Suchergebnisse

The most concerning effect deriving from the existence of large-scale differences among national legislations as regards the regulation of family matters is represented by the possibility that a status legally established in one country is not recognized in another state, since it is considered to be against public policy (like in the case of an adoption pronounced in favor of a single parent or of a same-sex couple) or that a decision is recognized with different effects than those it produced in the country of origin (like in the case of kafala). The matter have been broadly dealt with by national courts and it has also been the object of some relevant cases brought before the ECtHR, which pronounced in favor of the existence of a mutual recognition principle when not only family rights, but also the child best interest is at stake. The aim of this chapter is to assess, also in the light of existing case-law, the content and the relevance of the best interest of the child principle in matters of cross-border recognition of minors adoption, and more broadly to give an answer to the still open and debated questions related to the topic. They in particular regard the relationship between private international law and human rights and the impact of the child best interest principle on the functioning of conflict-of-law rules.

This book analyses and furthers the academic debates on post-liberal peacebuilding, through a number of conceptual, theoretical and empirical research outputs. Part I includes a review of how the recent discourse on peacebuilding has evolved, and three conceptual/theoretical perspectives relevant to post-liberal peacebuilding. In particular, the editors propose the concept of bespoke peacebuilding to articulate key features of new peacebuilding models. Part II introduces five case studies that present how alternative peacebuilding models are being shaped (or can be shaped) in practice. Essential reading for scholars and students in Peace and Conflict Studies, International Relations, and International Security Studies. Chapter 8 is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com. Mark S. Cogan is Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kansai Gaidai University, Japan. He is a former communications specialist with the United Nations, serving in Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. His research interests are vast, including security studies, peacebuilding, human rights, and the broader Indo-Pacific region. In addition to his research, he has published more than 120 commentaries and policy papers in major newspapers and think tanks, including the Observer Research Foundation (ORF), Bangkok Post, South China Morning Post, Southeast Asia Globe, the Diplomat Magazine, Geopolitical Monitor, Pacific Forum and more. Hidekazu Sakai is Professor at Kansai Gaidai University, Japan. His research interests include international relations theory, international security, peacebuilding, and Indo-Pacific politics. His publications include Re-rising Japan: Its Strategic Power in International Relations (New York: Peter Lang, 2017), co-edited with Yoichiro Sato, and The US-Japan Security Community: Theoretical Understanding of Transpacific Relationships (London: Routledge, 2018).

This article is an attempt at addressing some salient aspects of the expected and upcoming civilizational clash. Its basic contention is that the multi-dimensional conflict between Muslim world and the secular West should be resolved first and foremost at the foundational levels of epistemology and consciousness. Only then could Muslims engage in the "politics of civilizations", not solely as the "objects of history as targets of Western colonialism", but "as movers and shapers of history". The author proceeds by expounding some essential sources of conflict, and by deconstructing liberal-democracy as the political and ideological manifestation of the Western hegemonial system. He further suggests the Iranian revolutionary experience as a budding nucleus of an Islamic transformation, and proposes criteria against which this phenomenon could be Islamically analyzed and understood in future and anticipated works. (Amsterdam Middle East Pap/DÜI)

En el contexto de la reciente vuelta a la democracia en la Argentina, y a menos de un año de la asunción de Raúl Alfonsín, se realizó en 1984 una consulta popular no vinculante respecto de una propuesta de paz con Chile, referida a la cuestión del canal Beagle. Consideramos que se trata de un hecho que es necesario revisar, ya que la población fue convocada a votar respecto de un conflicto internacional, fenómeno poco frecuente. Ello conllevó intensos debates y complejos alineamientos en los partidos políticos. Parece interesante analizar cómo se entrecruzan las posiciones internacionales, el escenario de disputa entre las potencias y la dinámica política interna, tan compleja en el período. Por eso, identificaremos en este artículo las distintas posiciones de los partidos políticos, corporaciones y fuerzas políticas más representativas, para analizar en qué medida los debates respondieron a una evaluación de la circunstancia internacional y/o a la compleja dinámica política interna. Es objetivo de este trabajo abordar los condicionantes internos de la política internacional, variables muchas veces descuidadas a la hora de interpretar la política exterior de los gobiernos dictatoriales o democráticos. ; Within the context of the recent return to democracy in Argentina, and less than a year after Raúl Alfonsín was elected president, a non-binding referendum over the Beagle Channel was held in 1984 regarding a peace proposal with Chile. We consider that such an event, of a population being asked to vote regarding an international conflict, should be examined, given it is such a rare phenomenon. The referendum led to intense debates and complex alignments between political parties. It is also interesting to analyze how international positions became intertwined, in an environment of disputes between rival powers, and internal political dynamics, all of which were complex during the period in question. We will therefore identify in this article the different positions of political parties, corporations and the most representative political forces, in order to analyze as to what extent the debates responded to an assessment of the international circumstance and/or the complexity of domestic political dynamics. The aim of this paper is to address the domestic determinants of international politics, which are variables that are often neglected when interpreting the foreign policy of dictatorial or democratic governments.

Within days of the Congo's independence in June 1960, the army mutinied & the rich province of Katanga seceded. Belgium invaded its former colony under the pretext of protecting its citizens & maintaining public order. The Congo sought aid from the United Nations, which set up its first peacekeeping mission in Africa. The EEC, for its part, wished to pursue cooperation with the new state & aimed to associate it with Europe. Nevertheless, in search of a way to achieve its objective, France expressed reservations about multilateral interventions. It perceived them as supranational & dangerous for colonial powers, being itself at war in Algeria. France viewed the situation in the Congo less as an international conflict than as an internal one between Lumumba & Tshombe. It counted on the establishment of bilateral relations with the Congo, but results were limited. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Endorsement -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction: Learning in Arctic Environmental Cooperation -- Introduction -- Approaching Learning Processes -- Arctic Role-Playing -- Arctic Governance -- Why Role-Playing Matters for the Arctic -- A Greener IR, a Greener Arctic? -- The Restraining Effect of Sovereignty -- State Learning -- The Learning Link Between 'the State' and 'State Representatives' -- Cases and Methodology -- Introducing the Arctic Council -- Introducing the Cases: SAO Meetings and Task Force Negotiations -- Interpreting Interview Data -- Chapter Outline -- Notes -- References -- 2 The Studying of Learning Through Roles -- Introduction -- Roles: A Tracking Tool for Learning -- The Role Concept and Its Different Components -- Learning As Role Change -- Learning As a Social (Constructivist) Undertaking -- Three Kinds of Learning: Adaptive, Normative, and Ego and Alter -- Why Others Matter - Bringing the Micro Level In -- Mead and the Power of Expectations -- Habermas and the Importance of Communication -- Learning As Arguing, Arguing as Learning -- A Model for the Correlation Between Learning and Roles -- Summary -- Not a Drama On Major Conflicts... -- ...But Well a Small Drama of Energy-Environment Intertwinement -- Notes -- References -- 3 Above the Timberline - The Logic of Arctic Cooperation -- Introduction -- The Arctic Drama -- The Arctic - A Debated 'Common' -- The Logic of Cooperation: To Enhance Regional Control -- The Logic of Arctic Cooperation: Promoting the Arctic As a Global Common -- The Development of Arctic Council Cooperation: An Interplay between Science and Politics -- Arctic Council Development: Progression -- Arctic Council Development: Restrained Cooperation.

This paper analyzes the failure of the Organization for Prohibited of Chemical Weapon (OPCW) in handling chemical weapon disarmament in Syria. The use of chemical weapons by the Syrian government against its own citizens poses a challenge for OPCW in its role to ban the use and development of chemical weapons worldwide. OPCW itself formed in 1997 is an implementation of Chemical Weapon Convention (CWC) in 1993. The main problem of this study is OPCW failure factors to ban the use and development of chemical weapons in Syrian conflict. The study results show that the chemical weapon disarmament efforts in Syria by the OPCW by sending and destroying government-owned chemical weapons has failed. Although OPCW has claimed Syria has been freed from chemical weapons, it is still encountered the use of chemical weapons by ISIS terrorist groups and unofficial opposition groups. In conclusion, the role of the OPCW according to the concept of disarmament and the international organization is still not fully successful. OPCW is only able to detect the use of chemical weapons committed by the Syrian government. This organization has no authority in overcoming the problem of the misused chemical weapons committed by non-state actors.Keywords: Chemical weapons, Syrian conflict, OPCW, Disarmament.

"In diesem Beitrag wird die Möglichkeit einer ASEAN-Friedenstruppe und einer regionalen Sicherheitskooperation betrachtet. Ich argumentiere, dass Fortschritte bei 'weichen' Sicherheitsfragen eine stetige Vertiefung der 'harten' Sicherheitszusammenarbeit auf ASEAN-Ebene ermöglichen. Noch zögern die Regierungen der ASEAN-Staaten, einen regionalen Konfliktlösungsmechanismus zu entwickeln, da sie diesen als Infragestellung der Normen der Nichteinmischung und der staatlichen Souveränität sehen. Diese Normen hängen jedoch von dynamischen Veränderungen in der Sicherheitsumgebung ab, mit welchen die Regierungen konfrontiert sind. Die Einrichtung von Mechanismen um politisch weniger umstrittene, nicht-traditionelle Sicherheitsthemen anzugehen, wie z.B. Umweltherausforderungen, ist ein erster Schritt dahin, militärische Kooperationen weiter zu entwickeln, zu festigen sowie das politische Vertrauen zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten zu vertiefen. Eine ASEAN-Abruftruppe für Notfall- und Katastrophenhilfe ist bereits eine politisch akzeptable Initiative geworden. Dies könnte den Weg für die Entwicklung einer ASEAN-Friedenstruppe festlegen." (Autorenreferat)

Donald M. Fraser, subcommittee chairman. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Library's copy bound with: Peace Corps authorization for fiscal year 1975; Political situation in Thailand; Political trends in India and Bangladesh; Problems of protecting civilians under international law in the Middle East conflict; Proposed expansion of U.S. military facilities in the Indian Ocean; The repeal of the Rhodesian chrome amendment; Report on Western Hemisphere Foreign Ministers Conference; "Right to peace" resolution; pt. 4 of Soviet activities in Cuba; Supplemental authorizations for the Department of State; Testimony of John Zighdis on American policy toward Greece; To amend the Micronesian Claims Act of 1971; Trade preferences, Latin America and the Caribbean; Treatment of Israeli POW's in Syria and their status under the Geneva Conventions; and Turkish opium ban negotiations. Bound together subsequent to publication.

"Die internationale Gemeinschaft muss die aufsteigende Großmacht China im Interesse der Stabilität konstruktiv und international einbinden, ohne dabei die eigenen regionalen Sicherheitsinteressen Chinas und diejenigen seiner kleineren asiatischen Nachbarstaaten zu übersehen." (Autorenreferat)