Suchergebnisse

Erörterung der Hintergründe der anhaltenden Wirtschaftskrise sowie des mangelnden Erfolges von Strukturanpassungsmaßnahmen. Trotz langjährigem Einfluß von IWF und Weltbank auf die Politik von Zaire und ungeachtet aller Sanierungsprogramme gibt es wenig ermutigende Perspektiven für das von einem korrupten Regime beherrschte Land. (DÜI-Fwr)

"In dem Beitrag wird das Zusammenspiel von Völkerrecht und Verfassungsrecht in der deutschen und japanischen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik analysiert. Es werden das in der Charta der Vereinten Nationen verankerte Prinzip der kollektiven Sicherheit und insbesondere die Möglichkeiten von Zwangsmaßnahmen nach Kapitel VII der Charta der Vereinten Nationen betrachtet. Analysiert man die Spannungen, die in den beiden Ländern zwischen nationalem Verfassungsrecht und dem durch die Charta sowie durch bi- und multilaterale Vertragswerke kodierten internationalen Recht bestehen, so ist grundsätzlich festzustellen, dass die internationale Ebene in beiden Fällen nicht in der Lage ist, die verfassungsrechtlich wünschenswerten eindeutigen Hinweise auf das angemessene Verhalten von Staaten zu liefern. Dadurch entsteht in beiden Staaten ein weit reichender Spielraum für politische Entscheidungen." (Autorenreferat

The aim of this open access book is to take stock of, critically engage, and celebrate feminist IR scholarship produced in Europe. Organized thematically, the volume highlights a wealth of excellent scholarship, while also focusing on the politics of location and the international political economy of feminist knowledge production. Who are some of the central feminist scholars located in Europe? How might the concentration of these scholars in Northern Europe and the UK shape the contents of their scholarship? What have some of the main contributions been, in the study of the following themes: security; war and military; peace; migration; international political economy and development; foreign policy; diplomacy; and global governance and international organizations? The volume offers both an intellectual history and a sociology of feminist IR scholarship in Europe. It showcases the vitality and breadth of feminist IR traditions, while simultaneously calling attention to their partial nature, exclusions and silences.

While South America made significant strides in regional security cooperation since the 1990s, more recently the region seems to have entered a process of backsliding from its cooperative achievements and towards mere coexistence. This article proposes that an English School approach allows for a nuanced assessment of regional security cooperation. It contributes to the analysis of regional international societies and regional organisations as markers of fundamental institutional change. While scholars have studied how regional organisations shape the fundamental institutions of regional international societies as they emerge and evolve, little research has been done on whether a decline in regional organisations can lead to changes in the fundamental institutions of regional international societies. Using a set of indicators for coexistence and cooperative international societies, we analyse whether there is evidence of backsliding from cooperation to coexistence in South America with regard to three different types of security challenges: interstate conflict and militarisation; inter-mestic repercussions of internal conflict and violence; and extra-regional influences. We argue that a decline in regional organisations exacerbates those challenges, as they are no longer mitigated through institutionalised diplomatic procedures. However, despite the organisational decline, fundamental institutions in South America have so far proven relatively resilient.

Critical and post-colonial scholars have argued that a more complete account of sovereignty necessitates an exploration of the colonial experiences through which Western civilised identity was forged. But the way these 'distant' encounters were used in (and interacted with) the process of claiming sovereignty domestically has received less attention. This is surprising as critical scholars have revealed the existence of strong similarities between the domestic and international constructions of sovereignty (and in particular the necessary performance of a savage Other) and have emphasised how sovereignty transcends the domestic/international frontier and provides a crucial link between the two. As a response, this article develops an analysis of the construction of sovereignty that combines both the domestic and international colonial frontiers on which 'civilised' sovereignty relies. I use a large set of primary archives about France in the sixteenth century in order to explore how sovereignty depends on unstable colonial frontiers, that is, differentiations between the civilised and the savage, that are constantly contested and re-established. Combining the domestic and international colonial frontiers reveals how they interact and are used in order to reinforce the civilised identity of the Western ruler.

This article argues that the political theory of John H. Herz — best known in International Relations (IR) for the invention of the concept of the security dilemma — reveals a sophisticated body of thought deeply relevant to the ongoing attempt to resurrect classical realism. Like other forms of classical realism, the Herzian variant was strategic and rhetorical in character. Beneath its realist posture we find a liberal ideology focused on achieving order, progress and justice in international politics. Although this positive project began from a pessimistic rendering of the political, Herz's political theory was never fatalistic. In combining liberal ideals with a realist understanding of politics, Herz continuously stressed how international politics could be mitigated and changed. This vision was, in turn, based on a broadly constructivist rendering of the security dilemma. Through an identification and analysis of these three central characteristics of Herz's realism (its strategic character, its liberal internationalist purpose, and its underlying constructivism), the article stresses the coherence and continuity of Herz's political thought, and provides a nuanced and complex understanding of an innovative and overlooked scholar of international relations, as well as a normatively compelling position from which to re-articulate classical realism today.

Introduction: Africa - the peacekeeping laboratory. - Part I Institutions. - 1 Changing dimensions of international peacekeeping in Africa. - 2 An evolving model of African-led peace support operations? Lessons from Burundi, Sudan (Darfur) and Somalia. - 3 EU peacekeeping in Africa: towards an indirect approach. - 4 Whose money funds African peace operations? Negotiating influence and autonomy with external partners. - Part II States' policies. - 5 China's peacekeeping efforts in Africa: assessing the contributions, future prospects, and challenges. - 6 Indian peacekeeping and the performance of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo. - 7 Primus inter pares? France and multi-actor peacekeeping in Côte d'Ivoire. - Part III Case studies. - 8 When the neighbors keep a foot in the door: regional interventions and peacekeeping missions in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia. - 9 The long path to MINUSMA: assessing the international response to the crisis in Mali. - 10 The Democratic Republic of Congo: a laboratory for international peace operations. - 11 The perils of peacekeeping as a tool of RtoP: the case of Darfur. - 12 The dilemmas of state consent in United Nations peace operations: the case of the United Nations operation in Côte d'Ivoire; Conclusion: "new wine in old bottles" - the struggle for a new African security architecture

Introduction: Few, if any, would argue against the proposition that it is in the interest of the international community to preserve and protect the environmental integrity of the planet on which all life, including human life, is dependent. Indeed, we are witnessing an inclination towards the wide acceptance of the notion that the care of the global environment "is a common concern of humanity"; a realisation that the interdependence of the world's ecosystems calls for cooperative international solutions (both global and regional) to a large number of current environmental problems. We move quickly into disagreement, however, when the plethora of details asserted to be necessary or unnecessary to the goals of international environmental preservation and protection are addressed specifically in order to make policy decisions and preferences. At the international level, this disagreement has been most recently and noticeably manifested in the negotiations of the Preparatory Commission (PrepCom) leading up to the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED). The point of all this, of course, is to highlight that while governments (and indeed individuals) overwhelmingly agree that it is in the interest of all to protect and preserve the environment of planet Earth, disagreement on the means to this end makes action difficult. How then are we to reconcile these contending and conflicting ideas about the proper course of action to protect the global environment? Does the idea of a "public interest" international environmental law suggested by this symposium offer assistance for dealing with environmental issues at the international level? The answer, in my view, unfortunately, is negative and this essay will attempt to illustrate how and why the idea of "public interest" is lacking in the current international system. With that said, one aim of this article remains to sketch in a short space how the concept may nevertheless be a helpful catagorical form that environmental lawyers collaborating around the world can use in promoting worldwide efforts to preserve and protect the global environment. Accordingly, I argue that the concept of "public interest" in the global context is not entirely vacuous, but instead can be given content -- even if for now that content remains abecedarian -- by international networks of environmental lawyers16 working to foster environmental awareness across borders. These networks are assisting local communities and activists to promote and act on international law touching the environment within their own municipal legal systems and to engage effectively with other activists worldwide. Through this dialogue and discourse, these networks may be able to build vigorous constituencies of environmental advocates with common and agreed purposes and agendas for action and a global culture based on environmental concern. A further aim of this essay is to set out the bearing that the collaborative efforts of environmental nongovernmental organisations (ENGOs) have had on the international system and the development and enforcement of international environmental law within municipal systems. While I fully endorse Philippe Sands' argument that international law ought to grant ENGOs standing to enforce environmental rights in various international contexts and fora and believe that this is something to strive for, this essay is more limited in nature. It inclines instead to Martti Koskenniemi's view19 that even as between states, very little has obtained in the world of diplomatic realities of state responsibility for environmental harm during the twenty-four year effort to give substance to Principle 21 of the Stockholm Declaration of the 1972 Conference on the Human Environment. Accordingly, the focus of this essay is upon municipal development and enforcement of both international environmental obligations and national laws protecting the global environment. In this regard, I canvass the activities of one environmental legal group working on such an agenda internationally, the Environmental Law Alliance Worldwide (E-LAW), and assess its impact. The essay concludes with a prescription for a greater globalisation of international environmental law by using the electronic "information revolution" to empower ENGOs and other non-state actors in the common cause of global environmental protection.

ABSTRACTTo enhance effective cooperation, the Marrakesh Accords provide a compliance system for the international climate regime. An innovative part of this system is an Enforcement Branch authorised to apply punitive consequences against countries that fail to comply with their Kyoto obligations. While previous research has primarily focused on the ability of this compliance system to deter non-compliance, this article discusses whether the actual use of punitive consequences will induce a non-compliant country to return to compliance. The Marrakesh Accords explicitly emphasise that the punitive consequences shall be aimed at the restoration of compliance. However, we show that the application of punitive consequences will accomplish this in only exceptional circumstances.