Suchergebnisse

A major purpose of the Constitution was to place control of foreign relations firmly in the hands of the national Government. In 1788 James Madison wrote in The Federalist: "If we are to be one nation in any respect, it clearly ought to be in respect to other nations." Yet a recent article, 200 years later, reports approvingly that "more than 1000 U.S. state and local governments of all political stripes are participating in foreign affairs, and their numbers are expanding." Criticizing this development, another recent article comments: "The national interest demands that local interference in foreign and defense policy be curtailed before the federal government finds itself hamstrung by hundreds of would-be secretaries of state touting their own parochial agendas. … Foreign policy must be made in Washington and not in the citizens' backyards." My intent here is briefly to describe the current situation, and to indicate some of the legal and policy factors relevant to assessing the propriety of state and local government involvement in foreign affairs.

The rise & fall of a day-care movement in Toronto, Ontario, between 1946 & 1951 is described. In 1942 the Canadian federal government embarked on a day-care cost-sharing program that, by the end of the war, had prompted the establishment of 35 day nurseries & care centers in the Toronto area. In response to protests, the federal government adopted a contradictory policy -- setting high minimum regulations & standards of care, but placing the burden of day-care provision on the less financially capable provincial & municipal governments; 22 day-care centers subsequently closed. Broad-based political action groups, led in large part by members of the Canadian Communist Party, succeeded in preserving some services; however, child-care organizing & service soon became linked to communism, & government bodies, citing the threat of communism, became increasingly hostile to day-care reform. This, in turn, undermined the broad-based alliances, & by late 1951, the day-care movement was effectively demolished. Implications of this for the feminist movement & for Marxist social theory are discussed. D. Generoli

The pandemic COVID-19 became a challenge for both societies and governments. While most countries and citizens reacted similarly to the unknown strength of the virus at the start of the pandemic, the situation in each country began to vary more and more each month. Poland and Slovakia are interesting cases in this context. One year after the WHO declared a pandemic, these countries are experiencing one of the worst crises in history. In Poland, despite the initial social mobilisation, after a very short time, many government decisions ceased to be perceived as protecting citizens. In the first period of the pandemic, the Slovak government coped with the situation much better, which changed significantly in the autumn of 2020. The article aims to analyse how an active "rally 'round the flag" effect and the resulting natural potential for social mobilisation to fight the pandemic were wasted in Poland and Slovakia due to irresponsible political decisions undermining the citizens 'trust in the governments' good intentions.

Ethnic and tribal loyalties in Afghanistan provided the lethal cocktail for the violent conflict that engulfed the country following the collapse of the Soviet backed government in 1992. The ensuing fighting between mujahideen groups paved the way for the tectonic social and political shifts, which continue to shape events today. What accounts for the emergence of ethnicity, as the main cause of conflict in Afghanistan? What moved people to respond with such fervour and intensity to calls for ethnic solidarity? This book attempts to make sense of ethnicity's decisive role in Afghanistan through a comprehensive exploration of its nature and perception. Based on new data, generated through interviews, field notes and participant observations, Sharma maps the increased role of ethnicity in Afghan national politics. Key social, political and historical processes that facilitated its emergence as the pre-dominant fault-line of conflict are explored, moving away from grand political and military narrative to instead engage with zones of conflict as social spaces. This book will be of interest to students and scholars working in politics, ethnic studies and security studies. --

This paper identifies the political and institutional conditions that encourage parties to construct long-term agreements for effective public policymaking. It examines Costa Rica, a country that gradually departed, by the mid-twentieth century, from the all too common mixture of political instability and economic stagnation characteristic of much of the developing world. This paper claims that this country has benefited from better than average public policies, a conclusion based upon an original assessment of policy effectiveness and a major comparative ranking of state policies undertaken by the Inter-American Bank. It argues that public sector performance is a product of a small number of political actors and highly competitive elections that forced parties to develop policies to placate the median voter. It explains how effective policymaking is also a product of an innovative constitutional design, one that bans a standing army, minimizes inter-branch conflict and that devolves important policymaking responsibilities to an independent bureaucracy. ; Este documento identifica las condiciones institucionales y políticas que alientan a los partidos a construir acuerdos de largo plazo para un efectivo diseño de políticas públicas. Analiza a Costa Rica, un país que gradualmente se alejó, a mediados del siglo XX, de la combinación típica de inestabilidad política y estancamiento económico, característica de gran parte del mundo en desarrollo. El documento afirma que este país se ha beneficiado de políticas públicas cuya calidad ha sido superior al promedio latinoamericano, una conclusión que se basa en una evaluación original de las políticas públicas en Costa Rica y de una innovadora categorización de políticas estatales del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo. Este estudio también argumenta que al desempeño en el sector público es producto de un número pequeño de actores políticos y elecciones altamente competitivas que obligaron a los partidos políticos a desarrollar políticas públicas para satisfacer al votante mediano. Así mismo, el estudio explica que la efectividad de las políticas públicas también es resultado de un diseño constitucional innovador, uno que prohíbe un ejército activo, minimiza conflictos entre los poderes del Estado y que delega responsabilidades importantes en el diseño de las políticas a una burocracia independiente.

It is argued that the Covid-19 pandemic has affected the political sphere, in particular the transformation of political regimes. Situational factors such as the Covid-19 pandemic are proven to exacerbate the authoritarian characteristics of the political regime, especially in states with an unstable democratic tradition. The key manifestations of the strengthening of neo-authoritarianism, which became apparent during the pandemic, are identified: imbalance between the branches of government; postponement of regular elections; introduction of new methods of mass surveillance; narrowing of guaranteed human and citizen rights and freedoms; increased censorship and pressure on the media; pressure on the opposition and critical segment of civil society, etc. It is substantiated that the coronavirus pandemic has had a destructive effect on the quality of democracy in states with all types of political regimes, especially in states with flawed democracies, hybrid and authoritarian regimes. The hypothesis is confirmed that autocratic state leaders, having experienced the benefits of their expanded competence during the pandemic, seek to retain their additional powers.

"Hailed as one of Boston's most beloved mayors and its longest serving, Thomas Menino (1942-2014) deftly managed the city's finances and transformed Boston into the hub of innovation that it is today. During his time in office, Boston embraced modern industrial growth and moved forward with noteworthy developments that altered neighborhoods, while also facing ongoing racial strife, challenges of unaffordable housing, and significant public union negotiations. Mayors in modern American cities occupy unique positions as government leaders who need to remain active parts of their communities in addition to being tasked with fixing neighborhood issues, managing crises, and keeping schools and public infrastructure on course. Situating news coverage alongside interviews with the mayor and his administration, political scientist Wilbur C. Rich chronicles Menino's time in office while also considering his personal and professional background, his larger-than-life personality, and his ambitions. Menino's approach to these challenges and opportunities offers enduring lessons to anyone interested in urban government and political leadership"--

Eleanor M. Wheeler, a correspondent for the Religious News Service, wrote letters from Prague to her friends in the USA from 1947 to 1957. Her husband, George Shaw Wheeler, was a colonel in the US Army and the chief of the de-Nazification section of the Manpower Division of the Office of the Military Government (OMGUS). While in Germany in 1946, Wheeler's contract was not renewed, mainly due to suspicions that he was disloyal to the US government and had connections to the communist movement. Afterwards the entire family moved to Prague, where in 1951 they applied for political asylum. The correspondence depicts ten years of life in Czechoslovakia—from the rise of communism through high Stalinism to the de-Stalinization of the country—from the perspective of pro-Communist–minded Americans. Thematically, the correspondence covers a wide range of political, cultural, and social topics, including the Cold War, the Korean War, the role of Christians in mediating dialogue between East and West, McCarthyism, and topics focused on the internal politics of Czechoslovakia

"Privatising Criminal Justice explores the social, cultural, and political context of privatisation in the criminal justice sector. In recent years, the criminal justice sector has made various strategic partnerships with the private sector, exemplified by initiatives within the police, the prison system, and offender services. This has seen unprecedented growth in the past thirty years, and a veritable explosion under the tenure of the Coalition government in the United Kingdom. This book highlights key areas of domestic and global concern and illustrates, with detail, case studies of important developments. It connects the study of criminology and criminal justice to the wider study of public policy, government institutions, and political decision making. In doing so, Privatising Criminal Justice provides a theoretical and practical framework for evaluating collaborative public and private sector response to social problems at the beginning of the twenty-first century. An accessible and compelling read, this book will appeal to students and scholars of criminology, criminal justice, sociology, politics and all those interested in how privatisation has shaped the contemporary criminal justice system"--

Eleanor M. Wheeler, a correspondent for the Religious News Service, wrote letters from Prague to her friends in the USA from 1947 to 1957. Her husband, George Shaw Wheeler, was a colonel in the US Army and the chief of the de-Nazification section of the Manpower Division of the Office of the Military Government (OMGUS). While in Germany in 1946, Wheeler's contract was not renewed, mainly due to suspicions that he was disloyal to the US government and had connections to the communist movement. Afterwards the entire family moved to Prague, where in 1951 they applied for political asylum. The correspondence depicts ten years of life in Czechoslovakia--from the rise of communism through high Stalinism to the de-Stalinization of the country--from the perspective of pro-Communist-minded Americans. Thematically, the correspondence covers a wide range of political, cultural, and social topics, including the Cold War, the Korean War, the role of Christians in mediating dialogue between East and West, McCarthyism, and topics focused on the internal politics of Czechoslovakia.

"Privatising Criminal Justice explores the social, cultural, and political context of privatisation in the criminal justice sector. In recent years, the criminal justice sector has made various strategic partnerships with the private sector, exemplified by initiatives within the police, the prison system, and offender services. This has seen unprecedented growth in the past thirty years, and a veritable explosion under the tenure of the Coalition government in the United Kingdom. This book highlights key areas of domestic and global concern and illustrates, with detail, case studies of important developments. It connects the study of criminology and criminal justice to the wider study of public policy, government institutions, and political decision making. In doing so, Privatising Criminal Justice provides a theoretical and practical framework for evaluating collaborative public and private sector response to social problems at the beginning of the twenty-first century. An accessible and compelling read, this book will appeal to students and scholars of criminology, criminal justice, sociology, politics and all those interested in how privatisation has shaped the contemporary criminal justice system"--

This book, first published in 1979, is an analysis of the wartime Ministry of Information, responsible for the maintenance of public morale. How was it that British morale remained high, yet the department responsible was so bad? This book examines the domestic work of the Ministry and offers an unprecedented insight into the mind of both government and people during the war. It answers key questions: How did a government department assess and set about maintaining morale? How did it handle the social and political questions associated with morale - post-war social reform, press freedom and censorship, the nature of the Soviet regime? How sound in fact was civilian morale, on the basis of the secret Wartime Intelligence reports then available? One of the most fascinating aspects of this book is the Ministry's constant internal debate on how its responsibilities should best be carried out. It is a key work of research on the political, psychological and mass communications problems facing a society at war.

Chapter 1 Nigeria After a Century of Nationhood -- Chapter 2 Nigeria up to 1914: Some Emerging Political and Economic Issues -- Chapter 3 Nigeria Between 1914 and 1960: Constitutional Changes and Crises in an Era of Colonialism -- Chapter 4 Post-Colonial Nigeria: Power and Politics in the First Republic, 1960-66 -- Chapter 5 The Executive Arm of Government in Nigeria -- Chapter 6 The National Assembly -- Chapter 7 The Judiciary in Nigeria: Its Many Phases and Challenges -- Chapter 8 Federalism in Nigeria -- Chapter 9 Local Government and Governance in Nigeria -- Chapter 10 Political Party and Party Politics in Nigeria -- Chapter 11 Election and Electoral Administration in Nigeria -- Chapter 12 Nigerian Economy during Colonial Era: An Overview -- Chapter 13 The Nigerian Debt Crisis -- Chapter 14 Nationalism and National Integration in Nigeria -- Chapter 15 The Niger Delta, Oil Politics and the Nigerian State -- Chapter 16 Population Census Administration in Nigeria Chapter -- 17 Military Intervention in Nigerian Politics -- Chapter 18 Civil-Military Relations in Nigeria -- Chapter 19 Inter-Group Relations and Party Politics in Nigeria -- Chapter 20 Politics of Pension Reform in Nigeria.

"Sovereign debt default is an often catastrophic form of economic crisis that can affect the entire global economy. The IMF predicts that, in the coming years, over 50 countries are at risk of default. Yet, we understand little about the political determinants of this decision to renege on promises to international creditors. This book develops and tests the first unified theory of how domestic politics explains sovereign default across dictatorships and democracies. I argue that both democratic and autocratic governments will default when doing so is necessary for their political survival; however, regime type has a significant impact on what specific kinds of threats leaders face. While dictatorships are concerned with avoiding urban riots, democratic governments are concerned with losing elections, in particular the support of rural voting blocs. Using cross-national data and historical case studies, I show that leaders under each regime type are more likely to default when doing so allows them to keep funding costly policies supporting critical bases of support."

'Look Where We're Going' is written by someone who has been at the centre of British government and international affairs for half a century, it looks afresh at the ideas, hopes, lessons and largely unintended consequences of successive generations of political leaders; it shows us how to 'Look Where We're Going'. Based on deep personal experience, the author is one of the few left who served in Margaret Thatcher's first Cabinet of just over forty years ago. Howell gives us a new picture of the dramas deep inside government and how yesterday's clashes of ideology and personality have led to today's unanticipated turmoil. Old assumptions are torn apart and accepted versions of what occurred are unravelled. Howell shows how technology has made much of our conventional political vocabulary obsolete, how we now need quite different types of leadership serving new priorities and how, while we wrestle with the issues just before our eyes, much bigger forces are at work which are re-shaping our lives and our future