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Practicing politics within religious frameworks is more likely to increase states' fragility. While employing religious references in political discourses could foster positive outcomes such as avoiding dangerous eruptions of violence under authoritarian regimes, it could also increase the space for political and religious elites to instrumentalise religion for their own interests. Such patterns of instrumentalisation are more common in the Middle East; especially the dominant religion in the region is Islam, which enjoys a decentralised mode of function.

The article explores the genesis and varieties of the phenomenon of ideology, and its relationship with religion. It begins with the origins of the notion and term in Antoine Destutt de Tracy and Karl Marx, and then continues up to the most recent developments of conservative and liberal ideological schemata. The author pays particular attention to the totalitarian ideologies of Communism and Nazism. The article argues that ideology sometimes tried to replace religion, and sometimes mimicked it. In any case, it exercised a profound impact on churches. This impact is in most cases polarizing for the church, when the latter identifies itself with ideology and thus dramatically reduces itself. Among the instances of such an impact are "political Orthodoxy" in Ukraine, and the "Russian world" in Russia. The author concludes that the church should learn to distinguish what is ideological and what is theological.

The article explores the genesis and varieties of the phenomenon of ideology, and its relationship with religion. It begins with the origins of the notion and term in Antoine Destutt de Tracy and Karl Marx, and then continues up to the most recent developments of conservative and liberal ideological schemata. The author pays particular attention to the totalitarian ideologies of Communism and Nazism. The article argues that ideology sometimes tried to replace religion, and sometimes mimicked it. In any case, it exercised a profound impact on churches. This impact is in most cases polarizing for the church, when the latter identifies itself with ideology and thus dramatically reduces itself. Among the instances of such an impact are "political Orthodoxy" in Ukraine, and the "Russian world" in Russia. The author concludes that the church should learn to distinguish what is ideological and what is theological.

Through the history of religions, their holy texts and norms have been sources of men's images in societies and have presented forms of masculinity that have been expressed in religious acts. This paper examines how this reciprocal influence has shifted from the perspective of the sociology of religion and history of religion. It is the introduction to an edited volume which brings together research on religious traditions from experts in the field. The article analyses similarities and differences in the interwoven relationships between specific religions and between concepts and practices of masculinity in different societies and cultures, such as Western forms of Christianity during the last centuries, European Judaism and Arabic Islam during the Middle Ages and South Asian Buddhism and Hinduism. It is the first comparative research on a variety of religions and forms of masculinity, and thereby contributes to the growing field of interdisciplinary research on (critical) men's studies in Religion.

The rise of fundamentalist movements in major religions has forced decision-makers, development organizations and academics to turn their attention to its meaning for development. Global scholars and practitioners examine these issues and fundamentally question the secular-religious dichotomy in development discourse and practice.

AbstractThis paper seeks to explain Austria's Islam-related politics by first suggesting that it can be best understood in terms of neo-institutionalist path-dependency and consociationalist policy-making. This is due to the fact that Austria gave Islam full legal recognition in 1912. Important institutional patterns and policies grew out of this law in the Second Republic, whose persistence we want to examine. The Islamic Religious Community constituted itself under public law as a neo-corporatist interest group for Muslims in Austria in 1979. More recently, the government's approach toward Islam has shifted. This change can be best accounted for by party competition in which the far-right Freedom Party of Austria has sought to monopolize this issue. Consequently, this paper explores the contradictions between, on the one hand, the long-established principle of state neutrality and evenhandedness when dealing with various legally recognized religious communities and, on the other hand, discriminatory Islam-related politics.

Since 9/11 politicians, preachers, conservatives and the media are all speaking about evil. In the past the dicourse about evil in our religious, philosophic and literary traditions has provoked thinking, questioning and inquiry. But today the appeal to evil is being used as a political tool to obscure compex issues, block serious thinking and stifle public discussion and debate.We are now confronting a clash of mentalities, not a clash of civilisations. One mentality is drawn to absolutes, moral certainties, and simplistic dichotomies of good and evil. The other seriously question