Suchergebnisse

"This book analyses the expulsion of delinquent foreigners and their exclusion from the territory through a comparative lens. The book begins with a vertical perspective, focusing on the effects of European standards on the law of expulsion and entry bans in Germany and the Netherlands, and the law regulating deportation from the United Kingdom. It explores how these countries use their margin of discretion, granted by European law, to solve the societal, political and legal challenges that are posed by delinquent foreigners. Moreover, it highlights the similarities, convergences and differences between these countries' approaches to the topic. Subsequently, the book adopts a horizontal perspective by focusing on the effects of national decisions on other states, thereby addressing transnational administrative acts. National expulsion decisions and entry bans can be given effect throughout European countries, with the consequence that other states are in principle obliged to enforce them by refusing foreigners access to their territory. This obligation arises despite the fact that expulsion decisions and entry bans are adopted on the basis of diverging national provisions. Even though the margin of discretion of national decision makers has already been limited, the remaining differences call for further recommendations, which are put forward in this book"--

The specifics of international organizations stated in the paper contain a particular reference to global financial institutions. It refers to the support of the development of countries in transition. It also states their reconstruction under the patronage of subjects of international law. The authors indicate the importance of the foundation and historical development of international financial institutions, especially the International Monetary Fund, along with its connection with its growing influence in the field of project financing, both regionally and globally. In the second part of the paper, the focus is on the participation of the International Monetary Fund in the reconstruction and revitalization of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the end of the war conflicts in 1995 until today. The comparative review points to the most significant areas that had the support of the International Monetary Fund in the financing of projects but also draws attention to the political side of this support through the imposition of conditions for financial resources to be approved. Through an overview of stand-by arrangements, the authors analyze the connection between the approval of projects by international financial organizations and their relation with the insistence on the implementation of specific reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina

In the past few decades many countries have experienced a surge in crime that is heavily gendered. Men are responsible for much of the rising tide of criminality (and for most criminal offenses prior to the recent surge). This dynamic threatens not only women and children but also societies and polities more generally. Additionally, it occasions serious doubts about state agents' widely touted commitments to law and order and their oft-celebrated claims to prioritize the safety, flourishing, and overall well-being of law-abiding citizens. It is thus paradoxical that mainstream public debates on illegalities and delinquencies oftentimes do not substantively engage the strongly gendered nature of criminal transgression. This article explores such paradoxes by providing interdisciplinary perspectives on the Muslim-majority nation of Malaysia. It draws on nearly three years of ethnographic fieldwork and historical research, supplemented by analysis of court records, media accounts, and other sources, to argue that essentialized categories and conceptual dichotomies in the dominant public narratives on crime contribute to the relative elision of gender in discussions of criminality. The article also addresses the socio-political significance of these dynamics and some of their comparative and theoretical implications. (Crit Asian Stud / GIGA)

The aggression towards Ukraine resulted in blocking its agro–products exports, and
threatened the food security in many African countries, making the agro–exports topic
of not only economic but also of political importance. Therefore, the research aims to
analyse whether the agricultural products exports of Ukraine to the EU are correlated
with the exports of the EU to Africa and if they are, how strong the correlation is. The
data under research are the agricultural products exports from Ukraine to the EU and
from the EU to Africa, which were taken from the Eurostat database. The agricultural
products are the goods from the SITC Groups 0+1. SITC stands for Standard
International Trade Classification, in which Group 0 comprises food and live animals
and Group 1 – beverages and tobacco. The timeframe under analysis is ten years – from
the year 2011 to 2020 included. To reach the aim of the research, empirical analysis,
comparative analysis, statistical analysis, different visualization tools, tabular method,
method of trends, etc., were used. The research itself and its results will be interesting
and useful for public administration officials, companies involved in international trade
and agriculture, academic society representatives, decision-makers at all levels,
beginner and experienced data analysts.

The book explores the competing grand strategic worldviews shaping India's foreign and security policies by analyzing the interaction between normative modern international relations theories and vernacular concepts of statecraft and strategy.To assess the diverse competing ideas which characterize India's debates on grand strategy and foreign policy, the author presents the subculture-cleavage model of grand strategic thought. This innovative analytical framework reveals the complexities of India's strategic pluralism and offers the building blocks for a systematic analysis of grand strategy formation. The book demonstrates that the strategic paradigms, or strategic subcultures, are marked by contending ideas of Indian statehood and civilization, held by policymakers and the informed public, and are a result of ideology-driven perceptions of the country's strategic environment. The author argues that the apparent hybridization and stretching of modern and traditional concepts of international relations in India has become a widespread feature of Indian foreign policy to meet the needs of state formation and nation-building.A unique approach to organizing and understanding the debates and discourse in Indian strategic thinking, the book will be of interest to specialists and students in the field of International Relations, political theory, South Asian Studies, and India's foreign and security policy

Both Atatürk's and Reza Shah's reforms and policies regarding women and their rights and roles in the newly established nation states have been criticised for not altering patriarchal gender roles and practices and for eradicating the independent women's movements which had been hitherto active for decades. However, I argue that there is still a need for a more accurate analysis and reconceptualization of the relationship between the state and the women's movement in Iran and Turkey at the turn of the 20th century. I propose the concept of 'reciprocal gain' as an alternative reading of the relationship between the two in this critical period since it better describes the dynamics of this complex relationship with an emphasis on 'reciprocity' and does justice to the agency of the activist women by acknowledging their 'gain.' Based on a comparative analysis of the primary and secondary sources on the subject in both countries, this paper reinterprets women's activism and their dynamic relations with the state and concludes that their activism in this period was pragmatically designed, took strategic forms in the fast-changing political contexts, and managed to insert a great influence on the policies of the nation states.

Modern slavery—denoting acute exploitation of people for personal or commercial gain—is said to affect nearly 50 million people around the globe, making it a global issue that requires coordinated crosssectoral and integrated responses. Some efforts have been made to that effect, including through an emerging legislative regulation at domestic and regional levels. Migrants, in particular those with unsettled status, are particularly vulnerable to modern forms of slavery due to manifold enabling circumstances, including the lack of, or capacity to offer them, protection or limited access to legitimate forms of employment or social protection. However, global responses to migrant smuggling and irregular migrants are in stark contrast to the commitments made to address modern slavery. The increasing focus on the securitisation of migration obscures the underlying social, economic and political 'push' factors that fuel modern slavery. Thus, a more comprehensive response is needed that examines the issues of migration management, market regulation and development more widely. This paper uses a comparative lens to examine global developments in regulating labour-related forms of modern slavery vis-à-vis migration management in the context of achieving sustainable development goals.
Received: 31 July 2022Accepted: 10 October 2022

AbstractReform of social care for older and disabled people has become a pressing political issue, given demographic change and shifting public expectations. In the UK, social insurance for long‐term care wasn't included in the post‐war welfare state and remains unfinished business. Drawing on semi‐structured interviews with policy stakeholders and analysis of policy documents, the concept of policy drift is used here to explain the incomplete and variable progress on social care funding reform in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Each nation has jurisdiction over its own care system and each has taken a different path towards introducing a form of risk pooling for social care. Of the factors which are known to create policy drift (e.g., veto players, complexity, agenda overload), Scotland has the least of these and England the most. This is consistent with the reform trajectories in which Scotland has gone furthest on care funding reform, introducing free personal care in 2002, whereas England has lagged behind the others and is only now introducing reform. The article contributes to the drift literature by exposing its comparative element: polities define their progress or justify their delays in reference to their neighbours.

The urgency of the investigated problem is caused by the state regulation of foreign economic relations is one of the priority political tasks. In the first half of the XIX century, when the era of colonial world division ended, the spheres of influence and colonial expansion of the world powers were outlined. During this period, rivalry with England in Central Asia, Iran and Transcaucasia proved strategically important to Russia. These territories had long been economic partners for Russia. The paper aims to show the role of specially created bodies in the Russian Empire in regulating trade and economic relations of the state with the countries of Central Asia, using general scientific and special-historical methods. The leading methods in the presented study are the method of institutional analysis, problem analysis, and comparative-historical method. Results show that In 1819, the Asia Department and the Asia Committee were established within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs due to reorganizations and the search for the best solution to the urgent problems of economic cooperation with Asian countries. A main task of regulating economic relations was customs and tariff regulation. The compilation and enactment of the Asian Tariff was central to the activities of the bodies that controlled Russian-Asian trade.

AbstractDo international organizations (IOs) actually help address global problems? This question is of major concern for global governance scholars and policy makers, yet few existing studies review issues of effectiveness across a range of different issue areas. This paper generates comparative insights on IO performance across seven policy domains, namely climate change, development, finance, investment, migration, security, and trade. Based on a detailed expert survey, we consider how key IOs in these issue areas perform across three different measures of effectiveness: constitutive effectiveness, compliance, and goal achievement. We also investigate causal claims on effectiveness, exploring how IO institutional design – and in particular measures of authority – influence their ability to shape policy outcomes. Taking stock of the distribution of authority across issue areas and policy functions, we ask whether highly formalized, deeply constraining institutional arrangements have a consistently stronger impact on state behaviour or whether less formalized institutions with fewer discretionary powers can also contribute to the effective implementation of internationally coordinated policies. Finally, we identify key cross‐cutting challenges for global governance effectiveness, including political conflict and politicization, concerns related to legitimacy and representation, and growing problem complexity.

The purpose of the proposed research is to form conceptual state policy foundations of regulating public-private partnerships development of countries with economies in transition. The need for substantiation of the regulating state policy of public-private partnership development in the transition economy and transformation processes has determined the topic relevance. The development of theoretical foundations for the state policy is based on systemic and institutional methodological approaches. There were used the method of comparative analysis, statistical analysis, structuring, method of abstraction and formalization. It has been determined that insufficient activity of countries with economies in transition in the public-private partnership projects implementation is due to imperfect legal framework, lack of clarity in the distribution of risks between agreement participants, political crisis and instability, lack of a unified state policy to develop partnerships. The principles of promoting the public-private partnership relations in countries with economies in transition have been identified, which include the formation of advanced legal mechanisms and systems of regulatory bodies, that monitor the public-private partnership implementation; stakeholder support by taking into account private interests, public authorities and end users; careful business partners selection. Basic determinants and a set of conceptual requirements for policy formation have been formed.

The ability to predict student performance creates opportunities to improve educational outcomes. Exploring the possibilities of measuring variables that could significantly influence the academic performance is fundamental to the realization of technological and scientific development, political, and socio-economic advancement, and success in life. This descriptive-relational study anchored on the Theory of Educational Productivity by Herbert Walberg utilized Multiple Regression Analyses to investigate the predictive ability of Adversity Quotient, Emotional Intelligence, and Personality on Academic Performance of Psychology students in a state college. Using convenience and quota sampling procedures, one hundred students (50 males and 50 females) were selected to participate in the study. Mean and standard deviation were used for descriptive analysis, Mann Whitney U test for comparative analysis, and Spearman Rho Correlation for relational analysis. Results revealed that collectively, the levels of Adversity Quotient, Emotional Intelligence, and Personality of the participants were "Average", while their Academic Performance was "Superior". No significant differences were noted among all the study variables regardless of their demographic characteristic. Emotional stability yielded a positive relationship with the academic performance of participants and predicted 51.8% of the increase in their academic performance. Moreover, empirical evidence suggests mentorship is effective in fostering the student's emotional stability.

There is little research done on the social agenda of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). As an analysis of the organization's social agenda is relevant to the challenges and opportunities offered by COVID-19, this article aims to draw lessons for SAARC from the development model of the European Union (EU). Erstwhile literature on SAARC has not compared its progress in terms of social development with that of the EU. Hence, this study aims to answer the following questions: What are the key differences between the social development approaches of the two organizations, and what can SAARC learn from the EU's social model? The analysis in this research is largely based on an extensive review of official documents from the EU and SAARC. This article argues that collective social development is in line with SAARC's functionalist approach that prioritizes cooperation in non-controversial areas like human security. Based on the comparative analysis, this article proposes a three-tier social development approach for comprehensive social development across South Asia. This study argues that, despite its socio-economic and political challenges, SAARC has a lot to gain from adopting the EU's social model.

Abstract
In this article, I consider a curious blind spot in constitutional scholarship concerning the resurging rural/urban divide—a readily evident phenomenon closely associated with political resentment and anti-establishment sentiments—and how we may begin to address that challenge through creative constitutional designs. Specifically, I draw upon insights from comparative constitutionalism to discuss four main areas of constitutional law and theory that appear to hold some intellectual promise in this context: (i) formal constitutional commitment at the national level to recognizing the urban/rural divide and commitment to addressing it; (ii) creative electoral system designs that take into account the spatial dimension of politics; (iii) spatial pluralization based on concepts such as "mixed constitutions," "community standards," and "margin of appreciation"; and (iv) rethinking elements of equalization and fiscal federalism more generally. Taken together, the four directions I discuss here offer a repertoire of constitutional design possibilities that hold promise in mitigating the resurging rural/urban gulf. More generally, they serve as an invitation to constitutional thinkers to shake up the rather stagnant constitutional thought of spatial governance, and to think creatively about the ever-expanding urban/rural divide and its consequences for the theory and practice of 21st century constitutional democracy.

AbstractModern social collectivities—such as nations, publics, and political movements—depend upon the capacity of media technologies to transcend bodily proximity. The contemporary proliferation of such remote sociality may seem to render physical gatherings superfluous. But at times, people go to great pains to manifest collectivities by assembling bodies in one place. This article explores what we should make of cases in which it is not enough for collectivities to be projected, abstracted, imagined, or invoked—times when bodies together are all that will do. Presenting research from India and Laos, and in dialogue with reflections on the COVID‐19 pandemic, we consider those cases in which bodies are thought to be essential for making collectivities. We show that it is the limits and weaknesses of bodies—that they require sleep and food, that they are vulnerable to police batons and thrown stones, that they can usually only be in one place at a time—that often make them potent materials for building mass actors. Sketching a comparative anthropology of gathering, we reflect on what these limits afford and rethink what bodies might mean for future modes of social connection.