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The idea of conflict prevention, with its supposedly straightforward appeal remains complex and contested. The inter-texuality of globalization and the conflict prevention discourse as well as the embeddedness of both in a project of global governance make it a disciplinary tool presented in a format of humanitarianism. Globalization is an uncontested foundational entity in the discourse. The idea of prevention often carries with it a mark of hegemony of the dominant powers who dictate as to what is a preventable conflict, when prevention should take place and what mode is appropriate in a particular circumstance. Conflict prevention should reflect the perspectives of not just the elites and global players. A theoretical and practical exposition on conflict prevention could better rely on those concerns, instead of relying on a supposedly neutral language of strategic choice. Otherwise the predictive exercises, indicators, early warnings and the whole repertoire of tools associated with the discourse on conflict prevention would be quite vacuous.

Global politics issues, with special reference to Germany's foreign policy; public opinion, possible sources of conflict, human rights, UN intervention, the Balkan situation, laser weapons, economic integration, and other issues; 9 articles.

Kampfjets über Taiwan, Kriegsschiffe in japanischen Gewässern, Militärbasen auf den Spratly-Inseln. China will sein Territorium im Ost- und Südchinesischen Meer ausweiten. Dabei ist besonders der Anspruch auf Taiwan explosiv, das China nicht als souveränen Staat anerkennt. Doch hinter Taiwan stehen die USA. Der aktuelle Konflikt um Inseln und Riffe vor Chinas Küste wird im Westen oft vernachlässigt. Doch dahinter stehen handfeste Territorialkonflikte mit einer Reihe von Staaten wie Japan, Südkorea oder Vietnam. Die Region ist ein Pulverfass, bei dem eine einzelne Provokation schnell in einen internationalen Konflikt führen kann. Besonders Taiwan ist China ein Dorn im Auge: Unabhängig, demokratisch und westlich, historisch aber Teil von China. Taiwan führt der Welt vor Augen, dass es zu der Diktatur in China eine demokratische Alternative gibt. (Verlagswerbung)

Viele internationale Institutionen und nationale Regierungen befassen sich seit Jahren mit dem Versuch, die Ursachen von Hunger zu entschlüsseln und wirksam zu bekämpfen. Hunger als ein multikausales Problem zu erkennen, ist dabei ein großer Fortschritt. Solange sich hingegen lokale Politiker nicht aktiv dieser Not widmen, wird Armuts- und Hungerbekämpfung ein weltweites Dilemma bleiben. (KAS-Auslandsinformationen / SWP)

There is a growing recognition of the role that culture can play in sustainable development strategies. This development has generally been welcomed, but also raises a number of questions: What are the implications in policy and practice? Who are the most influential voices in promoting a global agenda for culture and development, and to what extent has the creation of new international policy instruments reflected a consensus? More fundamentally, what is meant by "culture" in these discussions and who has the power to give particular definitions political and legal authority? The Politics of Cultural Development seeks to provide a theoretically and historically informed response to such questions, illustrated by reference to case studies (including the European Union, the Caribbean and China). Particular attention is paid to the formation of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and the Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions , a landmark instrument in debates about culture and development. The book goes on to explore some of the practical implications that this international treaty is beginning to have for the ways that culture is (and is not) being integrated into contemporary development policy and practice. This book will be useful for students, academics and policymakers in the fields of international development, international relations, international political economy, cultural policy and cultural theory.

Several prominent political economy models of trade policy, at first glance, seem to suggest that leftist governments in Latin America have strong incentives to sign preferential trade agreements (PTAs). The Heckscher-Ohlin model, for instance, predicts that the ideological left in the developing world will favour trade liberalization. Other research, specifically on trade agreements, suggests that leftist governments sign such treaties to credibly signal a commitment to sound economic policies. In light of these predictions, it is perhaps surprising that many left-wing Latin American governments have been especially averse to signing PTAs. In this article, I provide an explanation for the partisan left's disposition toward trade agreements. First, I identify the ways in which PTAs can be difficult to reconcile with hardline or populist left-wing governance. Second, I explore the conditions under which left governments are most inclined to sign trade agreements. I anticipate that regional commonalities and shared partisanship increase the prospects for cooperation. A statistical analysis of PTA signing in 18 Latin American countries, as well as a more in-depth treatment of several cases, yields results consistent with my expectations. These findings have implications for the literature on the political economy of trade agreements as well as the scholarship on globalization in the Latin American context. Adapted from the source document.