Suchergebnisse

L'essentiel du travail des juristes européens sur la question de l'immigration se présente comme une réflexion sur les mécanismes mis en place par l'Union européenne et ses États membres pour réguler l'afflux de migrants(1). Il leur est aisé de constater que ces mécanismes fonctionnent mal. Ils se donnent dès lors pour tâche de trouver des remèdes. Recherche qui se résout généralement par l'établissement d'une formule associant responsabilité et solidarité. La responsabilité consiste, pour les États membres, à respecter à la lettre les règles relatives aux contrôles des personnes franchissant les frontières extérieures de l'Union et d'assumer les charges que leur impose le régime d'asile européen commun. La solidarité, c'est de pouvoir compter sur un partage entre États membres des coûts liés à la prise en charge des nouveaux arrivants et sur la mise en place d'une répartition équilibrée des nouveaux arrivants sur le territoire européen. La formule idéale veut que des comportements plus responsables entraîneront une solidarité plus forte. Force est toutefois de constater que tous les gouvernements européens n'adhèrent pas à cette formule : certains refusent la responsabilité, d'autres rejettent la solidarité. Au demeurant, dans l'autre grand domaine de crise mettant en cause l'Union européenne - l'euro -, où la même formule est proposée, de fortes résistances se font également entendre(2). Dans ce cas, responsabilité veut dire respect des règles portant sur la discipline budgétaire, tandis que la solidarité porte, pour l'essentiel, sur des mécanismes de transferts financiers entre États membres de l'Union. (Premier paragraphe de l'article)

Taking the phenomenon of empire as its starting point, this article seeks to provide a framework for addressing the question of how and why international systems change over time. Synthesising elements from network-relational analysis and practice theory, I argue that international systems are best thought of as being composed of multiple partially overlapping and interrelated hierarchical networks. These networks are made up of social ties – as in classic network analysis – but also of specific repertoires of practice. Systemic transformations happen through the reconfiguration of networks, both through shifts in social ties and through changes in their practices. Empire provides a particularly illuminating window into the topic of systemic change, in part because a major driver of historical transformations has been the expansion of empires and their encounters with other heterogeneous polities across the globe, and in part because a focus on imperial interactions highlights the limitations of existing unit-centric perspectives. Drawing on examples from the nineteenth century, I illustrate the usefulness of the framework by showing how different regionally anchored systems came into contact with the expanding spheres of Western empires and how such points of interaction contributed to the development of an increasingly global international system.

As the discussion surrounding misinformation and polarization takes center stage, one space that has been largely overlooked is the Chinese media sphere within the United States, where questionable content has garnered a loyal following among Chinese-speaking immigrants. While headlines with false claims such as "Illegal immigrant started wildfire in Sonoma County" mirror types of misinformation found in American, English-language media, what's especially worrisome in information ecosystems like these is their central influence on the first-generation immigrant experience and integration with US society. Yet, they exist very much as unknown, parallel universes for most researchers, journalists, and media watchers. With the rise of conservatism among first-generation Chinese immigrants, one of the fastest growing populations in the United States, this media space—led by mobile platform WeChat—offers key clues to how political information and misinformation are constructed for and distributed among the emerging political constituency. This report sheds light on the nature of misinformation and political polarization in the WeChat news sphere. The conclusions drawn from this preliminary investigation into WeChat mirror more general challenges with misinformation and polarization in the digital news ecosystem, but also highlight the specificity of the information problem for the immigrant population.

L'essentiel du travail des juristes européens sur la question de l'immigration se présente comme une réflexion sur les mécanismes mis en place par l'Union européenne et ses États membres pour réguler l'afflux de migrants(1). Il leur est aisé de constater que ces mécanismes fonctionnent mal. Ils se donnent dès lors pour tâche de trouver des remèdes. Recherche qui se résout généralement par l'établissement d'une formule associant responsabilité et solidarité. La responsabilité consiste, pour les États membres, à respecter à la lettre les règles relatives aux contrôles des personnes franchissant les frontières extérieures de l'Union et d'assumer les charges que leur impose le régime d'asile européen commun. La solidarité, c'est de pouvoir compter sur un partage entre États membres des coûts liés à la prise en charge des nouveaux arrivants et sur la mise en place d'une répartition équilibrée des nouveaux arrivants sur le territoire européen. La formule idéale veut que des comportements plus responsables entraîneront une solidarité plus forte. Force est toutefois de constater que tous les gouvernements européens n'adhèrent pas à cette formule : certains refusent la responsabilité, d'autres rejettent la solidarité. Au demeurant, dans l'autre grand domaine de crise mettant en cause l'Union européenne - l'euro -, où la même formule est proposée, de fortes résistances se font également entendre(2). Dans ce cas, responsabilité veut dire respect des règles portant sur la discipline budgétaire, tandis que la solidarité porte, pour l'essentiel, sur des mécanismes de transferts financiers entre États membres de l'Union. (Premier paragraphe de l'article)

Aylin Yanık-Şenay geht u.a. den Fragen nach, ob bei muslimischen Migrationsfamilien spezifische Zielgruppenmerkmale und Beratungsvoraussetzungen sowie -bedürfnisse hinsichtlich der Familienberatung bestehen und was muslimische Migrantenorganisationen zur beratungsspezifischen Versorgung von muslimischen Migrationsfamilien beitragen können. Hierfür wurde eine quantitative Befragung mit 126 sunnitisch-muslimische Personen mit türkischem, arabischem, (nord-)afrikanischem und sonstigem Migrationshintergrund im Alter von 24 bis 49 Jahren durchgeführt. Zentrales Ergebnis ist der sehr starke Wunsch nach einer mehrsprachigen, kultur- und religionssensiblen Familienberatung. Dabei werden lebensweltorientierte Beratungseinrichtungen wie von muslimischen Migrantenorganisationen deutlich bevorzugt (vs. Regeldienste und Moscheen). Der Inhalt • Zielgruppen einer muslimischen Familienberatung • Spezifische Voraussetzungen und Bedingungen für Familienberatung • Besondere Versorgungsstrukturen und -konzepte der (Beratungs-)Hilfen • Bewältigungsstrategien in muslimischen Migrationsfamilien • Notwendigkeit einer muslimischen Familienberatungsstelle Die Zielgruppen • Dozierende und Studierende der Sozialpädagogik, Pädagogik, Psychologie • Sozialarbeiter und -arbeiterinnen, Berater und Beraterinnen sowie Therapeuten und Therapeutinnen in der Familien-, Ehe-, Erziehungs- und Lebensberatung Die Autorin Aylin Yanık-Şenay ist Diplom-Pädagogin und systemische Familientherapeutin

Incontrast to discourses on the relation between religion and violence, this project focuses on the biblical commitment that God can be understood as the one who 'loves the stranger' (Deut. 10:18). With regard to this central passage it will be asked what are the implications that this image of God can offer? In what way can monotheism be interpreted as 'a school of xenophilia' (E. Levinas)? What does the inclination of God to the stranger mean for the understanding of humanity, metaphysics, and migration? Jacques Derrida (1930–2004) has suggested that we understand metaphysics, in the context of the thinking of Levinas, as 'an experience of hospitality' (Derrida 1999a: 46). With regard to this idea, I would like to ask what role can (the question of) God play within the political, sociological, ethical, etc. discourses of diversity and migration?

Itis believed that the massive flow of refugees and dramatically increased asylum applications from Muslim societies to member countries of the European Union will cause significant change in the demographic characteristics of those countries. Although the presence of Muslims is not a recent phenomenon in Europe, their increased visibility has become once again a dominant political discourse for right-wing political parties. The important question is whether the Muslim presence has become a component of the post-truth politics of the political leaders of these parties, or whether it constitutes a real threat to European society. Does the European Union, then, face a real crisis? If so, what is the nature of the crisis – is it a refugee crisis, an identity crisis, or even worse, is it a crisis of tolerance? This paper analyses the political atmosphere and its effects on society in terms of an increased visibility of Muslims and Islamic symbols in the European public sphere in order to answer those questions.

There is now a broad consensus of economists, political scientists, sociologists and scientists in other fields on a wide range of benefits that international migration brings to global development. Main aim of the paper is to provide an analysis of economic and developmental impacts of migration on both sending and receiving countries, with a particular focus on institutional impacts of international migration. The research proves a positive influence of international migration on institutional development and finds that the impact is particularly strong for emigrant-sending countries with medium institutional quality.

Historical records and the research databases of completed studies have the potential either to establish new research studies or to inform follow-up studies assessing long-term health and social outcomes. Yet, such records are at risk of destruction resulting from misconceptions about data protection legislation and research ethics. The recent destruction of the Windrush disembarkation cards, which potentially could have formed the basis of a retrospective cohort study, illustrates this risk. As organisations across Europe transition to the EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), this risk is being amplified due to uncertainty as to how to comply with complex new rules, and the requirement under GDPR that data owners catalogue their data and set data retention and destruction rules. The combination of these factors suggests there is a new meaningful risk that scientifically important historical records will be destroyed, despite the fact that GDPR provides a clear legal basis to hold historical records and to repurpose them for research for the public good. This letter describes this risk; details the legal basis enabling the retention and repurposing of these data; makes recommendations as to how to alleviate this risk; and finally encourages the research and research-active clinical community to contact their 'Data Protection Officers' to promote safe-keeping of historical records.

Tina Hollstein fragt in ihrer Studie nach Bewältigungs- und Unterstützungsprozessen von Personen ohne legalen Aufenthaltsstatus in Deutschland. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich das Bewältigungshandeln der Akteure nicht auf aufenthaltrechtliche Anforderungen und Herausforderungen in Deutschland begrenzt, sondern grenzüberschreitende Verflechtungen der Bewältigung und Unterstützung für ihre Lebensrealität in der aufenthaltsrechtlichen Illegalität konstitutiv sind. Im Prozess der Lebensbewältigung ergeben sich daraus spezifische Anforderungen, aber auch Ressourcen, die mit einer transnationalen Perspektive der Bewältigung erschlossen werden. Dadurch wird sichtbar, dass die Akteure aktiv Gestaltende ihrer Lebenswelt und vielfach bedeutende Unterstützungsgebende sind. Der Inhalt Diskursive Konstruktionen illegaler Migration - ein Problemaufriss Fallrekonstruktionen und vergleichende Diskussion Lebensbewältigung unter Bedingungen aufenthalts- und arbeitsrechtlicher Illegalität in Deutschland Transnationale Perspektiven der Bewältigung Die Zielgruppen Dozierende und Studierende der Erziehungswissenschaft, Sozialpädagogik, Soziologie, Ethnologie sowie Kulturanthropologie Praktiker in der Migrationssozialarbeit und Migrationspolitik Die Autorin Dr. Tina Hollstein forscht am Institut für Erziehungswissenschaft der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz zu Migration, Bewältigung und sozialer Unterstützung, Pflege und Alter

The migration problem is the most burning issue of our time. Military conflicts in many countries lead to global political instability in international relations. The inability of countries to provide a decent standard of living is one of the most common factors pushing people to seek a better life abroad. The conflict in the eastern part of Ukraine has a strong influence on the increased migration. lt was the cause ot the outtlow of labor and skilled workers trom Ukraine. The military conflict in Luhansk and Donetsk regions is not officially declared as war. ; Göç sorunu, çağımızın en dikkat çeken sorunudur. Pek çok ülkedeki askeri sorunlar, uluslararası ilişkilerde küresel siyasi istikrarsızlığa neden olmaktadır, Ülkelerin iyi bir yaşam standardı sunamamaları, insanları yurtdışında daha iyi bir hayat aramaya iten en yaygın faktörlerden biridir. Ukrayna'nın doğusundaki çatışma, artan göç üzerinde güçlü bir etkiye sahiptir. Bu çatışma, işgücünün ve vasıflı işçilerin Ukrayna'dan ayrılmasının sebebi olmuştur. Luhansk ve Donetsk bölgelerindeki askeri çatışma resmiyette savaş olarak ilan edilmemiştir.

Rural colonization with immigrants in Argentina is often considered a phenomenon confined to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By contrast, the later decades of the fifties and sixties are considered the era of industrialization. The objective of this article is to determine the extent to which this immigrant colonization was present in the Argentine government's plans in the middle of the century, to place these projects in an international context dominated by the developmentalist ideology, and to analyse the practical results of cooperation on the issue with the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM). To do so, I use mainly primary sources (including official correspondence, reports and proceedings) from the Argentine administration and the aforementioned Committee, as well as press articles and quantitative information. ; La colonización rural con inmigrantes en Argentina suele considerarse un fenómeno circunscrito entre finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX. Las décadas posteriores de los cincuenta y los sesenta, por el contrario, son celebradas como la época de la industrialización. El objetivo de este artículo es determinar hasta qué punto aquella inmigración colonizadora estuvo presente en los planes del gobierno argentino a mediados de siglo, situar esos proyectos en un contexto internacional dominado por el fervor desarrollista, y analizar los resultados prácticos que, en tal sentido, produjo la cooperación con el Comité Intergubernamental para las Migraciones Europeas (CIME). Para ello, utilizaré sobre todo documentación primaria —tal como correspondencia oficial, informes y actas— procedente de la administración argentina y del mencionado Comité, además de recortes de prensa e información cuantitativa.