief, obviously a great orator, said that he had come a long distance to plead for the soldiers' lives despite the heat and the demands of the harvest; and in his peroration he said that his head hung low, hi~ eyes were fixed to the ground, and his heart wept for these men. He knew, he explained, that if he had not come they would have been executed, and this was intolerable to him because he regarded them as his own children. He recited many friendly acts of the Qua paws to prove the fidelity of his people to the French. Among them was the release of six slaves (perhaps Chicaksaws captured by the Quapaws) "who would have been burned" otherwise, and the recent capture of five Choctaws and two trespassing Englishmen. He himself, he noted, had recently lost one son and had had another wounded in the war against the Chickasaws; and he . counted this "a mark of affection for the French." In recompense he asked for the pardon of the soldiers. The chief added that this was the only such pardon his nation had thus far requested, and he promised never to ask again. He did not doubt that Kerlerac, "the great chief of the French father of the red men," charged to govern them on behalf of "the great chief of all the French who lived in the 76. What follows is based on a memorandum entitled "Harangues faites dans /'assemb/ee tenue a /'hotel du gouvernment cejourdhui, 20 Juin 1756," found in ANC, Cl3A, 39:177-180 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). The translations are mine. 410 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 great town on the other side of the great lake," would listen and do the just thing. Guedetonguay left his best argument for last. He maintained vigorously that, under his law, any criminal who managed to reach the refuge of the Cabanne de Valeur where the Quapaws practiced their religious rites was regarded as having been absolved of his crime. It was their custom everywhere that the chief of the Cabanne de Valeur "would sooner lose his life than suffer the refugee to undergo punishment for his crime." Evidently the soldiers were claiming this right; and Ouyayonsas, the chief of the Cabanne de Valeur, was there to back them up. This last argument was an excellent one because it called upon the French to recognize an established Indian usage not dissimilar from the European custom of sanctuary. And the argument carried with it a threat of violent reaction if the custom were not allowed. Kerlerac answered the chief that he was not unmindful of the past services of the Quapaws, nor was he ungrateful for them. "But," he said, "I cannot change the words declared by the great chief of all the French against such crimes, and . . . it would be a great abuse for the future" to pardon the soldiers. So, he continued, "despite all the friendship that the French have for you and your nation, these men deserve death." The great chief stood for a long time with his head down and finally answered ominously that he could not be responsible for the revolutions which the chief of the privileged house might stir up-revolutions which he said ''would not fail to occur." The argument continued and the governor offered to grant the chief "anything else except these four pardons." But Guedetonguay stubbornly maintained that "the sole purpose of his journey was to obtain the pardon of the four men." In the end the Governor extracted from the Quapaw chiefs "publicly and formally their word . . . that they would in the future deliver up all deserting soldiers as malefactors or other guilty persons without any restriction or condition whatsoever, and that . pardons would be accorded at the sole discretion of the French." No immediate decision was reached by the Governor, but later that day some of his advisors, having reflected on what they had heard, reckoned "that a refusal of the obstinate demands of these chiefs . . . the faithful allies of the French would only involve the colony in troublesome upheavals on the part of the said nations who have otherwise up to the present served very faithfully." They con- 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 411 eluded that "saving a better idea by Monsieur le Gouverneur it would be dangerous, under all the present circumstances, not to satisfy the Indians with the pardons which they demanded." The governor took the advice but evidently did not write to Berryet, the French Minister of the Marine, for some time to tell him about it. From the comfort of Versailles it was easy for Berryet to pick at Kerlerac's decision.77 In responding to Kerlerac, Berryet first made the point that Bernard's case was different from that of the other captured soldiers since he was accused of homicide in addition to desertion. Then, too, the minister had a lot of questions. Could not the difference in Bernard's case have been urged on the Arkansas chiefs to get them to relent in his case? Where was the record of the legal proceedings which should have been conducted relative to the killing? If this was a wilfull murder the pardon had been conceded too easily. "It would be dangerous," the minister warned, ''to leave such a subject in the colony, not only because he would be an example of impunity but also because of new crimes that he might commit." (The arguments of general and specific deterrence are not very recent inventions.) Finally, the governor was sternly admonished "not to surrender easily to demands of this sort on the part of the savages . If on the one hand it is necessary, considering all the present circumstances, to humor the savages, it is also necessary to be careful of letting them set a tone that accords neither with the king's authority nor the good of the colony." Nevertheless, the minister talked to the king and he ratified the governor's decision. Writs of pardon were therefore issued under the king's name for each of the Arkansas soldiers. Because the homicide committed by Bernard was not a military crime and was cognizable therefore by the Superior Council of Louisiana, his pardon was directed to the Council. Interestingly, though Berryet admitted knowing nothing of the circumstances surrounding the killing, the pardon recited that a quarrel had arisen between Bernard and Nicolet, that they had beaten each other, that Bernard : "had had the misfortune to kill the said Nicolet," and that the death "had occurred without premeditated murder."78 Thus Louis XV pardoned Jean Baptiste Bernard for killing by mischance when there was no evidence adduced as to the facts resulting in Nicolet's 77. What follows is based in Berryet's letter to Kerlerac and Bobe Descloseaux dated July 14, 1769. ANC, B, 109:487-88 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). The translation is mine. 78. The pardon (brevet de grtJce) was enclosed in the letter and is ANC, B, 109:489 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). The translation is mine. 412 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 death. The decision was generated simply by a desire to accommodate an important ally. Faithful adherence to legal principle sometimes had to take a back seat to the more compelling demands of politics. VI Father Louis Carette, the Jesuit missionary who came to the Post of Arkansas in 1750, nevertheless attempted to bring some order to the legal affairs of the place. As he noted in a procuration (power of attorney) dated at Arkansas in 1753, he was "authorized by the king to make in every post where there is not a Notary Royal all contracts and acts . "79 There is no evidence that he had any formal legal training, but he was a Jesuit, and thus a learned man, one of a handful of such who would make their residence in eighteenth- century Arkansas. The 1753 procuration is itself of some interest, as it sheds light on how litigants whose cases were technically beyond the jurisdiction exercised by the Arkansas commandant (whatever that was) might have had their cases heard if they wanted to resort to regular methods of dispute settlement. As incredible as it seems, it is probable that the only court of general jurisdiction in the entire colony was the Superior Council of Louisiana. Now, in 1763 La Harpe said that it was a two-week boat trip from the Arkansas to New Orleans, and six to eight weeks back.80 Obviously, the procuration was an important device for people in remote posts like Arkansas, for it enabled them through their attorneys, in the language of the document under discussion, "to act . . . as though they were personally present."81 Convoys or individual vessels travelled down the Mississippi frequently enough to make this means of tending to legal affairs more tolerable than it might otherwise have been. In this case, the attorney chosen was Commandant de la Houssaye, and he was deputed to act in a probate matter at Pointe Coupee for Etienne de Vaugine de Nuysement and his wife Antoinette Pelagie Petit de Divilliers. An interesting feature of procurations which increased their utility and flexibility was that they were assignable. This feature came in handy in this instance since De La Houssaye, having 79. Index to the Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, 22 LA. H!sT. Q. 255 (1939). 80. La Harpe to Chosseul, August 8, 1763, ANC, Ci3B, 1 (Typescript in Little Rock Public Library). 81. Records, supra note 79, at id. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 413 been detained at the Arkansas due to illness, simply transferred the power of attorney to a member of the Superior Council "to act in my place as myself."82 Perhaps one of the reasons that Carette had acted as notary in this instance was that the only other person in the little community authorized so to act, the commandant, was a party to the instrument. But in the French period priests were given general notarial powers and could act even in the absence of circumstances disabling the commandant. For instance, Carette acted as notary, and thus probably draftsman, for a marriage contract in which the commandant was not interested. This was the marriage contract of Francois Sarrazin and Francoise Lepine, executed at Arkansas Post on January 6, 1752. Marriage contracts have no exact parallel in common-law practice, and it thus seems worthwhile, before discussing the particulars of the Sarrazin-Lepine contract, to devote some time to their explanation and description. In a recent seminal study, Professor Hans Baade has outlined the provisions which one typically finds in marriage contracts executed in accordance with eighteenth-century Parisian notarial practice.83 The first and invariable undertaking by the future spouses was a promise to celebrate their marriage in facie ecc! esiae. The parties would then choose the regime which would govern their property during the marriage. Next would come a declaration that the ante-nuptial debts of the parties were to remain their separate obligations; this was followed by a disclosure of the parties' assets, a requirement for the validity of the previous provision. The dowry brought to the marriage by the wife was next recited; and delineating preciput, the right of the spouse to specific property in the event of dissolution of the community, frequently followed. Finally came the donation clause, usually a reciprocal grant of all or part of the predeceasing spouse's estate. In Louisiana, this donation, in order to be valid, had to be registered with the Superior Council in New Orleans. An inspection of the Sarrazin-Lepine marriage contract reveals that it very clearly drew on these French notarial precedents, and it reflects, moreover, an awareness of the practical requirements of the Louisiana registration provisions. It contained a promise to celebrate the marriage in regular fashion, the creation of a community property regime, a clause stating the amount of the wife's dowry, a 82. Id. 83. What follows is taken from Baade, supra note 39, at 15-18. 414 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 mutual donation to the survivor of all property owned at death, and an undertaking to have the contract registered in New Orleans.84 While there was no clause dealing with ante-nuptial debts and no mention of preciput, it is quite obvious that the good Jesuit knew more than a little about French notarial practice, and may well have had at his disposal a form book on which he could draw. He was, for all practical purposes, for a time the "lawyer" of the post as well as its cure. Before we leave this interesting document there is an aspect of it which bears detailed attention. The property regime chosen by the parties included in the community "all property, movable and immovable"85-as common lawyers would say, all property, both personal and real. In this respect the contract departs from the Custom of Paris which included in the community all movables but only certain immovables (conquets) acquired after marriage. 86 Parties were allowed in Louisiana to contract almost any property arrangement they wanted, 87 and Sarrazin and Lepine had elected a somewhat unusual variety of community. Curiously, however, the contract reckoned that this regime was "in accordance with the custom received in the colony of Louisiana." A few months after the execution of this contract Commandant de la Houssaye wrote to the governor to say that Monsieur Etienne V augine, a French officer, was of a mind to marry Madame de Gouyon, the commandant's sister-in-law, and he sent along "the proposed conditions for the contract of marriage."88 This was a draft of the contract, as De La Houssaye asked the governor to pass "/'exemplair du contra!" along to the New Orleans notary Chantaloux if the governor decided to give his permission for the marriage. Chantaloux was "to make it as it should be."89 Three weeks later the governor wrote to say that the contract would be sent back soon and that Chantaloux had left it intact except for one reasonably minor alteration.90 In 1758 Father Carette, dismayed by the irreligious inclination of his flock, left the Arkansas and no replacement was sent. In 17 64, 84. Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, 25 LA. HlsT. Q. 856-57 (1942). 85. Id. at 856. 86. Baade, supra note 39, at 15. 87. Id. 88. La Houssaye to Vaudreuil, Dec. l, 1752, LO 410, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 89. Id. 90. THE v AUDREUIL PAPERS, supra note 68, at 152. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 415 Captain Pierre Marie Cabaret Detrepi, commandant at the Arkansas, after Madame Sarrazin had found herself widowed, passed a second marriage contract for her which was extremely unsophisticated and rudimentary.91 It contained only a promise to marry regularly and a mutual donation. Perhaps the good widow had by this time tired of long-winded formalities. Just as likely, the Post was feeling the absence of Carette's drafting skills. VII As tiny, remote, and inconsequential as the Arkansas settlement was, then, it is nevertheless clear that at least some of its people were part of the time adherents to French legal culture. Of course almost everyone who lived at the Post during the period of French domination was either a native of France or French Canadian; and by the end of the French period a substantial number of native Louisianans were there. It is most interesting to find the survival of civilian legal form in so remote an outpost of empire. Obviously, not all of Arkansas's residents lapsed into a kind of legal barbarism. There were, however, circumstances at work which would make it impossible for some time to establish a community which could be expected to value the observance of legal niceties very highly. As we have already seen, the Post could not have been very attractive to the more civilized settler owing to its dangerous location. Arkansas Post, moreover, over the years experienced an extreme physical instability since it was necessary to relocate it several times due partly to flooding. (See Figure 2). The Arkansas River was in the eighteenth century "a turbulent, silt-laden stream, subject to frequent floods which were disastrous along its lower course."92 This proved to be a considerable disincentive to settlement. Add to that the enormous expanse occupied by the alluvial plain of the Mississippi and the difficulty becomes plain enough. Almost any site within thirty miles of the mouth of the Arkansas carried with it a considerable risk of floods. Law's colony, on the Arkansas twenty-seven miles or so from its mouth, was said in 1721 to be "in a fertile sector but subject to floods."93 The success of the attack by the Chickasaws in 1749, when the Post was at the same 91. Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, Feb. 11, 1764, Louisiana History Center, Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans. 92. P. HOI.DER, supra note 15, at 152. 93. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 273 (1974). 416 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 location, was made possible by the absence from the neighborhood of the Quapaws: Because of recent floods they had abandoned their old fields for a more promising place upstream.94 This place, called Ecores Rouges (Red Bluffs) by the French, was about thirty-six miles from the mouth of the Arkansas and was at the present location of the Arkansas Post Memorial.95 After the attack, the Post was moved to join the Indians at Ecores Rouges so as to provide for mutual protection.96 The new spot was free from floods but proved unsatisfactory from a strategic standpoint because of its distance from the Mississippi. The location delayed convoys and Governor Vaudreuil expressed the view that "a post on the Mississippi would be more practical."97 Therefore in 1756 the Post was moved back downriver to about ten miles above the mouth. But the inevitable soon occurred. In 1758 heavy flooding, graphically described in a letter of Etienne Maurafet Layssard the garde magasin (storekeeper) of the Post, caused heavy damage, almost undoing the work of builders and architects who had been at work for the better part of a year. The houses were saved by virtue of being raised on stakes against such a day as this; but the habitants' fields, everything but Layssard's garden for which he had providently provided a levee, were entirely inundated.98 It was in fact a small enough loss. From the beginning, and understandably, the attempt to make a stable agricultural community of the Arkansas had failed miserably. There is no doubt that the European population of Arkansas during the French period consisted almost entirely of hunters and Indian traders. In 1726 the reporter of the Louisiana census remarked of the Arkansas that "all the habitants were poor and lived only from the hunting of the Indians." 99 A 1746 report said of the twelve Arkansas habitant families 94. Faye, supra note 6, at 717-19. 95. See figure 2. 96. For details, see Appendix II to my forthcoming book, UNEQUAL LAWS UNTO A SAVAGE RACE; EUROPEAN LEGAL TRADlTIONS IN ARKANSAS, 1686-1836. 97. THE VAUDREUIL PAPERS, supra note 68, at 118. 98. Faye, supra note 6, at 718-19. A detailed description of the repairs made in the summer of 1758, evidently necessitated by these floods, is in ANC, CBA, 40:349-50 (Typescript in Little Rock Public Library). In addition to making repairs, the builders constructed a house 26 feet long and 19 wide just outside the fort for the Indians who came there on business. It was of poteaux en terre construction, was covered with shingles, and was enclosed with stakes. The report describing the renovation and construction work of 1758 is signed by Denis Nicol~s Foucault, chief engineer of the Province of Louisiana. 99. ANC, GI, 464 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM • DeWitt ARKANSAS COUNTY • Dumas I I I 0 1. 1686-1699; 1721-1749 N 1 DESHA COUNTY T I I 4 I 8 mi Figure 2 Locations of Arkansas Post, 1686-1983 2. 1749-1756; 1779-1983 3. 1756-1779 JB Based on a map drawn by John Baldwin which appeared in Arnold, The Relocation of Arkansas Post to Ecores Rouges in 1779, 42 ARK. HIST. Q. 317 (1983). Used with permission of the Arkansas Historical Association. 417 418 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 that "their principal occupation is hunting, curing meat, and commerce in tallow and bear oil." As for cultivating the soil, the same source reported that the habitants grew "some tobacco for their own use and for that of the savages and voyageurs." 100 In 1765 Captain Phillip Pittman, an Englishman, said that there were eight families living outside the fort who had cleared the land about nine hundred yards in depth. But, according to him "on account of the sandiness of the soil, and the lowness of the situation, which makes it subject to be overflowed," their harvest was not enough even to supply them with their necessary provisions. Pittman noted that "when the Mississippi is at its utmost height the Lands are overflow' d upwards of five feet; for this reason all the buildings are rais'd six feet from the ground." Thus the residents of the Arkansas, he said, subsisted mainly by hunting and every season sent to New Orleans "great quantities of bear's oil, tallow, salted buffalo meat, and a few skins." 101 Both Layssard102 and Father Watrin103 hint that the discouragement produced by the frequent flooding contributed to Father Carette's decision to leave. However that may be, it must be clear that during the period of French dominion the Post did not provide fertile soil for either crops or religion. Would regular bourgeois legal procedures have generally been afforded a more cordial acceptance? Even absent direct evidence, this would in the abstract seem most unlikely. Unsafe, unstable, and uncomfortable, the Arkansas Post of Louisiana during the period of French dominion must surely also have been largely unmindful of bourgeois legal values. It is true, as we have seen, that some of the Post's residents tried to maintain a connection between their remote outpost and European legal culture. But the few legal records that chance has allowed to come down to us from the French period are remarkable not only for their small number but also for the social and economic characteristics they reveal of the people who figured in them. They were an elite, related by marriage and blood, struggling under the difficult circumstances of their situation to participate in regular le- 100. Memoire, supra note 65 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). 101. P. PITTMAN, supra note 53, at xliv, 40-41. 10+. See ANC, Cl3A, 40:357 (Transcript in Little Rock Public Library). Layssard there remarks that the inhabitants at Arkansas were too poor to build a levee, and that "the Father would rather leave than go to such an expense. He is very poor." 103. See J. DELANGLEZ, THE FRENCH JESUITS IN LOWER LOUISIANA 444, where Watrin is quoted as saying that, despite there being little hope for conversion of the Quapaws, Father Carette "nevertheless followed both the French and the savages in their various changes of place, occasioned by the overflowing of the Mississippi near which the post is situated." 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 419 gal processes. The probate proceeding of 1743 was instituted by one of the most well-to-do residents of Arkansas in the person of Anne Catherine Chenalenne, widow of Jean Francois Lepine. The community property inventoried included four slaves. 104 Her future husband Charles Lincto became the most substantial civilian resident of the Post. The 17 49 census, if one excludes from it for the moment the commandant and his household, reveals that Lincto's household accounted for eight of the twenty-nine white habitants and seven of the eleven slaves at the Arkansas. 105 Etienne de Vaugine de Nuysement who executed the procuration of 1753 was a member of one of the most distinguished French families of Louisiana; 106 and he granted the power to Commandant de la Houssaye who would soon become a Major of New Orleans and a Knight of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis. 107 Vaugine and De la Houssaye married sisters. The marriage contract executed at the Arkansas in 1752 was entered into by the Post's garde magasin and Francoise Lepine, a daughter of Anne Catherine Chenalenne the petitioner in the probate proceeding of 1743; and the bride's dowry had resulted from the dissolution of the community which had been the aim of that proceeding. Finally, Francoise Lepine's second marriage contract, passed by Detrepi in 1764, was prelude to her marriage to Jean Baptiste Tisserant de Montcharvaux, officer and interpreter at the Post and son of the commandant who executed the 1743 inventory. We are dealing with a propertied and interconnected gentry here, a tiny portion of what was anyway a very small population. How the other, the major part of the Arkansas populace regulated their lives during the French period will, in the nature of things, be difficult to document. But there is some evidence on this point and it indicates that there was a good deal of lawlessness on the Arkansas. According to Athanase de Mezieres, the Lieutenant Governor at Natchitoches, the Arkansas River above the Post was inhabited largely by outlaws. "Most of those who live there," he claimed, "have either deserted from the troops and ships of the most Christian King and have committed robberies, rape, or homicide, 104. For a translation of this inventory, see Core, supra note 54, at 22. 105. Resancement General des Habitants, Voyageurs, Femmes. En.fans, Esclaves, Clzevaus, Beufs, Vaclzes, Coclzons du Foste des Akansas, 1749. Lo. 200, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 106. On the Arkansas Vaugines, see Core, T!ze Vaugine Arkansas Connection, 20 GRAND PRAIRIE HISTORICAL SOCIETY BULLETIN 6 (1978). 107. Faye, supra note 6, at 709. 420 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 that river being the asylum of the most wicked persons, without doubt, in all the Indies." 108 On another occasion, De Mezieres singled out as a particularly heinous offender an Arkansas denizen nicknamed Brindamur, a man "of gigantic frame and extraordinary strength." Brindamur, De Mezieres complained, "has made himself a petty king over those brigands and highwaymen, who, with contempt for law and subordination with equal insult to Christians, and the shame of the very heathen, up to now have maintained themselves on that river." 109 He had been resident on the Arkansas for a long time, as his name appears in the census of 1749. Interestingly, it is placed at the very head of a considerable list of "the voyageurs who have remained up the rivers despite the orders given them." 110 All persons hunting on the rivers were supposed to return every year as passports were not issued for longer periods. But there were large numbers of hunters who lived for twenty years or more in their camps without ever reporting to the Post. They constituted a large proportion, indeed sometimes a majority, of the European population in Arkansas during the French period. The 17 49 census, for instance, lists a habitant population of only thirty-one, including the commandant and his wife. But there were forty hunters on the Arkansas River whose passports had expired, and nine on the White and St. Francis Rivers. Sixteen hunters were said to be at the Post being outfitted to return to the hunt. Brindamur, the bandit King, was murdered by one of his men after the end of the French period, "though tardily" De Mezieres reckoned, and "by divine justice."111 In the Spanish period an effort was made to rid the river of these malefactors. VII Since no records of litigation initiated at the Arkansas during the French period have survived, if indeed any were ever kept, very little can be said directly on how lawsuits were conducted there. However, in 1747 Francois Jahan initiated a suit in the Superior Council in New Orleans against one Clermont, a resident of Arkansas Post, claiming damages for the conversion of a cask of rum at Arkansas. 112 The Superior Council, as we have shown, had jurisdic- 108. 1 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES AND THE LOUISIANA-TEXAS FRONTIER, 1768-1780 166 (H. Bolton ed., 1914). 109. Id. at 168-69. 110. Resancement, supra note 105. 111. t\. BOLTON, supra note 108, at 167. 112. Index lo the Records of the Superior Court of Louisiana, 17 LA. HIST. Q. 569 (1934). 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 421 tion throughout Louisiana, and this case reveals how it was exercised against a defendant in the hinterlands. The summons was served on the Attorney General of Louisiana; thus, as Henry Dart pointed out, "it would seem . . . that a resident of the Post of Arkansas could be sued in New Orleans by serving the citation on the Procureur [Attorney] General."113 How the case would have, in the ordinary instance, proceeded from there is difficult to say. Probably the Arkansas commandant would have been asked to act as a master to gather facts and to report to the Superior Council. But it seems that the commandant had already ruled independently on the matter. Commandant de Monbharvaux's statement on this case, which is entered in the record a'few days after the suit was initiated, indicates that he had held a hearing on the matter at the Arkansas, had taken testimony as to the rum, and had "sentenced Clermont to pay for it."114 Apparently he had kept no record of the proceeding, as none was offered: The good lieutenant bore his own record. It is interesting to note, however, that this case was evidently not brought to enforce the commandant's judgment but was an independent action. How did the justice provided by the Post commandant during the French period measure up? In the absence of litigation records, this is the hardest kind of question to answer. We know, however, that whatever jurisdiction was exerciseable by the commandant, he acted alone, without official advisors and without, of course, a jury. To say that rule is autocratic is not to say
Esta Semana: Comunicado de Departamento del Tesoro de los EE.UU. El 13 de julio el titular del Departamento del Tesoro de Estados Unidos, Henry M. Paulson, Jr, emitió un comunicado sobre la caída y rescate de los gigantes inmobiliarios Fannie Mae y Freddy Mac. Les acercamos el comunicado extraído del Departamento de Prensa del Tesoro americano. El pasado 25 de julio se produjo la Cumbre Unión Europea - Sudáfrica. En la oportunidad y como resultado de la misma los participantes emitieron una declaración conjunta. Véala aquí Les acercamos este informe del Alto Comisionado de Derechos Humanos de la ONU sobre Derechos Humanos y Terrorismo que nos pareció de gran interés. Véalo aquíRadovan Karadzic en La Haya.Responsable por uno de los genocidios mas sangrientos de la historia reciente, Radovan Karadzic, el ex jefe político de los serbobosnios comparecerá ante el Tribunal Penal Internacional para ex Yugoslavia. Karadzic fue trasladado en la noche del pasado martes a La Haya. Horas antes del traslado, tenía lugar una manifestación organizada por la oposición nacionalista serbia en el centro de Belgrado, que degeneró al final en altercados entre unos centenares de jóvenes y la policía. Varios medios informan al respecto: "El Mercurio" de Chile: "Masiva protesta antes de su traslado en las calles de Belgrado: Karadzic fue extraditado a La Haya":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/30/internacional/internacional/noticias/B46C4AF2-02E3-4C90-823E-ECC1FC5E98D2.htm?id={B46C4AF2-02E3-4C90-823E-ECC1FC5E98D2}"El País" de Madrid: "Karadzic llega al Tribunal de La Haya: Serbia envía de noche al presunto criminal de guerra a las dependencias penitenciarias internacionales.- Será juzgado por genocidio y otros crímines por el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la ex Yugoslavia": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Karadzic/llega/Tribunal/Haya/elpepuint/20080730elpepuint_4/Tes"New York Times": "Karadzic Arrives in Hague After Protest by Loyalists":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/31/world/europe/31hague.html"CCN": "Karadzic set to make first court appearance":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/30/karadzic.deportation/index.html"Karadzic appeal not received by court"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/28/karadzic.deportation/index.html"Karadzic to defend himself in war crimes court":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/23/serb.arrest/index.html"Thousands protest Karadzic arrest":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/29/karadzic.deportation/index.html"Time":"Karadzic Wants No Lawyer":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827424,00.html"Le Monde": "Radovan Karadzic comparaîtra jeudi devant le TPI"http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/30/radovan-karadzic-est-arrive-a-la-haye_1078522_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"Los Ángeles Times": "War crimes suspect Karadzic extradited to The Hague":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-serbs30-2008jul30,0,2903253.story"MSNBC": "Karadzic in U.N. custody in Netherlands: Ex-fugitive flown to the Netherlands following violent protest in Belgrade":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25887949/"Thousands protest in Belgrade for Karadzic: U.S. Embassy warns Americans to avoid protest amid fears of violence":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25890371/"Paper: Karadzic lawyer tries to stop extradition: Appeal meant to prevent war-crime suspect from being sent to U.N. court":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25859649/"Times":"Radovan Karadzic extradited to The Hague":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4427730"La Nación": "Está acusado de genocidio: Radovan Karadzic, a disposición de La Haya. El ex líder serbio llegó a Holanda para ser juzgado en el Tribunal Penal Internacional":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034845"Avanza su extradición: Karadzic será llevado a La Haya en secreto": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034388"El Tiempo" de Colombia: "Radovan Karadzic fue llevado a La Haya, Holanda, para ser juzgado por crímenes de guerra":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/radovan-karadzic-fue-llevado-a-la-haya-holanda-para-ser-juzgado-por-crimenes-de-guerra_4416080-1"The Economist":"Arrest of a bearded man": http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792314"El Universal" de Méjico: "Karadzic queda en poder de la ONU en Holanda":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/526234.htmlAMERICA LATINA"El Mercurio" publica: "Reclaman la restitución del Ejército: Ex militares haitianos ocupan un antiguo cuartel":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/30/internacional/internacional/noticias/B0B07BB4-211D-4F05-9FEB-6704AF47278D.htm?id={B0B07BB4-211D-4F05-9FEB-6704AF47278D}"La Nación" publica: "Uribe pide "discreción"":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034424"MSNBC" informa: "Woman suspected of being FARC's Europe link: Maria Remedios Garcia Albert, 57, was the alleged rebel liaison":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25873981"The Economist" analiza: "Energy reform in México: Crude and oily. A controversial referendum and the future of the state oil company":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11791596"MSNBC" anuncia: "Mexican military losing drug war support: Border residents report abuse, violence by soldiers sent to curb narcotics": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25851906/"El País" de Madrid publica: "El presidente electo de Paraguay ya no es sacerdote: El Papa ha suspendido definitivamente a Fernando Lugo porque las profesiones de obispo y gobernante de un país no son compatibles http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/presidente/electo/Paraguay/sacerdote/elpepuint/20080730elpepuint_8/Tes"El País" de Madrid informa: "Chávez: "Bush quiere revivir la guerra fría". El presidente venezolano dice, en una carta enviada a Fidel Castro, que EE UU planea agredir a Cuba http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Chavez/Bush/quiere/revivir/guerra/fria/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_14/Tes"The Economist" anuncia: "Argentina: Et tu, Julio? :The president suffers a heavy defeat at the hands of her number two":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11791614"La Nación" informa: "Bolivia: ratifican el referéndum. Pese a los pedidos de suspensión, la Corte Electoral dijo que se celebrará el 10 de agosto":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034389ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"New York Times" informa: " U.S. Military Says Soldiers Fired on Civilians":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/28/world/middleeast/28iraq.html?ref=world"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "La Casa Blanca pronostica un déficit presupuestario récord para 2009: Sería de 482.000 millones de dólares, aproximadamente el 3,5% de la economía": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/Casa/Blanca/pronostica/deficit/presupuestario/record/2009/elpepueco/20080728elpepueco_8/Tes"La Nación" publica: "La economía enfrenta a Obama y McCain: El candidato demócrata advirtió que Estados Unidos está en "emergencia económica"; fuertes críticas de su rival republicano":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034414"The Economist" analiza: "It's the economy again, stupid.John McCain and Barack Obama are offering profoundly different prescriptions, though economic and political realities will limit their ambitions": http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792500"El País" de Madrid informa: "Republicanos y demócratas se enfocan en la economía: Barack Obama convoca a un panel de lujo para revisar sus propuestas.- John McCain mantiene contactos con las autoridades monetarias": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Republicanos/democratas/enfocan/economia/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_13/Tes"El Mercurio" de Chile anuncia: "Le queda menos de un mes antes de ser proclamado oficialmente en la Convención Demócrata: Obama entra en la recta final para decidir quién será su candidato a Vicepresidente":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/30/internacional/_portada/noticias/CAE4A8B7-3485-4112-8844-D31E89023938.htm?id={CAE4A8B7-3485-4112-8844-D31E89023938}"Time" informa: "Obama's Vice-Presidential Dilemma":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1827714,00.html"Time" publica su sitio con links sobre las elecciones en los Estados Unidos: http://thepage.time.com/EUROPA"El País" de Madrid informa: "Erdogan llama a la unidad tras los atentados de ayer en Turquía: La explosión consecutiva de dos bombas sacude un barrio obrero de Estambul.- La cifra de muertes sube a 17 y hay unos 150 heridos, una decena de ellos de gravedad.- La policía sospecha de los independentistas kurdos": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Erdogan/llama/unidad/atentados/ayer/Turquia/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_4/Tes"New Yorrk Times2 anuncia: "Police Investigate Istanbul Bombings":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/world/europe/29turkey.html?ref=world"Time" publica: "Fatal Bombings in an Edgy Turkey":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827056,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "Comienza el proceso para ilegalizar el partido de Erdogan": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Comienza/proceso/ilegalizar/partido/Erdogan/elpepuint/20080728elpepiint_6/Tes"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "El Tribunal Constitucional de Turquía rechaza ilegalizar al partido de Gobierno":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Tribunal/Constitucional/Turquia/rechaza/ilegalizar/partido/Gobierno/elpepuint/20080730elpepuint_9/Tes"Le Monde" publica: "Turquie : la justice n'interdit pas le parti au pouvoir":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/30/turquie-la-justice-n-interdit-pas-le-parti-au-pouvoir_1078861_3214.html"Time" analiza: "Who Was Behind the Turkish Blasts?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827398,00.htmlEl País" de Madrid informa: "Las peores inundaciones en Ucrania en 100 años se cobran la vida de 13 personas. Las fuertes lluvias han destruido más de 21.000 casas y 20.000 hectáreas de cultivos, y han dejado inutilizadas 2.020 kilómetros de carreteras y más de un centenar de puentes": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/peores/inundaciones/Ucrania/anos/cobran/vida/personas/elpepuint/20080728elpepuint_5/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "Ukraine floods kill 22, force 20,000 to flee: Damages estimated at $800 million, but few funds available to clean up":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25887744/"Time" informa: "Thousands of British Passports Stolen": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827501,00.html"La Nación" publica: "Los que huyen de la miseria. Actos desesperados de los ilegales en España para no ser deportados: Viajes riesgosos y casamientos arreglados":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034426"MSNBC" informa: "7 jailed for genocide over Srebrenica massacre. War crimes court orders Bosnian Serbs to serve sentences of up 42 years":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25908708/"The Economist" analiza: "France: The reformist president. Quietly but determinedly, Nicolas Sarkozy is pressing ahead with reforms in France-all without provoking huge strikes and street protests":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792306ASIA – PACÍFICO /MEDIO ORIENTE"New York Times" informa: "Bomb Attacks in Baghdad and Kirkuk Kill Dozens": HTTP://WWW.NYTIMES.COM/2008/07/29/WORLD/MIDDLEEAST/29IRAQ.HTML?REF=WORLD"El País" anuncia: "Tres mujeres suicidas causan al menos 28 muertos en Bagdad. Miles de peregrinos llenan Bagdad con motivo de una importante festividad chií.- En Kirkuk, otro atentado suicida deja 22 muertos": HTTP://WWW.ELPAIS.COM/ARTICULO/INTERNACIONAL/MUJERES/SUICIDAS/CAUSAN/28/MUERTOS/BAGDAD/ELPEPUINT/20080728ELPEPUINT_9/TES"La Nación" publica: "Cuatro mujeres suicidas atacaron en Irak:: Hicieron detonar los explosivos que llevaban y mataron a 57 personas; hay por lo menos 300 heridos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034419"MSNBC" informa: "Female suicide bombers kill 57, wound dozens. Attackers target Shiite pilgrimage in Baghdad, Kurdish rally in Kirkuk": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25880699/"New York Times" anuncia: "Olmert to Resign After September Vote": HTTP://WWW.NYTIMES.COM/2008/07/31/WORLD/MIDDLEEAST/31MIDEAST.HTML?_R=1&HP&OREF=SLOGIN"CNN" publica: "Ahmadinejad: The big powers are going down":HTTP://EDITION.CNN.COM/2008/WORLD/MEAST/07/29/IRAN.AIDS.AP/INDEX.HTML"Time" informa: "Ahmadinejad: 'Powers' Going Down": HTTP://WWW.TIME.COM/TIME/WORLD/ARTICLE/0,8599,1827377,00.HTML"The Economist analiza: "Iran: Who runs it?": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792348"La Nación" anuncia: "Irán criticó a la ONU ante los Países No Alineados. Ahmadinejad aseguró en la cumbre de cancilleres que el organismo actúa "a favor de las grandes potencias"; pidió crear un fondo para financiar proyectos del bloque":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034530"CNN" informa: "Pakistani militants abduct 30 police": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/29/pakistan.abductions/index.html"Time" anuncia: "Cambodia Reelects Longtime Leader": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827054,00.html"MSNBC" publica: "Typhoon slams Taiwan, triggering floods, slides: At least one killed, air traffic disrupted; Typhoon Fung Wong heads to China": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25881000/"The Economist" analiza: "The Beijing Olympics:Five-ring circus": http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792915"El Mercurio" publica: "Denuncias a días de la inauguración de los Juegos Olímpicos: China no cumple promesas y mantiene censura a la prensa y faltas a DD.HH.": HTTP://DIARIO.ELMERCURIO.COM/2008/07/30/INTERNACIONAL/_PORTADA/NOTICIAS/CB8049AE-EDCE-4C33-AF25-F7337A8C08B6.HTM?ID={CB8049AE-EDCE-4C33-AF25-F7337A8C08B6}"El País" informa: "Ni los Juegos Olímpicos pueden con la censura en China: El COI no logra convencer al país asiático para que los periodistas tengan acceso libre a Internet": HTTP://WWW.ELPAIS.COM/ARTICULO/INTERNET/JUEGOS/OLIMPICOS/PUEDEN/CENSURA/CHINA/ELPPGL/20080730ELPEPUNET_3/TES"New York Times" anuncia: "China to Limit Web Access During Games":HTTP://WWW.NYTIMES.COM/2008/07/31/SPORTS/OLYMPICS/31CHINA.HTML?HP"China Daily" publica: "WTO talks collapse amid farm row": HTTP://WWW.CHINADAILY.COM.CN/CHINA/2008-07/30/CONTENT_6887475.HTM"CNN" informa: "China rebuffs human rights report":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/29/china.humanrights/index.html"CNN" publica: "India: Police defuse 18 bombs at market":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/29/india.bombs.ap/index.html+"Time" anuncia: "India: The Terrorists Within": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1826950,00.htmlAFRICA"New York Time" informa: "Sudan Rallies Behind Leader Reviled Abroad":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/28/world/africa/28sudan.html?ref=world"CNN" publica: "U.S. expands Zimbabwe sanctions":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/25/zimbabwe.sanctions/index.html"MSNBC" publica: "Officials say Zimbabwe talks break off: Mugabe insists he remain president":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25887595/"MSNBC" informa: "Cash crisis, inflation worsen in Zimbabwe: Bank chief plans new currency reforms to tackle inflation and shortages":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25869792/"CNN" anuncia: "Nigerian militants: We'll destroy oil pipelines":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/23/nigeria.oil/index.htmlECONOMIA"The Economist" analiza: "World trade: Dried up. Talks over the Doha round of global trade talks have collapsed":http://www.economist.com/finance/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11831960&source=features_box_main"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11793527&CFID=15321684&CFTOKEN=24001901"New York Times" informa: "Stock Indexes Continue to Slip":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/business/29stox.html?_r=1&ref=business&oref=slogin"El País" de Madrid informa: "El FMI alerta del empeoramiento de la crisis crediticia: La institución internacional achaca este empeoramiento a la ralentización de la economía mundial.- Subraya la caída de los precios de la vivienda en España": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/FMI/alerta/empeoramiento/crisis/crediticia/elpepueco/20080728elpepueco_7/Tes"CNN" publica: "Global trade deal falls apart":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/07/29/wto.collapse.ap/index.html"CNN" informa: "High oil price boosts BP profit":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/07/29/bp.profit.ap/index.html"La Nación" publica: "La liberalización del comercio mundial. Anunciaron el fracaso de la Ronda de Doha. El director general de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, Pascal Lamy, confirmó que las negociaciones quedaron truncas; declaró estar "profundamente consternado"":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034531La caída del crudo impulsa a Wall Street: "La Bolsa de Nueva York muestra fuertes avances; el petróleo bajó más de tres dólares y se negocia en US$ 121 el barril en el mercado estadounidense": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1034574OTRAS NOTICIAS"Time" publica: "Beijing Cites Many Olympic Threats": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1827353,00.html"MSNBC" publica: "Olympic threats fuel unease about security: China says heavy defense will secure Games, but clampdown is smothering":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25890371/"Time" informa: "A Video Threat to the Olympics?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1826953,00.html"The Economist" analiza: "Global Islam: Unusual guests, a most unusual host. A new breeze may be blowing very softly from the Saudi sands":http://www.economist.com/world/international/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11792340
Aus der Einleitung: Diese Arbeit soll sich nicht darauf beschränken, die Berrigans biographisch vorzustellen, sondern vielmehr versuchen, sie in ihr politisches und gesellschaftliches Umfeld einzuordnen und sie als klassische Vertreter einer typisch U.S.-amerikanischen Spielart des Katholizismus vorzustellen. Zu diesem Zweck soll der erste Teil dieser Arbeit einen Überblick über die Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in den USA mit Schwerpunkt auf der Entwicklung einer katholischen Friedensbewegung zu Beginn dieses Jahrhunderts geben. Der zweite Teil ist den 60er Jahren gewidmet, also jener Dekade, die Zeuge jener gesellschaftlichen Aufbruchsbewegung war, die mit einer bis dahin unbekannten Intensität die USA aus der Behäbigkeit und politischen Apathie der 50er Jahre reißen sollte und in der Bürgerrechts und Anti-Vietnamkriegs-Bewegung ihren stärksten Ausdruck fand. Um den Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit nicht zu sprengen, erwies es sich leider als unumgänglich, der Auseinandersetzung mit diesem ausgesprochen komplexen Themenbereich Beschränkungen aufzuerlegen (z.B. sind viele politische Gruppierungen und Anti-Kriegs-Gruppen unerwähnt geblieben), wodurch gelegentlich der Eindruck entstehen mag, als seien hier historisch bedeutungsvolle Ereignisse 'im Schweinsgalopp' abgehandelt worden. Es sei jedoch noch einmal darauf verwiesen, daß in diesem Zusammenhang die 60er Jahre lediglich als das gesellschaftliche und politische Umfeld der Brüder Berrigan dargestellt werden sollen, um es dadurch zu ermöglichen, ihre Protestaktionen in einen größeren Rahmen einzuordnen. Der dritte Teil dieser Arbeit setzt sich mit den Brüdern Berrigan selbst auseinander und soll versuchen, über ihre reine Biographie hinaus auch ihre geistige Entwicklung und die Phasen ihrer 'Radikalisierung' zu erhellen. Dazu hat es sich als wesentlich erwiesen, die Berrigans einmal nicht ausschließlich als moderne, radikale Friedenskämpfer zu betrachten, sondern auch im Hinblick auf augenfällige Parallelen zu den biblischen Propheten, deren gesellschaftliche Rolle zu ihrer Zeit der der Berrigans heute alles andere als unähnlich ist. Im abschließenden Teil dieser Arbeit soll versucht werden, in diesem Zusammenhang einmal die wesentlichsten Übereinstimmungen aufzuzeigen. Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: Vorwortii Abkürzungsverzeichnisxi 1.'(T)he most vital movement within the American Church' - Die katholische Friedensbewegung in den USA1 1.1Kurzer Überblick über die gesellschaftliche Situation der katholischen Kirche in den USA von den Anfängen bis zum 1.Weltkrieg1 1.1.1Ursachen der gesellschaftlichen Repression gegenüber der katholischen Gemeinde in den USA3 1.1.1.1Die katholische Kirche als weltlicher Machthaber in Europa3 1.1.1.2Liturgie4 1.1.1.3Isolationistische Tendenzen4 1.1.1.4Masseneinwanderung5 1.1.1.5Dogmatik6 1.1.2Folgen der Minoritätenposition der katholischen Kirche in den USA für ihr politisches Selbstverständnis7 1.1.2.1Relative Unabhängigkeit von Rom7 1.1.2.2Loyalität gegenüber dem Staat8 1.2'The simplicities of the Gospel' als Programm - Die Entwicklung einer katholischen Friedensbewegung in den USA9 1.2.1Die Doktrin des gerechten Krieges9 1.2.2Kriegsdienstverweigerung während des 1.Weltkriegs10 1.2.3Katholische Friedensorganisationen vom 1.Weltkrieg bis 196011 1.2.3.1Der NCWC11 1.2.3.2Die CAIP12 1.2.3.3Charles E.Coughlin14 1.2.3.4Das Catholic Worker Movement15 1.2.3.4.1Dorothy Day17 1.2.3.4.2Peter Maurin18 1.2.3.4.3Das Catholic Worker Movement während der 30er Jahre19 1.2.3.4.4Kritik des Catholic Worker Movement am Spanischen Bürgerkrieg21 1.2.3.4.5Das Catholic Worker Movement während des 2.Weltkriegs22 1.2.4CAIP, Coughlinites und das Catholic Worker Movement im Vergleich24 1.2.5Katholischer Widerstand während des 2.Weltkriegs25 1.2.5.1PAX25 1.2.5.2ACCO26 1.2.5.3Opposition gegen die allgemeine Wehrpflicht27 1.2.5.4Katholische Kriegsdienstverweigerer während des 2.Weltkrieges29 1.2.5.5Die kritiklose Haltung der offiziellen katholischen Kirche zum 2.Weltkrieg30 1.2.6Die katholische Friedensbewegung in den USA von 1945 bis 196031 1.2.6.1Thomas Merton32 1.2.6.2Gewaltfreier Widerstand33 1.2.6.3Die Friedensbewegung in den USA von 1950 bis 196036 1.2.6.4Das Catholic Worker Movement in den 50er Jahren37 1.2.6.4.1Boykott der Luftschutzübungen39 1.2.6.4.2Weitere Aktionen40 2.Die 60er Jahre41 2.1Das Movement41 2.1.1Historische Voraussetzungen für die Entstehung des Movements41 2.1.2Gesellschaftliche Voraussetzungen für die Entstehung des Movements43 2.1.3Versuch einer Definition des Movements45 2.2Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee - 'The Spirit of the New Left'50 2.2:1Ursachen der geringen Erfolge bestehender Bürgerrechtsorganisationen50 2.2.2Erste sit-ins51 2.2.3Die Gründung von SNCC53 2.2.4Programm und Struktur55 2.2.5freedom rides57 2.2.6Wähler-Registrierungs-Kampagnen59 2.2.7Der Marsch auf Washington61 2.2.8Die Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party63 2.2.9Das Konzept der Black Power64 2.2.10Die Auflösung von SNCC67 2.2.11Beurteilung und Zusammenfassung der Arbeit von SNCC68 2.3'The Torchbearers of the New Left' - Students for a Democratic Society69 2.3.1Die Gründung des SDS69 2.3.2Das Free Speech Movement71 2.3.3Die Free Universities72 2.3.4Die teach-ins:74 2.3.5Radikalere Protestformen gegen den Vietnamkrieg75 2.3.5.1Die Gewaltfrage77 2.3.6Der Bruch mit SNCC78 2.3.7Zunehmende Faktionierung79 2.3.8Der Niedergang des SDS81 2.3.9Beurteilung und Zusammenfassung der Arbeit des SDS81 2.4Exkurs: 'The Impossible Victory' - Historischer Abriß über die historischen Zusammenhänge der US-amerikanischen Verwicklung in den vietnamesischen Bürgerkrieg83 2.5'Hell no, we won't go!' - Ursachen und Formen des Widerstands gegen den Krieg in Vietnam90 2.5.1Merkmale des Koreakriegs91 2.5.2Mermale des Vietnamkriegs91 2.5.3Faktoren, die zur Entstehung einer breiten Anti-Vietnamkriegs-Bewegung beitrugen92 2.5.3.1Die 'Vertrauenslücke'92 2.5.3.2Einfluß der Medien93 2.5.3.3Prominente Fürsprecher94 2.5.3.4Zusammensetzung der Anti-Vietnamkriegs-Bewegung94 2.5.3.5Anwachsen der Anti-Vietnamkriegs-Bewegung zur Massenbewegung95 2.5.4Verschiedene Widerstandsgruppen und -formen gegen den Vietnamkrieg95 2.5.4.1Das May Second Movement96 2.5.4.2Vietnam Veterans Against the War96 2.5.4.3Widerstand innerhalb der Armee98 2.5.4.4Die Resistance100 2.5.4.5Kriegsdienstverweigerung aus Gewissensgründen102 2:5.4.6draft card-Verbrennungen und -Rückgabeaktionen104 2.5.4.7Draft Board Raids109 2.5.5Die katholische Friedensbewegung in den USA in den 60er Jahren111 2.5.5.1PAX112 2.5.5.2Die Catholic Peace Fellowship:113 2.5:5:3Die Catholic Association for International Peace114 2.5.5.4Das Catholic Worker Movement114 2.5.5.5Das Entstehen einer Neuen Katholischen Linken114 3.Daniel und Philip Berrigan116 3.11921-1933 - Gemeinsame Kindheit und Jugend116 3.2Exkurs: Die Societas Jesu118 3.3Daniel Berrigan - '(T)he movement's chief ideologue'120 3.3.11939-1953 - DB's Ausbildung im Orden der Jesuiten120 3.3.21953-1954 - Erste Reise nach Europa121 3.3.31954-1963 - Tätigkeit als Lehrer in New York und Syracuse; aufkommende Differenzen mit seinem Orden122 3.3.41963-1964 - Zweiter Europaaufenthalt123 3.3.51964-1968 - Zunehmendes Engagement in der Anti-Vietnamkriegs-Bewegung; Verbannung nach Lateinamerika125 3.4Philip Berrigan - '(A) desperado obsessed by the Gospel'130 3.4.11941-1965 - Als Sergeant bei der Armee; Ausbildung bei den Jesuiten130 3.4.2Eintritt in den Orden der Josephiten131 3.4.3Intensives Engagement in der Bürgerrechtsbewegung132 3.4.4Politische Aktivitäten133 3.5'The Baltimore Draft Party' - Die Aktion der Baltimore Four136 3.5.1Vorbereitung und Durchführung136 3.5.2Verhandlung und Urteil138 3.6Der Napalmangriff auf die Kriegsmaschinerie - Die Aktion der Catonsville Nine139 3.6.1Vorbereitung und Durchführung139 3.6.2Verhandlung und Urteil141 3.7Haftentzug durch Flucht143 3.7.1Dan Berrigan Is Hard to Find - Daniel Berrigan im Untergrund144 3.7:2'Father Phil, are you there?' - Philip Berrigan im Untergrund146 3.8Philip Berrigan im Gefängnis von Lewisburg, Pa147 3.9Daniel und Philip Berrigan im Gefängnis von Danbury, Conn148 3.10'J.Edgar, Dan and Phil' - Das Verfahren gegen die Harrisburg Seven149 3.111972-1980 'Illigitimus Non Carborandum' - Die Jonah House Gemeinschaft152 3.121972-1980 - The Bomb als Inkarnation einer globalen Bedrohung - Daniel Berrigan nach Harrisburg154 3.13Schwerter zu Pflugscharen - Die Aktion der Plowshares Fight156 3.13.1Vorbereitung und Durchführung156 3.13.2Verhandlung und Urteil157 3.14'(O)ur intent was to prevent rather than to commit a crime' - Die Aktionen der und Prozesse gegen die Baltimore Four, Catonsville Nine und Plowshares Eight im Vergleich159 3.15'Too Heavy A Price' - Zur Gewaltkontroverse164 3.15.1Daniel Berrigans Brief an die Weathermen164 3.15.2Daniel.Berrigans offener Brief an Ernesto Cardenal166 3.15.3Ernesto Cardenals Stellungnahme zu Daniel Berrigans offenem Brief166 3.15.4Gesinnungs-.Vs. Verantwortungsethik167 3.16'(W)er sich auf politischen Erfolg versteift, geht leicht in die Falle' - Versuch einer Erfolgskontrolle170 3.17'(A)n act beyond politics' - Das prophetische Element in den Aktionen der Berrigans174 3.17.1Die gesellschaftlich-politische Situation der alttestamentlichen Propheten174 3.17.2Die Rolle der alttestamentlichen Propheten in ihrer Gesellschaft175 3.17.3Die alttestamentlichen Propheten als politische Opposition177 3.17.3.1Formen politischen Widerstands der alttestamentlichen Propheten178 3.17.4Jesus als prophetische Gestalt180 3.17.5Die Berrigans in der Tradition der biblischen Propheten181 3.17.5.1Merkmale prophetischen Handelns in den Aktionen der Berrigans183 3.17.5.1.1Illegalität183 3.17.5.1.2Aufklärung184 3.17.5.1.3Allgemeinverständlichkeit185 3:17.5.1.4Gewaltfreiheit185 3.17.5.1.5Radikalität186 3.17.5.1.6Kritik am Gewalt-Mythos186 3.17.5.1.7Das exorzistische Element187 3.17.5.1.8Symbolik188 3.17.5:1:9Die Tradition des christlichen Narren188 3.17.5.1.10Die Tradition der christlichen Märtyrer189 3.18Conclusio190 '(T)he times are even more dangerous than they were in the fifties and sixties' - Nachwort191 Anhang195 Bibliographie201
Author's introductionAlthough criminologists have long dominated the field of school violence research, there has been a growing body of research by cultural sociologists in this area as well. In many ways, a cultural approach to understanding school violence has taken school violence beyond the realm of just criminal and physical acts of violence. These scholars have begun to examine verbal, emotional, sexual, and racial expressions violence, as well as violence that is perpetuated by institutions, what Bourdieu has called symbolic violence. Courses that take this perspective explore how cultural concepts, or what Swidler calls a 'cultural toolkit', can be used as a lens for analyzing the experiences and practices of school violence. This can include, for example, an examination of how the dominant American ideology of meritocracy and competition can foster fights between middle school students, or how a feminine identity might push girls to be relationally aggressive towards each other rather than physically aggressive. In this regard, cultural sociology broadens our understanding of what constitutes school violence to uncover a wide spectrum of behaviors, attitudes and beliefs that may indeed lead to more overt expressions of violence. In doing so, a cultural approach can also help educators rethink discipline policies that have been created to resolve this social problem.Author recommendsSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review51: 273–86.Swidler's concept of a cultural toolkit provides a strong foundation for any cultural sociology course. Swidler defines a cultural toolkit as the symbols, stories, rituals, beliefs, ideologies and practices of daily life through which people use to shape their behavior. This paper presents a broad understanding of culture, which Swidler argues is not a unified system, but rather a set of complex and changing concepts from which we select different pieces from in order to construct different strategies of actions. When considering cultural approaches to school violence, it is useful to consider this broad definition of culture.Henry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.'Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science567: 16–30.Henry provides a definition of school violence that transcends physical violence and interpersonal violence between students to include psychological, emotional, ethical and moral violence that occurs not only between students, but also includes harm committed by teachers and organizations against students. This latter form of harm can include tracking, school security, sexual harassment, or essentially anything that hinders the creativity, learning and academic success of a student. Henry argues that school violence must include symbolic violence, which he defines as the use of authority, power, and coercion to dominate an individual or group of people.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.Ferguson builds on Bourdieu's concept of symbolic violence and Foucault's theory of disciplinary power to examine an intervention program for 'at‐risk' students, which was comprised of mainly 5th and 6th grade African‐American males. Her ethnography provides a great example of the benefit of using a cultural approach to studying violence, discipline and punishment in schools. For example, Ferguson argues that fighting among boys should be seen as a symbolic expression of masculinity and a space for boys to do emotional work, as well as a site for the production of power and a form of resistance to authority. Her work also explores how teachers and administrators can enact a form of symbolic violence onto students. She observed how the cultural behaviors of African‐American boys, for example, their use of Black English, was often translated by the teachers as 'problem behavior' and resulted in their label of 'Troublemaker'. Such labels often condemned the boys to the bottom rung of the social order and negatively impacted their academic success.Spina, Stephanie Urso, ed. 2000. Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.This edited collection examines school violence as a complicated and multi‐faceted phenomenon, exploring how political, economic, ideological and discursive practices contribute to school violence. This interdisciplinary book includes chapters from Donna Gaines, Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren, Stanley Aronowitz, and Paulo Freire and Donald Macedo. The authors expand the definition of violence by arguing that youth violence, adult violence and societal violence are all intricately connected, and therefore prevention of school violence would requires educators to move beyond reform that only takes place in the school system. Instead, violence prevention needs to implore a broader strategy for change that includes schools, families, communities, and beyond.Brown, Lyn Mikel 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. New York, NY: New York University Press.Mikel Brown conducted qualitative interviews with more than 400 girls from first grade through high school who were from different economic, racial and geographic backgrounds. She begins the book by analyzing the cultural messages that girls receive in the media; messages and images that she argues provide girls with a context for fighting among their peers. She draws on Paulo Freire's notion of horizontal violence to look at how girls' meanness to other girls is a result of their struggle to make sense of gender‐saturated images of beauty and heterosexuality that often reinforce their subordinate status in the world. Girlfighting then becomes an avenue to power for young girls in a culture that is rife with sexism. Unlike many other recent books on relational aggression among girls, Mikel Brown interrogates the complicated intersections of race, ethnicity, and class as it relates to girlfighting.Casella, Ronnie 2001. 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.Casella's ethnography of Brandon High School, a small city school in a diverse neighborhood in upstate New York, takes a cultural‐ecological approach to school violence, capturing systemic, interpersonal and hidden forms of violence. He provides a thoughtful critique of intervention strategies that have been created to deal with school violence, such as peer mediation programs, the use of police officers in the hallways, and D.A.R.E. programs, because these programs only address individual acts of violence and do not account for the realities of urban environments, prejudice, economic injustice and poverty that underlie and contribute to school violence.Merten, Don E. 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly25(1): 29–43.Don Merten has published several articles that provide a useful framework for examining aggressive behavior from a cultural standpoint. The data from this article come from a larger ethnographic project of predominantly middle class students in a suburban area who recently transitioned from elementary to junior high school. Merten argues that middle class culture promotes and celebrates individualism, success and hierarchy, which in turn creates a culture that promotes aggressive behavior among students, because students learn that meanness can be an easy avenue for gaining power and status in the hierarchy of cliques in schools.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives48(1): 25–48.Morris draws on Bourdieu's classic reproduction theory to look at the relationship between cultural capital and bodily discipline as it relates specifically to clothing styles and manners. This article is based on an ethnographic study of an urban middle school in Texas that recently enlisted a 'Standard Mode of Dress' uniform policy. The regulation of dress became a constant source of conflict between the students and staff at the school, but had the most punitive effect on poor and racially ethnic minority students, whose cultural styles tended to be negatively stereotyped by the teachers. These students were more likely to punished for violating the policy, even though all social class and racial groups, to some degree, violated the policy. This harsher punishment engendered resistance and alienation among the minority students, which Morris argues had the potential of pushing these students away from school, further reproducing the very inequalities that the school was trying to change.Online materials http://nces.ed.gov/programs/crimeindicators/crimeindicators2008/ The National Center for Education Statistics puts out an annual report on indicators of School Crime and Safety. The indicators in this report are based on information drawn from a variety of data sources, including national surveys of students, teachers, and principals. The report covers not just overt forms of school violence, such as bringing a weapon to school, fighting, and teacher injuries, but also covers bullying, victimization, student perceptions of school safety, and availability and use of drugs and alcohol. http://www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/yrbs/index.htm The Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance System is a school‐based survey conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The survey is conducted every 2 years and provides a representative sample of 9th through 12th graders in public and private schools in the United States. The YRBSS asks a wide variety of questions, but most relevant to school violence include self‐reported responses about behaviors that might lead to unintentional injuries and violence, such as carrying a weapon to school, being threatened by a weapon or being in a fight on school grounds. These data serve a useful comparison between student self‐reporting of violent behavior and school reporting of incidents of school violence. http://www.sshs.samhsa.gov/default.aspx The Safe Schools/Healthy Students website is a federal initiative by the U.S. Departments of Education, Justice, and Health and Human Services. It provides many useful resources, including links federal reports on school safety, a list of related websites, and video podcast discussions of school violence that can be used in the classroom. http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2001/uslgbt/toc.htm 'Hatred in the Hallways: Violence and Discrimination against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Students in U.S. Schools' is a report conducted by the Human Rights Watch. Data consists of interviews with 140 students, ages 12–21, and 130 parents, teachers, administrators and counselors across seven states, in every region of the U.S. The findings discuss a broad spectrum of violent behavior, including verbal harassment, homophobia, and physical violence. It can be useful for classroom discussion because each finding section of the report includes a 'case study' of one of the participants with direct quotes from their interview. http://www.aauw.org/research/hostile.cfm 'Hostile Hallways: Bullying, Teasing and Sexual Harassment in School' is a national report conducted by American Association of University Women on 8th to 11th grade students. The study found that 8 in 10 students experienced some form of harassment during their time in school. Both the executive summary and entire report are available to download on the website.Sample syllabusCourse outline and selected reading assignmentsSection 1: Introduction to cultural sociologyDefining CultureSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review 51: 273–86.Jepperson, Ronald and Ann Swidler 1994. 'What Properties of Culture Should We Measure?'Poetics 22: 359–71.Cultural Capital and Symbolic ViolenceBourdieu, Pierre and Jean‐Claude Passeron 1977. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage.Lareau, Annette, and Elliott B. Weininger 2003. 'Cultural Capital in Educational Research: A Critical Assessment.'Theory and Society 32: 567–606.Reproduction TheoryMacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 2, 'Social Reproduction in Theoretical Perspective.' Pp. 11–24 and Chapter 8, 'Reproduction Theory Reconsidered,' pp. 135–54.Cultural PedagogyGiroux, Henry 2000. 'Representations of Violence, Popular Culture and Demonization of Youth.' Pp. 93–105 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. Edited by Stephanie Urso Spina. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 2: Broadening the definition of school violenceHenry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.' Annals of the American Academy of Political and social Science 567: 16–30.Watkinson, Ailsa 1997. 'Administrative Complicity and Systemic Violence in Education.' Pp. 3–24 in Systemic Violence in Education: Promise Broken. Edited by Juanita Ross Epp and Ailsa M. Watkinson. Albany, NY: State University of NY Press.Urso Spina, Stephanie 2000. 'Violence in Schools: Expanding the Dialogue.' Pp. 1–40 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and LittlefieldCasella, Ronnie 2001. 'What is Violent about School Violence? The Nature of Violence in a City School.' Pp. 15–46 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Edited by Joan Burstyn. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Elliott, Delbert S., Beatrix Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams 1998. 'Violence in American Schools: An Overview.' Pp. 3–30 in Violence in American Schools. Edited by Delbert S. Elliott, Beatrix A. Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part I, Chapters 1–3, pp. 3–76.Section 3: Ideology and aggressionMerten, Don 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly, v. 25 (1): 29–43.Willis, Paul 1977. Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. Farnborough, England: Saxon House.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part II, Chapters 4–7, pp. 77–178.MacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 6, 'School: Preparing for Competition,' pp. 83–111.Devine, John 1997. Maximum Security: The Culture of Violence in Inner‐City Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Read Chapter 1, 'Schools or 'Schools'? Competing Discourses on Violence,' pp. 19–46.Section 4: Cultural scripts – masculinityKimmel, Michael S. and Matthew Mahler 2003. 'Adolescent Masculinity, Homophobia, and Violence.'The American Behavioral Scientist 46(10): 1439–58.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 4, 'Naughty by Nature,' pp. 77–99 and Chapter 6, 'Getting into Trouble,' pp. 163–96.Bender, Geoff 2001. 'Resisting Dominance? The Study of a Marginalized Masculinity and its Construction within High School Walls.' Pp. 61–78 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Klein, Jessi and Lynn S. Chancer 2000. 'Masculinity Matters: The Omission of Gender from High‐Profile School Violence Cases.' Pp. 129–62 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 5: Cultural scripts – femininityEder, Donna 1985. 'The Cycle of Popularity: Interpersonal Relations among Female Adolescents.'Sociology of Education 58(3): 154–65.Merten, Don 1997. 'The Meaning of Meanness: Popularity, Competition, and Conflict Among Junior High School Girls.'Sociology of Education 70(3): 175–91.Merten, Don 2005. 'Transitions and 'Trouble': Rites of Passage for Suburban Girls.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 36(2): 132–48.Artz, Sibylle 2004. 'Violence in the Schoolyard: School Girls' Use of Violence.' Pp. 167–90 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities, edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Morris, Edward W. 2007. ''Ladies' or 'Loudies'? Perceptions and Experiences of Black Girls in Classrooms.'Youth & Society 38: 490–515.Mikel Brown, Lyn 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. NY: New York University Press.Section 6: Culture resources and school violence – languageLanguage and Symbolic ViolenceFerguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 7, 'Unreasonable Circumstances,' pp. 197–226.Youth Talk about ViolenceDiket, Read M. and Linda G. Mucha 2002. 'Talking about Violent Images.'Art Education March: 11–7.Morrill, Calvin, Christine Yalds, Madelaine Adelman, Michael Musheno, and Cindy Bejarano 2000. 'Telling Tales in School: Youth Culture and Conflict Narratives.'Law & Society Review 34(3): 521–65.Burman, Michele 2004. 'Turbulent Talk: Girls Making Sense of Violence.' Pp. 81–103 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities. Edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Obidah, Jennifer 2000. 'On Living (and Dying) with Violence: Entering Young Voices in the Discourse.' Pp. 49–66 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 7: Culture resources and school violence – clothingClothing and School Safety DebatesHolloman, Lillian and Velma LaPoint, Sylvan I. Alleyne, Ruth J. Palmer, and Kathy Sanders‐Phillips 1996. 'Dress‐Related Behavioral Problems and Violence in Public School Settings: Prevention, Intervention, and Policy—A Holistic Approach.'The Journal of Negro Education 65(3): 267–281.Stanley, M. Sue 1996. 'School Uniforms and Safety.'Education and Urban Society 28(4): 424–35.Gereluk, Dianne 2008. 'Limiting Free Speech in the United States.' Pp. 41–64 in Symbolic Clothing in Schools: What Should Be Worn and Why. New York, NY: Continuum.Brunsma, David L., ed. 2006. Uniforms in Public Schools: A Decade of Research and Debate. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Education.Clothing, School Policies and Symbolic ViolenceHorvat, Erin McNamara 1999. '"Hey, Those Shoes are Out of Uniform": African American Girls in an Elite High School and the Importance of Habitus.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 30(3): 317–42.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives 48(1): 25–48.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 3, 'School Rules,' pp. 49–73.FilmsTough guise: violence, media, and the crisis in masculinity (2002)This Media Education Foundation film explores the relationship between popular culture and the construction of violent masculinity. Of particular relevance to this class, the film examines how the construction of masculinity relates to school shootings. The film is directed by Sut Jhally and narrated by Jackson Katz. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.Wrestling with manhood: boys, bullying and battering (2004)This Media Education Foundation film, written and directed by Sut Jhally, examines the relationship between professional wrestling and the construction of masculinity. The film looks at how wrestling contributes to homophobia, violence against women and bullying in school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.School violence: answers from the inside (2000)This film originally aired on PBS''In the Mix,' a television series created by and for teens. The film examines stereotyping and conflict in schools through the eyes and voices of teenagers attending a diverse suburban high school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Resources – Language.The killer at Thurston high (2000)This PBS Frontline film focuses on Kip Kinkel, who in 1998, at the age of 15, shot his mother and father, and then opened fire at his school in Springfield, Oregon, killing two and injuring 25. He is currently serving 111 years in prison. The film provides an understanding of the tragedy through multiple viewpoints, including interviews with Kip's sister, teachers and psychiatrists. This film could be used in the section Broadening the Definition of School Violence.Mean girls (2004)Written by Tina Fey and based on Rosalind Wiseman's book, Queen Bees and Wannabes: Helping Your Daughter Survive Cliques, Gossip, Boyfriends, and Other Realities of Adolescence, this fictional account of 'mean girls' is a film that most college students will be familiar with. Clips from the film can be used in the section Cultural Scripts—Femininity to begin a discussion about relational aggression between girls in schools. It can also be used to examine the role that racism and classism play in our public perception of violent behavior, particularly since 'mean girls' in this film tend to be constructed as white and upper class, whereas in contrast, 'violent girls' in film have historically been constructed as poor, young women of color.Project ideas1. Social Policy and Intervention. This assignment is intended to get students critically thinking about how educators approach school violence. Have students pick either a national intervention program, such as D.A.R.E., or a local school policy created to deal with school violence. Begin by analyzing how school violence is defined and what type of intervention/prevention is being proposed. Require students to use a cultural approach to understand and critique the policy. In writing the paper, students should consider the following questions. How would a cultural sociologist define violence? What types of violence are missing from this policy? How would this policy be different if it took into account a cultural approach? The book, 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools (2001) by Ronnie Casella provides a good background resource for completing this assignment.2. Observation Project: Clothing and School Safety. Students will begin by gaining permission to observe at a local middle school or high school. Begin by analyzing the school policy towards clothing. Some schools might have an official uniform policy, whereas others might have policies regarding certain types of clothing (i.e. gang clothing, clothing with profanity, etc.) Next, spend several days observing students in non‐classroom settings, like the hallways, cafeteria, bus or playground. Take detailed fieldnotes. Pay particular attention to the clothing that students wear, any discussion made about clothing by either students or teachers, the relationship between clothing and identity, how clothes are used as a site of resistance, and how clothes might cause conflict between students, or between students and teachers. (You may also want to informally interview students about their perception of the school's policy on clothing, how they negotiate rules about clothing, and how they see clothing policies as contributing to conflict and violence, as well as school safety.) As a class, develop a coding scheme for the fieldnotes. Each student will then individually write an analysis paper on the relationship between clothing, conflict, discipline policies, and school violence.3. Mean Girls: Examining Relational Aggression in Schools. There has been much public attention in recent years to 'mean girls.' As a class, view the film Mean Girls during the course section, Cultural Scripts – Femininity. As a class, develop an interview guide with about six open‐ended questions (i.e. What were your experiences with 'mean girls' in high school? How did you or a close friend deal with being the victim of relational aggression? To what extent did you ever participate in being a 'mean girl'? How did teachers at your school respond to relational aggression between girls?) Next, have students interview six female students using the class interview guide. Students can work individually or in groups to write a paper that compares and contrasts the social construction of mean girls in the film with the actual perceptions of mean girls from their research participants. The analysis should be grounded in the social science research that students are reading on relational aggression.
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Blogbetreiber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie einen Blog Beitrag zitieren möchten.
Last night, at the big conference dinner, a Finnish attendee asked me about the big question of 2024 in the US (yes, US are super worried and they should be). I first said that I don't do predictions anymore, given my blogging/tweeting/facebooking debacle of 2016. Then she pushed, so I discussed how I am slightly optimistic but that was diminishing with the potential impact of Gaza on Democratic turnout. And then I woke up this morning after another Democratic run of success--that the GOP has pretty much lost every election since 2016. So, I am feeling a bit more positive than I was last night. So, what am I thinking now these days? First, I am concerned about Gaza/Israel as it may turn off Arab Americans particularly in Michigan. I don't think that these folks will vote for Islamophobic, xenophobic Trump and his party that is now tyring to get Palestinians living in the US kicked out. But they may not turn out as much--that Dem turn out has been the key since 2016. So, not great. The Jewish vote? Oh, where it is strong, it is not going to swing anything---not in California, New York, or, ha, Florida.Second, the vote yesterday matters far more than various polls. In each election since 2016, the GOP has underperformed. Why? It turns out switching from being vaguely racist, more obliquely misogynist, only somewhat theocratic to being rabidly racist, wildly Christian nationalist, and actually depriving women control over their bodies (arresting moms for transporting their daughters for abortions? jailing them?) has made a dent. In 2016, people could argue that Trump wasn't a real conservative and wouldn't appoint theocrats and their pals to the courts. Now? Yeah, people are mighty upset that radical courts matter, that state legislatures and various governors are very enthusiastic about making many Americans miserable in so many ways. So, abortion is a vote winner for the Dems, and that's not going to change anytime soon. The part that stunned me the most was the wipeout of the Christian nationalists on school boards. Local politics is hard, people don't turn out, but the batshit crazy folks with their book banning and trans and homophobia hate, indeed, triggered the Libs. Trump and the GOP will be wearing this shit next year as the primary campaign is going to define the party as, well, freaking crazy and way outside the mainstream. Third, on the big "issues" that the GOP want to use against Biden--his age, his son's crimes--Trump is far, far worse. Biden may be old, but there is not the record of him losing his train of thought and saying truly bizarre stuff compared to Trump. Of course, the media will false equivalence this stuff away, but that still means that Trump can't get much of an edge on this.Fourth, I was asked what happens if Trump is in jail in November. I said unless it is for the documents case, I believe he will still be the GOP candidate. There is simply way too much fear in the party regarding Trump's supporters--both because they are violent and because candidates want their support if Trump were to somehow be eliminated. Trump's criminal behavior is already priced in, however, so it won't hurt him as much as it should. His voters both want power and are super resentful, so they don't care. Do enough non Trumpist Republicans exist that might stay at home? Um, I made a gamble about that last time, and it didn't work out--power matters more. HOWEVER, the big promise for non-Trumpist GOP folks last time was getting the courts, and that is not going to change with another four years of Biden. So, maybe they won't be so motivated to vote?Fifth, the GOP is not going to learn any lessons right now about what is causing their electoral defeats. Why? Because their primary processes are still going to reward extremism, so they will still send proto-Nazis and theocrats to compete for otherwise winnable Senate seats and then lose those races. In red states, they can win those races, but in purple ones, they can't--playing to the extremist base may aid in some turnout but hurts more than it helps... at least that is how I read 2018, 2020, 2022, and now 2023.Sixth, the Dems? Damned if I know whether they will learn the key lessons and apply them well. Biden's presidency has been a mixed bag with the media emphasizing the mistakes and the losses. If the recession still doesn't happen, if jobs remain plentiful and wages going up, the inflation narrative may fade a bit. Will they make progress on making housing more affordable? Probably not. Oh, and that foreign policy stuff? It won't matter except to various diasporas, but some of those are in key locations. So... 🤷Oh, and a Canadian note: the Conservative Party has been plagiarizing a bunch of GOP bullshit--trans phobia, using woke as a slur, etc. I am thinking now that if the Canadian electorate is at all like the American one, these stances are going to hurt the Tories, not help. So, will Polievre snatch defeat from the jaws of victory? Probably.But that would be a prediction, and I suck at those.
Als zentrale Erkenntnis dieser Arbeit ist festzuhalten, dass sich die Versorgung von Gewaltopfern in den letzten Jahren insgesamt verbessert hat (BmFSFJ 2012). Es werden aber auch große Missstände betreffend der Versorgung des Einzelnen und der Versorgung bestimmter Gruppen offensichtlich: Die fachgerechte Dokumentation von Verletzungsspuren und deren Kumulierung in einem gerichtsverwertbaren Gutachten wird bis heute von den Hauptakteuren der Gewaltopferversorgung vernachlässigt und nicht ausreichend oder unsachgemäß betrieben. Das Gesundheitssystem ist meist erste Anlaufstelle für Opfer von Gewalt und trotzdem werden aufgrund fachlicher, zeitlicher und finanzieller Defizite in vielen Fällen Gewaltopfer nicht erkannt und Verletzungsspuren nicht ausreichend dokumentiert (Hagemann-White und Bohne 2003, Jungbluth et al. 2012). Dies gilt in gleichem Maße für die Polizei, wobei hier das Problem nicht bei der Erkennung von Gewaltopfern, sondern vielmehr bei der korrekten Dokumentation des Geschehens und der Verletzungsspuren liegt (Hagemann-White und Kavemann 2004). Gerade aber die Erkennung von Gewaltopfern und die zeitnahe und professionelle Untersuchung von Verletzungsspuren ist neben der Einbindung in ein Hilfesystem von großer Wichtigkeit für Geschädigte, um Gewalterfahrungen zu verarbeiten (Seifert et al. 2006). Werden Opfer von Gewalt nicht direkt als solche erkannt und versorgt, verbleiben die Personen in vielen Fällen in dem gewaltbehafteten Milieu und erleiden weiteren Schaden (Hagemann-White und Bohne 2003). Dies führt zu einem höheren Risiko für langfristige Gesundheitsschädigungen und einer erhöhten Inanspruchnahme des Gesundheitssystems (Mark et al. 2007, Hornberg et al. 2008). Doch auch, wenn eine Identifizierung als Gewaltopfer stattgefunden hat und eine Versorgung eingeleitet wurde, kann eine nicht fachgerecht durchgeführte Verletzungsdokumentation schwerwiegende Folgen für Betroffene haben. Eine mangelnde Faktenlage aufgrund von unsachgemäßer Dokumentation führt dazu, dass die meisten Fälle vor Gericht wieder eingestellt werden, wodurch Geschädigte eine erneute Traumatisierung erfahren (Ritz-Timme und Graß 2009). Dem Informationsverlust in der Kommunikation zwischen Gesundheitssystem und Polizei kann die Rechtsmedizin entgegenwirken. Als Vermittler zwischen Gesundheitssystem, Hilfenetzwerken und Behörden kann die Rechtsmedizin für einen besseren Informationsaustausch sorgen und mit Kenntnis der jeweiligen Strukturen, Opfer von Gewalt ausführlich versorgen und weitervermitteln (Seifert et al. 2006). Es wäre wichtig, Personal, das in Kontakt mit Gewaltopfern steht, mit Informationen, Fortbildungen und Interventionsprojekten hinsichtlich rechtlicher und medizinischer Aspekte der Gewaltopferversorgung zu schulen und auszubilden. Gerade auch deshalb, weil sowohl auf Seiten der Polizei, als auch bei den Akteuren des Gesundheitssystems ein großes Interesse an Weiterbildungen besteht. Erste positive Auswirkungen solcher Schulungen und Interventionsprojekte sind bereits dokumentiert (Hagemann-White und Kavemann 2004, Ellsäßer und Cartheuser 2006, Graß et al. 2013). Schlussendlich verfügt die Rechtsmedizin selbst über die Möglichkeit der Verletzungsdokumentation und Gutachtenerstellung sowie über eine große Expertise im Umgang mit Opfern von Gewalt (Graß und Rothschild 2004, Banaschak et al. 2011). Medizinisches Fachwissen, Erfahrung vor Gericht und Kenntnis der Hilfsstrukturen für Gewaltopfer sowie eine direkte Einbindung in die medizinische und psychologische Versorgungsmöglichkeit einer Universitätsklinik ermöglichen der Rechtsmedizin, Gewaltopfer umfassend zu versorgen (Seifert et al. 2006). Zudem richtet sich das rechtsmedizinische Hilfsangebot an alle in ein Gewaltdelikt involvierten Personen. Geschädigte, wie auch Beschuldigte, Frauen und Kinder sowie Männer und Senioren werden neutral und unabhängig von Alter, Geschlecht oder Herkunft untersucht, um ein möglichst detailliertes Bild des Tathergangs zu zeichnen. Somit stellt die Rechtsmedizin auch für die im Hilfenetzwerk unterversorgten und nicht angesprochenen Gruppen, wie Männer und Senioren, einen Anlaufpunkt dar. Zusätzlich ist die rechtsmedizinische Gewaltopferambulanz ein niederschwelliges Hilfsangebot, welches Betroffenen einen schnellen und unkomplizierten Zugang zum Hilfenetzwerk ermöglicht. Immer mehr rechtsmedizinische Institute stellen deutschlandweit rechtsmedizinische Gewaltopferambulanzen zu Verfügung, die positiv aufgenommen werden und stetig wachsende Fallzahlen zu verzeichnen haben (Seifert et al. 2006, Wischmann et al. 2013). Trotzdem steht das Engagement der Rechtsmedizin in der Gewaltopferversorgung auf einer unsicheren Finanzierung und kann momentan vielerorts nur durch einen erhöhten Aufwand des Personals geleistet werden. Angesichts der positiven Erfahrungen der letzten Jahre durch rechtsmedizinisches Engagement in der Gewaltopferversorgung, sollten die rechtsmedizinischen Institute sowohl politischen als auch finanziellen Zuspruch erfahren, um sich dauerhaft in die Hilfestrukturen für Gewaltopfer einzufügen und so deren Versorgung optimieren zu können. ; In conclusion it can be said that the care for victims of crime has been genereally improved in recent years (BmFSFJ 2012). Still, certain individuals and groups are unattended: The documentation of trauma marks and their compilation in a report that may be used as evidence in court, is still not professionally conducted by the main actors of the victims of violence aid network. In genereal, victims of violence first reach out for medical support. However they are often not recognized and therefore not adequately treated as a victim of violence, due to the lack of professional, financial and temporal resources (Hagemann-White and Bohne 2003, Jungbluth et al. 2012). This is applicable as well for the police forces, whereas the main problem here lies in the imperfect documentation of events and trauma marks (Hagemann-White and Kavemann 2004). But it is crucial that identification, examination and support for victims of violence is delivered swiftly and professionally, to help people overcome their trauma. Not correctly identified victims will most likely remain in their violent environment and suffer from further damage (Hagemann-White and Bohne 2003). Thus, causing longtime health risk and increased need for medical care (Mark et al. 2007, Hornberg et al. 2008). Apart from correct identification, deficient documentation of trauma marks can lead to a closing of trial, which can result in further traumatization (Ritz-Timme and Grass 2009). Since the forensic medicine is in touch with the public authorities, the medical care system and the aid network for victims of violence, it can mediate between these institutions to avoid a loss of information due to insufficient communication (Seifert et al. 2006). People that may face victims of violence in their daily routine need to know more about the medical and legal background of the care of victims of violence. So it is essential that personal of medical facilities and policemen are being trained and given information by forensic medical institutions. All the more, since there is great appreciation and documented positive effects of these trainings (Hagemann-White and Kavemann 2004, Ellsaesser and Cartheuser 2006, Grass et al. 2013). Forensic medicine delivers professional examination and support for victims of violence and offers great experience in presenting expertise before court (Grass and Rothschild 2004, Banaschak et al. 2011). Since the forensic medicine is in touch with all authorities, relevant to victims of violence and is imbedded in a university context with all medical and psychological support nearby, it offers an extensive care for victims of violence (Seifert et al. 2006). Also, the examinations conducted by the forensic medicine are being offered to anybody that has been involved in the criminal act, irrespective of sex, age and guiltiness and is therefore offering prompt and low-threshold help to all individuals that are not sufficiently being taken care of by the aid network. Clinics for protection against violence, operated by forensic medical institutions, are increasingly frequented and received positive feedback in recent years (Seifert et al. 2006, Wischmann et al. 2013). However a lot of forensic medicine institutes are short-staffed and underfunded. Regarding that there have been great appreciation and positive effects due to forensic medicine commitment in the care for victims of violence, it is necessary to provide funds and political support to keep up and improve support for victims of violence.
His primary source, as a multimeaning word, term " violence" owes its roots in the audio – visual media from the definition of "culture war." Incorporating all the contradictory experience of mankind, its transformative lessons, it is no longer uniquely opposite category to the "culture of peace". Its philosophical and conceptual dimension is contradictory dialectiction, the transition from one quality to another, the dynamics of many aspects. Socio- psychological and socio- ethical aspects of these unilateral form cons screen "hero" with the aggressive nature, militaristic spirit, stereotyped image of the enemy Concept of "culture war" was created with UNESCO Declaration on the culture of peace, the Programme of Action in the field of culture of peace. Their aim – to promote a global movement of transition from a culture of war and violence to a culture of peace. Calls to non-violence in the third millennium able to generate values such as peacefulness, peace, tolerance, non- aggressive thinking and non-aggressive behavior. This new understanding of latitude amplitude of peacekeeping, not only between the public, but also socio-cultural group of countries with the highest regard first of all cultural and national characteristics.Staying within the human society, violence successfully took its place in the mass media content. Especially the "winner" of its location appears in audiovisual production. And not only the saturation of "pictures" on the screen, and the power of this form of human activity. Unfortunately, catharsis did not sacrifice public acquisition. It is a tribute to old versions mythologizing violence. However, against the fierce mythological character "naturalization of aggression and violence", modernity is characterized by specific manifestations of human cruelty. Erich Fromm called this situation "human passions", which are inherent to the social determinants of human being – violence.Multidirectional forms of violence caused by multitheoretical approaches to its understanding. There was some violence classification offered by Russian scientist G. Kozyrev: on violent forms of interaction, created loss, conflict subjects.Scientists identify as cultural violence "aspect of culture that can be used to legalize violence in its direct and structural forms".The genesis of the problems of violence clearly traced in the direction of contemporary audiovisual media content. The historical part of modern society, unfortunately, undoubtedly provided a constant value known as philosophical statements of Heraklit: " War – [polemos] – the father of all, the king of all: some it makes the gods, others – people, creates some slaves and some free ones", and according to Aristotle: "The violence is a coercion, and this is something that hinders and interferes in anything contrary to the wishes of necessity, so it is also harder". Political traditions, in particular, facilitate the transition to the monopolization of violence from government and law. The modern theory of violence makes an emphasis in the field of political philosophy. The world has embraced as a solid social arrangement. The philosopher Hobbes talks about the impossibility of peaceful coexistence of human existence by virtue of the nature of enmity to one another. This essence of human nature itself lies at the genetic, instinctive level. The idea that human existence is its natural law philosopher John Locke argued in "Two treatises of government".By "social contract" J. J. Rousseau theoretically grounded civil society, making an emphasis on the legal rights of the individual.Made by legal philosophers the foundation of violence laid today as the basis of the constitutional rights of many social groups. Only Kant was proclaimed the eternal law of peace and creation on the basis of its allied relations between people and nations. Here, "even the smallest state could expect their security and rights not from their own forces, but only from a great union of peoples".Dissonant sound of another philosopher actually equates the balance of world postulates on this topic: Hegel wrote: "The war keeps healthy morality of the people in relation to their indifferent certainty to their familiarity and rooting, just as the motion of the wind prevents the lake from the decay that threatens them with long-term comfort, as well as people – long, or, worse, eternal peace".J. Sorel in "Reflections on Violence" talks about proletarian violence: humanity and kindness is the promotion gimmicks that dominate market relations in society.Today, as reflected in the media and on video – modern society distinguishes its violence essence. But in fact the traditions are immutable: change only the type of offenders and their type of crime. Mass encountered in craftiness, they deserve in society more forgiving attitude. There is "a film adaptation of " artistic, journalistic, documentary works with a clear preponderance of violence in the images of intense creative images. Such "intellectuality" of the criminality was not yet known in the history of mass media, but now is widely seen in wars, terrorist attacks, social "squares". The sad conclusion of F. Furet, french historian: " If you add up the total list of famous authors who at different times were communists or sympathized with communism were the nazis or sympathized with fascism, then we get the current Gotha almanac of intellectual, scientific and literary elite".Everyday life is not worth to deduct to the dissatisfaction of culture. The new phenomenon is that modernity created between violence its hero. ; В статье анализируется понятие "насилие" в мас-медийном контексте, что однозначно указывает на его позиционирование как категории, противоположной "культуре мира". ; У статті аналізується поняття "насилля" у мас-медійному контексті, що однозначно вказує на його позиціонуванні як категорії, протилежній "культурі миру".
This research theorizes an ongoing, global, grand trend of geopolitical disintegration, in the Post-Cold War, and increasingly in post-1989 time. The proposed paradigm may be useful to analyze redistribution of internal power within every state, from developed old Western powers, to new developed powers as China and India, well beyond the dissolved former real-socialist countries and the so-called failing states. The focus is on not empirical description of each local request of more autonomy, self-government, or even independence, but on the reached limits of the centuries-long and planet-wide integration process, from which the modern states and contemporary world have arisen, and that has now left room to a time of disintegration. This insight draws on a wide range of positions and contributions from International Relations theorists, along with other political scientists and scholars of geopolitics, anthropologists and sociologists, political geographers and economists, historians of colonialism and nationalism, experts of secession, critics of globalization and postmodern intellectuals, federalists and anarchists. * The first of the three parts of this study, is dedicated to an historical insight about the geopolitical integration process that had westernized and globalized the entire world. War, the state and expansionism, were not an inevitable destiny. Instead, a very small group of modern states, in competition and imitation amongst themselves, started a particularly steady conquering march on the planet. Their power expanded in intensity and extension for centuries and, with and because of the Industrial Revolution, culminated in totalitarian states and in total wars. * * The second part treats the social and national movements that have led to the end, in 1989, of the bipolar paramountcy of the two industrial superpowers, United States and Soviet Union. Along with the dissolution of blocs and states, a steady decreasing of states wars, crimes and violences, is registered and explained in the study. A slippery use of the word and concept of nationalism, particularly in post-1989 geopolitical crises, is frontally attacked in this part, drawing from early works of Ernest Gellner and Tom Nairn. Under the umbrella term of nationalism, integrationist projects and their victims, colonizers and colonized, oppressors and resistants, are likely to be confused. An early intuition of Karl Deutsch about the social awareness and mobilization of people in post-totalitarian, post-industrial and post-colonial societies, is here crossed with the work about coercion, capital, inclusion and consent of Charles Tilly. Masses, once enslaved in industrialized obedience, have evolved in networks of active citizens – and netizens – able, in a less violent international system, to claim for more personal liberties but also, as communities, for social, economical, and geopolitical change. A theoretical conjecture is also presented in this second part: in the Post-Cold War, no old or new powers will be able to keep enough concentration of power, in order to compete for world domination. We have entered a permissive state of disintegration. Redistribution of power from center to peripheries, empowerment of federal units, multiplication of small states, may occur, from now on, because there is nobody and nothing capable of preventing it. From this geopolitical point of view, the 1989 is at the very beginning. While sharing certain premises of a well-known thoughtful article by Alexander Wendt, on the inevitability of a world state (2003), this work reaches a different conclusion. * * * In the third and last part, the scope and the nature of the break in the sameness of international life is explored, with normative purposes. History is not repeating, and integration prejudices along with integrationist projects should be overcome. Every state may substantially devolve powers to its internal authorities, or even breakup, and many new smaller states, or self-governing units within states, might come out. In this increasing number of polities, an overwhelming number of citizens may go well beyond electoral democracy and have direct access to power. They may coalesce around what Brian Ferguson defined an «identerest» complex: constructed identities and tangible interests, inextricably intertwined. Citizens and netizens demanding power on their own territories and disintegration of their states, are required to take care of citizenry's duties, not only citizenship's rights. A model of responsible, moderate, pragmatic, «princely citizenry», echoing Machiavelli and Gramsci, is here proposed. -|- Acquisitions of this study are bluntly offered as a contribution to political action in a time of geopolitical change, in which it would be important to rely on expertise, but also on compassion, and on a real interest in the historical and geographical, spiritual and material pathways that each local, concrete human community is pursuing. Western-led state-building hubris, for instance, should be put aside in Afghanistan and many other corners of the world, it is recommend by this study. In favor of bottom-up cantonization, for example, an ancient Swiss wisdom which would deserve more consideration in a changing world. While burdened by the contradictions of modernity and menaced by recurrent economical and ecological crises, local princely citizenries, demanding sovereignty in their place of dwelling, are probably the main and the best possible challengers to the status quo. Concentrating on their territory and population, they may change their everyday reality, overcoming political corruption, bureaucratic impotence, economical inequality, ecological destruction. It may reveal be easier to scale down, rather than tear down, the pyramids of oppression. Leopold Kohr, Ivan Illich and don Lorenzo Milani's prophecies of justice and peace in geopolitical smallness, may become inspiring visions, in a time of disintegration.
The Horn of Africa (HOA) is one of the most underdeveloped regions on earth. It is also one of the most conflict-ridden, insecure regions in the world. While Africa as a whole has enjoyed a trend in recent years toward reduction and termination of many of its civil wars, the HOA is the exception to the rule. Indeed, the region's prolonged armed conflicts have spread, engulfing several neighboring states in warfare and partial state collapse. While aspects of the HOA case are obviously unique, and sensitivity to context and complexity must be privileged in both analysis of and policy toward the Horn, the region's crises are not so distinct that they preclude useful comparative analysis. This paper considers conflict dynamics across the entire Horn of Africa, but devotes special attention to the case of Somalia which, because of the depth, length, and significance of its crisis, is a source of particular international concern. Because Somalia's crisis has been so protracted and has gone through several very distinct phases, it provides an opportunity to compare conflict dynamics in a single country over time.
