Suchergebnisse

"Inter- und transnationale Organisationen haben sich über die letzten Jahrzehnte zu weltpolitisch einflussreichen Akteuren entwickelt. Ein wesentlicher Teil ihres Einflusses beruht dabei auf einem besonderen Maß an symbolischer Autorität, d.h. ihrer breiten Anerkennung als glaubwürdige Quellen von Wissen und normativer Orientierung. Dank dieser Anerkennung genießen ihre Stellungnahmen einen privilegierten Zugang zu den Medien, wie der Beitrag am Beispiel öffentlicher Debatten zum Thema humanitäre Krisen zeigt. Trans- und internationale Organisationen sind allerdings weder unfehlbar, neutral noch als Sprachrohr einer 'Weltgesellschaft' im Ganzen legitimiert. In ihrer Rolle als 'Wachhunde' zeitgenössischer Massendemokratien täten Medien entsprechend gut daran, diesen Unzulänglichkeiten ihrer trans- und internationalen Quellen größere Aufmerksamkeit zu schenken." (Autorenreferat)

Le retour de l'Ukraine dans la sphère d'influence russe est fréquemment évoqué comme l'objectif majeur de Vladimir Poutine dans l'offensive lancée par l'armée russe le 24 février 2022, comme dans la phase de pressions et menaces qui l'a précédée. Si l'illégitimité de cet objectif au regard du droit international est couramment avancée, la période de tension précédant la guerre a fait apparaître certaines divergences, notamment entre les États-Unis et leurs alliés européens de l'OTAN, sur les moyens et les réactions à adopter. Explorant l'alternance de phases de pratiques reconnues et de condamnations plus ou moins formelles, cet article revient sur la notion de sphère d'influence, au cœur du débat sur la situation internationale de l'Ukraine, et permet d'étudier plus précisément les postures spécifiques russes et états-uniennes à l'égard de ce mode de structuration des relations internationales.

El delito de desaparición forzada constituye uno de los crímenes más graves contra la comunidad internacional, tanto así que es considerado un crimen de lesa humanidad conforme al Estatuto de Roma de 1998, para el establecimiento de la Corte Penal Internacional. No obstante la importancia del delito en mención, tan sólo desde el año 2000 se observa su tipificación en Colombia, pese a que se reportan antecedentes de la conducta analizada, desde finales de los años 70. Pese a lo anterior, los avances en el derecho interno son significativos y constituyen la perspectiva actual de persecución de crímenes internacionales en Colombia, con las consecuencias que frente a la comunidad internacional ello representa. ; The crime of enforced disappearance is one of the most serious crimes against the international community, so much so it is considered a crime against humanity under the Rome Statute of 1998, for the establishment of the International Criminal Court. However the importance of the offence in question, only since the year 2000 notes his characterization in Colombia, despite the fact that reported a history of the analysed conduct, since the end of the 1970s. However, advances in the domestic law are significant and are the current prospect of prosecution of international crimes in Colombia, with the consequences that this represents to the international community.

1.2.3. Process dynamics1.2.4. The methodology used; 1.3. Processual models revisited; 1.3.1. The Uppsala model revisited: the importance of business networks; 1.3.2. Innovation models revisited: the driving force of technologies; 1.4. The challenge of international entrepreneurship; 1.4.1. International entrepreneurship and fast and early internationalization; 1.4.2. Early expansion versus processual expansion; 1.4.3. Born-again global: at the crossroads of incremental approaches and born global; 1.5. Conclusion; Conclusion to Part 1; 2. SME Localization Strategies.

Die Handelspolitik ist das Thema, mit dem sich Donald Trump häufig von seinen Parteikollegen absetzt. Für ihn ist der internationale Handel ein Nullsummenspiel, in dem immer nur eine Seite gewinnen kann. Die USA, so Trump, verlieren dieses "Spiel" seit Jahrzehnten. (APuZ)

"This handbook offers a critical and substantial analysis of maritime security and documents the most pressing strategic, economic, socio-cultural and legal questions surrounding it. Written by leading international experts, this comprehensive volume presents a wide variety of theoretical positions on maritime security, detailing its achievements and outlining outstanding issues faced by those in the field. The book includes studies which cover the entire spectrum of activity along which maritime security is developing, including, piracy, cyber security, energy security, terrorism, narco-subs and illegal fishing. Demonstrating the transformative character and potential of the topic, the book is divided into two parts. The first part exhibits a range of perspectives and new approaches to maritime security, and the second explores emerging developments in the practice of security at sea, as well as regional studies written by local maritime security experts. Taken together, these contributions provide a compelling account of the evolving maritime security environment, casting fresh light on theoretical and empirical aspects. The book will be of much interest to practitioners and students of maritime security, naval studies, security studies, maritime history, and International Relations in general"--

In recent years culture has become the primary currency of politics – from the identity politics that characterised the American 2016 election to the push back against Western universalism in much of the non-Western world. Much less noticed is the rise of a new political entity, the civilizational state. In this pioneering book renowned political philosopher Christopher Coker looks in-depth at two countries that now claim this title: Xi Jinping's China and Vladimir Putin's Russia. He also discusses the Islamic caliphate, a virtual and aspirational civilizational state that is unlikely to fade despite the recent setbacks suffered by Isis. The civilizational state, he contends, is an idea whose time has come. For whilst civilizations themselves may not clash, civilizational states appear to be set on challenging the rules of the international order that the West takes for granted. China seems anxious to revise them, Russia to break them while Islamists would like to throw away the rule book altogether. When seen in the round, Coker argues these challenges could be enough to give birth to a new post-liberal international order.

The paper analyzes the behavior of the United States, particularly its status as an international power in charge of maintaining order and international security, during the transition between the governments of George Bush and Barack Obama. fte political tradition states that the country should maintain a strong position in order to safeguard equilibrium in the international system. However, two confronting theories emerge when it comes to resolving a dilemma of international character. On one hand, Mearsheimer, offensive realism theorist, proposes a context in which states are always in competition due to the existence of an unbalanced international system; the liberal trend leaded by Ikemberry. On the other hand, notes that the liberal international order, proposed by the United States, should not be defined as a scheme of radical competition but quite the opposite, namely, a space for international cooperation aiming to reduce international tension. Is in this latter frame that the United States could set a course of action regarding Latin America. ; El artículo analiza el comportamiento de Estados Unidos, en especial su posición de potencia internacional para el mantenimiento del orden y la seguridad internacional durante la transición entre el gobierno de George Bush y Barack Obama. La tradición política señala que éste debe mantener una posición firme con el propósito de salvaguardar un sistema internacional en equilibrio. Sin embargo, dos teorías resultan enfrentadas a la hora de resolver un dilema de características internacionales. Por un lado, Mearsheimer, teórico del realismo ofensivo, propone una actitud de los Estados siempre en competencia, debido a un sistema internacional en desequilibrio; pero, por otro lado, la tendencia liberal de Ikemberry señala que el orden internacional liberal, propuesto por Estados Unidos, no debe estar ceñido a un esquema de competencia radical sino a todo lo contrario, es decir, a un espacio de cooperación internacional que reduzca la tensión internacional. Por esta vía Estados Unidos podría fijar la ruta con América Latina. ; O artigo analisa o comportamento dos Estados Unidos, especialmente sua posição de potência internacional para a manutenção da ordem e a segurança internacional du- rante a transição entre o governo de George Bush e Barack Obama. A tradição política indica que este deve manter uma posição firme com o fim de salvaguardar um sistema internacional em equilíbrio. Porém, duas teorias se enfrentam na hora de resolver um dilema de características internacionais. Por um lado, Mearsheimer, teórico do realismo ofensivo, propõe uma atitude dos Estados sempre em competição, devido a um sistema internacional em desequilíbrio; mas, por outro lado, a tendência liberal de Ikemberry assinala que a ordem internacional liberal, proposta pelos Estados Unidos, não deve estar restringida a um esquema de competição radical senão ao contrário, isto é, a um espaço de cooperação internacional que reduza a tensão internacional. Por esta via os Estados Unidos poderiam definir a rota com América Latina.

Lu Ning, former assistant to a vice-foreign minister of China, draws on archival materials, interviews, and personal experiences, to provide unique insights into the formal and informal structures, processes, mechanisms, and dynamics of--and key players in--foreign-policy decisionmaking in Beijing. Lu Ning sheds light on controversial decisions that were made, such as China's entering the Korean War, selling DF-3 missiles to Saudi Arabia in 1986, and cooperating with the Israeli defense establishment. Lu Ning divulges the inner workings of Beijing's foreign ministry, introduces new Chinese language sources, and presents a series of case studies that challenge existing Western theoretical analysis of Chinese policymaking. Based on his examination of the past forty years, Lu Ning makes predictions about likely changes in Beijing's leadership and in its foreign-policy decisionmaking process. This accessibly written, incisive book will be invaluable to anyone interested in Sinology, Chinese foreign policy, comparative foreign policy, and contemporary international relations of East Asia.This second edition contains a fully revised Introduction, and it has been updated through President Clinton's recent visit to China. The new edition also contains new material on the Clinton Administration's varying policy positions toward China