Suchergebnisse

The purpose of systems approach for better education results (SABER) - equity and inclusion (E and I) is to help countries ensure that all children go to school and learn. This paper is part of a suite of what matters papers published under the SABER initiative. SABER was launched by the World Bank to help governments systematically examine and strengthen the performance of their education systems so that all children and youth can be equipped with knowledge and skills for life. SABER is organized around a dozen different domains that collect data on country policies in education. This paper is about E and I in education systems. The paper first provides a quick diagnostic of where countries stand in terms of E and I; why E and I matters for the eradication of extreme poverty, shared prosperity, and development; and how the SABER E and I domain is structured. Three policy goals are then emphasized for E and I in education and discussed in subsequent respective chapters: (1) establishing an enabling environment and providing resources needed for an education system to be equitable and inclusive; (2) providing general conditions that enable all children to start school ready to learn and remain in school; and (3) ensuring that all children, especially vulnerable groups of children, learn in school.

"August 1984." ; "Supersedes DA pamphlet 352-2, 15 July 1980"--P. [1] ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 2

Charles Dickens lived during a time when great change was occurring for both the lower and upper classes in Great Britain. The Industrial Revolution brought on new technologies that made it possible to mass-produce products of all kinds, effectively eliminating the need for great amounts of independent workers and farmers. Children's education, too, was a controversial topic that underwent much consideration in Parliament, especially because many of the country's children were working alongside the adults in the factories. Beginning in 1833, new legislation gave government-funded grants to schools and allowed children breaks during work hours specifically for their education, and that eventually led to the "reconstruction and expansion" in the Elementary Education Act of 1870 (Altick 157, Marcham 180). Dickens wrote Hard Times before the government fully funded public education in 1870, but he could already see how having an education based on the "figures and averages" that would get the school more funding from the government was slowly eliminating the need to nurture creativity (Dickens 284). As a political activist, he had plenty to say about the controversies regarding these reforms. Speaking for himself, Dickens affirmed he had "no fear of being misunderstood" because he always communicated exactly what he wanted to say (278). For him, the "powers and purposes of Fiction" were to "stimulate and rouse the public soul to a compassionate or indignant feeling"-not confuse them (284). Author G.K. Chesterton said it best in his biography of Dickens: ".the Dickens novel was popular, not because it was an unreal world, but because it was a real world; a world in which the soul could live" (Chesterton 100). While his novel, Hard Times, does address the conditions of the working class, its most blatant attack is on the pragmatic education of both lower and middle class children. When reading Hard Times, it would be very difficult to ignore Dickens' belief that "a nation without fancy . never did, never can, never will, hold a great place under the sun," which he visibly portrays using the fictitious members of Coketown and the Gradgrind family (Dickens 277).

This report presents the statistics on enrollment, degrees awarded, faculty, tuition and fees, funding, and other factual data in South Carolina state in the last 10 years. ; South Carolina Commission on Higher Education

In New Zealand (NZ) and Japan, despite comprehensive national health and physical education (HPE) curriculums which guide teachers in delivering health education to children in schools, there continue to be significant health issues for children. A qualitative interpretative descriptive research method was used to compare how primary school teachers (5 New Zealanders, 5 Japanese) in both countries delivered HPE and the influence they believed their teaching had on the childrens health. The major child health issue identified by teachers in NZ was obesity/overweightness, while in Japan teachers identified insufficient sleep, inadequate food intake and the polarization between unfit and fit. In New Zealand, there is some freedom in relation to how the school interprets and delivers HPE that enables the schools to address the specific health needs of their community. However, there is disparity in how the curriculum is delivered, particularly between schools in low and high socio-economic areas. In Japan, the government directs what, when, and how HPE is delivered using government-designated textbooks. Therefore, while there is no disparity in the delivery between schools, teachers cannot customize health education according to their students needs. The flexibility of HPE in NZ is both an advantage in that it enables a creative and innovative teaching approach customized to the community in which the school is situated and a disadvantage in that often health education is decided on not according to the needs of the children but according to the available financial resources and teachers enthusiasm. It appears that even low-quality educational lessons could meet the curriculum standards. In Japan, while children do receive education on health issues that may be useful for the future, the HPE curriculum does not address the current health issues the children face. Moreover, it is difficult to teach all the content within the government-designed HPE textbook because of Japans official time designations for health education. This studys results suggest that both countries need to review the delivery and resourcing of their HPE to ensure that children receive education that addresses their current and future health needs and those of their families.

Fifty years after the publication of the Beveridge report women con tinue to confront the welfare state on terms that are discriminatory and oppressive - the enduring legacy of an ideology of womanhood articu lated by Beveridge in his plan for social security. This paper returns to an examination of the Beveridge Committee proceedings as an arena of political struggle in which gender issues were to the forefront in order to understand the manner in which that ideology was constructed and how it came to achieve such dominance. Historical records are examined identifying the involvement of the TUC, representing an overwhelmingly male organised labour move ment, and of a range of women's organisations. It is argued that Beveridge's ideological enterprise gained considerable legitimacy both from enthusiastic TUC support and from a disunited and incoherent form of politics from those women's organisations. It is suggested that much can be learned from that period in the development of a progressive and gender-neutral agenda of social welfare reform.

We present the first estimates of the returns to years of schooling before 1940 using a large sample of individuals (from the 1915 Iowa State Census). The returns to a year of high school or college were substantial in 1915—about 11 percent for all males and in excess of 12 percent for young males. Education enabled individuals to enter lucrative white-collar jobs, but sizable educational wage differentials also existed within occupational groups. Returns were substantial even for those in farming. We find, using U.S. census data, that returns to education decreased between 1915 and 1940 and again during the 1940s.

Deaf education is an incoherent macrosystem whose sub‐systems - e.g., biomedical vs. sociocultural institutions - contradict. Unreconciled tensions cause stagnation, not regeneration, and harmful dissensus in deaf educational sub‐systems. To revitalize deaf education, address these contradictions, and eliminate incoherence, we posit that a deafled systemic transformation of deaf education is necessary; furthermore, we argue it may best be realized through theories and actions constitutive of anarchism. To this end, we synthesize four thematic loci where anarchism overtly aligns with constructs immanent in deaf communities. First, collectivism is necessary for survival in anarchist and deaf communities toward shared goals including equity in education, social labor, and politics. Second, mutual aid is integral - like anarchists who work arm‐in‐arm, deaf individuals and groups exhibit uncanny solidarity across political, cultural, technological, linguistic, and geographical boundaries. Third, direct action tactics overlap in both groups: When facing internal or external threats, both communities effectively rally local mechanisms to affect change. Finally, both groups exhibit a stubborn, existential refusal to be subdued or ruled by outsiders. Reframing systemic dilemmas in deaf education via anarchism is a novel, beneficial praxis that's only been tangentially explored. Centering anarchism in deaf education also generates succor for ongoing struggles about sign language in deaf communities. Toward the horizon of radical equality, our staunchly anarchist analysis of deaf education argues that to guide deaf‐positive system change neoliberalism is inert and neo‐fascism anathema.

Parenting education has been given an increasingly important role in government policies to address social exclusion. This paper examines the basis for investing in parenting programmes and reviews the various different types of parenting education provision. It discusses the evidence on the effectiveness of multi-component and group parenting programmes in modifying parent–child relationships and the outcomes for children and young people. The paper concludes that while such programmes appear to produce beneficial outcomes, it is important that they remain linked to a strategy that does not individualise the causes of social exclusion.