Studies of duelling in drama have traditionally focused on the actual skills involved in enacting a combat onstage. But the history of the judicial combat and the elements of rhetoric and performance comprised in the conventions of duelling render its dramatic representation more complex than previous scholarship has acknowledged. This project begins by examining the duel as social practice. Associated with military customs and legal procedure for several centuries, the single combat became an overdetermined class marker in the late sixteenth century. It evolved from a civil procedure (trial by combat) into the duel of honor, which state authorities and the Crown tried to suppress. Because of its extralegal status, its practice could imply a rebellion against the Crown's increasing arrogation of aristocratic prerogatives. But paradoxically the duel's popularity helped to contain violence: the custom served as an alternative to blood-feuds, and the practice of duelling was regulated by the rigid ceremonies and precedents documented in contemporary fencing manuals. These texts suggest that the duel functioned as a social skill, particularly for aspiring members of the gentry. ; Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-08, Section: A, page: 3508. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Virginia, 1996.
Since their inception, the actual use of nuclear weapons in conflict is extremely limited. There have been only two documented occurrences which were committed exclusively by the United States. By contrast, however, state posturing with nuclear weapons occurs with regularity transcending historical situations, national wealth, military power, or even the actual possession of nuclear weapons. Rationalist arguments that depict nuclear posturing as a means of deterrence appear insufficient given its tendency to unbalance perceptions of equilibrium, and the public nature in which it occurs. Instead, I examine nuclear posturing by the United States during the Cold War as a form of political ritual providing for three distinctive, but complementary functions. First, posturing was a means to create coherence between foreign nuclear policy and domestic civil defense by manipulating symbols of fear. Second, posturing allowed the state to present itself in its new role as a shamanic authority over a new and powerful realm. Finally, posturing allowed for a normalization of the contradictory roles assumed by the state as it upheld its commission to defend the citizenry by means that would most probably destroy them all. ; 2005-08-01 ; M.A. ; Arts and Sciences, Department of Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.
Constitutional Law--Armed Forces--Courts-Martial Jurisdiction over Military Personnel Limited to Service--Connected Offenses ============================ Constitutional Law--Desegregation--Public Housing Authority Required to Build Most Units in White Neighborhoods ============================= Constitutional Law--Double Jeopardy--Fifth Amendment's Guarantee against Double Jeopardy is Applicable to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment ============================= Constitutional Law--Garnishment--Prejudgment Wage Garnishment, in Absence of Conditions Requiring the Special Protection of a State or Creditor Interest, Violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment ============================== Constitutional Law--State Taxation--State Use Tax Invalidly Applied to Fuel Gas Used as an Integral Part of Interstate Commerce ============================== Corporations--Corporate Director Accountable to Corporation Under State Law for Profits Realized from Insider Stock Trading Without a Showing of Damage to the Corporation ============================== National Banks--Investment Companies--National Banks May Establish Collective Investment Funds ============================== Public Welfare--Section 402(a)(23) of Social Security Act Neither Prohibits State Reductions of ADC Grants Nor Compels Affirmative Increases ============================== Taxation--Deductions--Wife's Traveling Expenses Deductible When Her Presence Serves Her Husband's Business Purpose ============================== Taxation--Section 514 of the Soldiers' and Sailors' Civil Relief Act Does Not Prohibit State Sales and Use Taxes on Non-Resident Servicemen
When a revolutionary movement seizes power, a Communist one no less than others, it faces the extra-revolutionary task of establishing a loyal and efficient military organisation to consolidate its conquests. In order to ensure unchallenged loyalty, the leaders of the revolution must, first of all, fill the army with their supporters. In order to secure an efficient phalanx, they are at the same time compelled to professionalise their fighting force. However, in the midst of a profound sociopolitical upheaval, these two objectives are not easily fused into one. The North Korean People's Army (NKPA), however, was in a unique position for its strengthening processes from its foundation in 1945. First of all, the NKPA did not need to fight against well-equipped Japanese forces. Secondly, it did not face such complex problems as the dispersal of enemy officer cadres, the securing of enemy loyalty and sympathy, a Civil War and its aftermath, all of which had caused considerable worries to the Communists in the Soviet Union and China. When absolute loyalty is doubtful, officers' professional qualifications are a dubious asset. The Party can never relax its leadership for the sake of a more professional army.
One of the most important powers of the United States Senate—but one largely neglected in studies of Congress—is that of passing upon presidential appointments. At its regular session in 1950, the Senate granted its "advice and consent" to 25,590 nominations and rejected 4; in addition, 6 nominations were withdrawn by the President and 99 were not acted upon. The great bulk of these cases, some 23,056 of them, involved the promotions of military and naval officers, and were routinely approved. Another 1,197 nominations were of postmasters, now appointed after a civil service examination, whose approval by the Senate is pro forma. The remaining 1,446 nominations submitted by the President were for "other civilian" offices. It is with regard to this last group that the function of senatorial confirmation takes on importance. Even this number is much too great for the Senate as a body to consider, and during each session of Congress there are ordinarily less than a dozen contested confirmation cases which require consideration by the Senate itself. In general, no other function of the Senate is so completely delegated to its committees, which in turn act largely on the recommendations of individual Senators with regard to federal appointments within their states.
The Purpose: Perspective on the Larger Aspects. The present purpose is not to examine in detail the first year of war administration, but to place some of the larger aspects of the record in such perspective as is possible at close range. Accordingly, four topics will be considered: (1) the theoretic requirements of total-war management; (2) some qualifying factors that must be taken into account in applying these theoretic requirements to appraisal of the actual administrative record; (3) observations pertinent to such appraisal; and (4) conclusion.Managerial Requirements of Total War. Public administration is never so difficult or so crucial as in time of total war. It then becomes the appropriate function of Congress to vote the vast lump-sum appropriations, and to make the broad delegations of power that the President needs, and for the rest, to prod the Commander-in-Chief and his civil and military aides by constructive criticism and suggestion, and to act as a sounding board for public opinion back home, so as to enable executive leadership to deal intelligently with that opinion. Indeed, the latter functions must be exercised with courageous discretion, if fatal errors are not to be forced upon administrators by selfish pressure-groups or uninformed lay opinion.
"The tour of the Candidates: Gen. Obregón in Guadalajara, Gen. Gómez in Puebla." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 18, 1927. "Punishment for those who flout the norms." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 18, 1927. Large rally in Puebla to welcome Gen. Arnulfo R. Gómez; speeches by Gen. Arnulfo R. Gómez and Calixto Maldonado, B.A. Merging of the Serranistas and Gomistas. "Dreams are just that." EL UNIVERSAL. Mexico, D.F. July 18, 1927. Commentary on honor and the ideal patriotism of the candidates as what really matters rather than being civilian or military. / "La Jira de los Candidatos: El Gral. Obregón en Guadalajara, el Gral. Gómez en Puebla". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 18, 1927. "Castigo para aquellos que pisoteen los principios". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 18, 1927. Gran manifestación en Puebla para recibir al Gral. Arnulfo R. Gómez; discursos del Gral. Arnulfo R. Gómez y del Lic. Calixto Maldonado. Fusión de Serranistas y Gomistas. "Los Sueños, sueños son". EL UNIVERSAL. México, D.F. Julio 18, 1927. Comenta que es la honradez y el patriotismo de los candidatos el ideal electoral a perseguir, no el que sea civil o militar.
The presented research topic is particularly relevant due to the high value and the need to strengthen fi nancial control for the development of the military-industrial complex (MIC), to ensure the country's economic security, preservation and development of scientifi c and technical potential. The urgency of acquiring those aspects of economic relations which are connected with the supply the export of high-tech military products in a limited budget funding State should have levers of infl uence on the functioning of the military-industrial complex, the ability to pursue an independent foreign military-technical policy. In the new economic conditions, it became necessary to address the problems of fi nancial security of the defense-industrial complex, in order to strengthen the independence and security of Russia, as well as the need to give priority nature of the measures of state control in the economy related to the implementation of the defense order, ie, in the sphere of military-industrial complex. At the present stage of economic development of Russia, the rate of growth of the national economy largely depends on what the situation is in the military-industrial complex (MIC). This is due to the fact that the defense industry is the most high-quality, high-tech economy. It concentrated the largest part of the Russian potential, the best staff of scientists and experts. Products and DIC technology widely used in other industries. The modern military-industrial complex produces a signifi cant part of civil production. DIC integration with civilian industries – it is also a technological basis for solving the basic problems currently facing the Russian economy, and, above all, the basis of the formation of a new technological basis for the development of high technology and competitive products, which determines the pace of scientifi c and technological progress and the growth of the national economy. Objectives. The aim of the paper is the development of guidelines, forms and ways to improve the effi ciency of the state fi nancial control in the sphere of military-industrial complex (MIC), as a means of providing fi nancial and defense interests of the State and the identifi cation of fi nancial resources to accelerate economic development of Russia. Methods. The methodological basis of this article are the economic and statistical analysis methods, regulatory documents in the fi eld of economic security and fi nancial controls, publications in the fi eld of economic and fi nancial security and the state fi nancial control, public analyzes in the fi eld of development of the defense-industrial complex. Results. Considering that the defense industry management will be converted, you must use the positive international economic experience to improve the eff ectiveness of state fi nancial control in the MIC. However, in the interests of the state and society to create a system of eff ective state fi nancial control of defense companies require a special approach and the following tasks: The need to determine the fi nancial content and objectives of state control in the sphere of militaryindustrial complex; The need to analyze the defense industry as a specifi c object of fi nancial control by the state in the market conditions for its implementation; Identify the features of the implementation of fi nancial control in the process of military-technical cooperation, as well as to reveal the main problems of state fi nancial control; determine the status of the organization of state fi nancial control DIC and reserves for its improvement. Implementation of eff ective state fi nancial control of the military-industrial complex, as well as the determination of the directions of its improvement in the transformation of the market economy is an objective necessity. Conclusions and Relevance. The practical signifi cance of the work lies in the orientation of the provisions of the conclusions and recommendations of the work in wide use to improve the effi ciency of state fi nancial control in the fi eld of defense and security, and the proposals contained in the article (on improvement of state fi nancial control in the MIC) may be used by the legislative and executive bodies of Russian Federation, including bodies of state fi nancial control and the Ministry of Defence, in the current activity. ; Представленная тема исследования особенно актуальна в связи с высоким значением и необходимостью укрепления финансового контроля, данная тематика имеет значение для развития оборонно-промышленного комплекса (ОПК) и обеспечения экономической безопасности страны, важна для сохранения и развития научно-технического потенциала страны. Актуальность приобретают именно те аспекты экономических отношений, которые связаны с поставками на экспорт высокотехнологичной продукции военного назначения. В условиях ограниченного бюджетного финансирования государство должно иметь рычаги воздействия на функционирование оборонно-промышленного комплекса, возможность проводить самостоятельную внешнюю военно-техническую политику. В новых экономических условиях возникла необходимость решения проблем финансового обеспечения организаций оборонно-промышленного комплекса, в целях укрепления независимости и безопасности России, а также подчеркивается приоритетный характер мер государственного контроля, связанных с выполнением оборонного заказа, т.е. в сфере оборонно-промышленного комплекса. На современном этапе экономическое развитие России, темпы роста национальной экономики во многом зависят от того, какая ситуация складывается в оборонно-промышленном комплексе (ОПК). Это обусловлено тем, что ОПК представляет собой наиболее качественный, высокотехнологичный сектор экономики. В нем сосредоточена наибольшая часть российского потенциала, лучшие кадры ученых и специалистов. Продукция и технологии ОПК широко используются в других отраслях. Современный оборонно-промышленный комплекс производит значительную часть гражданской продукции. Интеграция ОПК с гражданскими отраслями промышленности является технологической основой для решения основных задач, стоящих перед российской экономикой, и, прежде всего, основой формирования новой технологической базы для развития наукоемкой и конкурентоспособной продукции, определяющей темпы научно-технического прогресса и темпы роста национальной экономики.Цель / задачи. Целью статьи является разработка основных направлений, форм и путей повышения эффективности государственного финансового контроля в сфере оборонно-промышленного комплекса (ОПК), как средства обеспечения финансовых и оборонных интересов государства и выявления финансовых ресурсов ускорения экономического развития России.Методология. Методической основой данной статьи являются экономико-статистические методы анализа, нормативно-правовые документы в области обеспечения экономической безопасности и финансового контроля, публикации в области обеспечения экономической и финансовой безопасности и государственного финансового контроля, открытые аналитические материалы в области развития оборонно-промышленного комплекса.Результаты. Учитывая, что управления ОПК будут преобразованы, необходимо использовать положительный международный экономический опыт для повышения эффективности государственного финансового контроля в ОПК. Вместе с тем, в интересах государства и общества создание системы эффективного государственного финансового контроля предприятий ОПК требуется особый подход и решение следующих задач: необходимость определить финансовое содержание и цели государственного контроля в сфере оборонно-промышленного комплекса; необходимость проанализировать ОПК как специфический объект финансового контроля со стороны государства в рыночных условиях его осуществления; выявить особенности реализации финансового контроля в процессе военно-технического сотрудничества, а также раскрыть основные проблемы государственного финансового контроля; определить состояние организации государственного финансового контроля ОПК и резервы его совершенствования. Осуществление эффективного государственного финансового контроля оборонно-промышленного комплекса, а также определение направлений его совершенствования в период трансформации рыночной экономики является объективной необходимостью.Выводы / значимость. Практическая значимость работы заключается в ориентации положений, выводов и рекомендаций работы, ориентированных на широкое использование и повышение эффективности государственного финансового контроля в области обороны и безопасности, а предложения, изложенные в статье (по совершенствованию государственного финансового контроля в ОПК) могут использоваться законодательными и исполнительными органами Российской Федерации, в том числе и органами государственного финансового контроля и Министерством обороны, в текущей деятельности.
Представленная тема исследования особенно актуальна в связи с высоким значением и необходимостью укрепления финансового контроля, данная тематика имеет значение для развития оборонно-промышленного комплекса (ОПК) и обеспечения экономической безопасности страны, важна для сохранения и развития научно-технического потенциала страны. Актуальность приобретают именно те аспекты экономических отношений, которые связаны с поставками на экспорт высокотехнологичной продукции военного назначения. В условиях ограниченного бюджетного финансирования государство должно иметь рычаги воздействия на функционирование оборонно-промышленного комплекса, возможность проводить самостоятельную внешнюю военно-техническую политику. В новых экономических условиях возникла необходимость решения проблем финансового обеспечения организаций оборонно-промышленного комплекса, в целях укрепления независимости и безопасности России, а также подчеркивается приоритетный характер мер государственного контроля, связанных с выполнением оборонного заказа, т.е. в сфере оборонно-промышленного комплекса. На современном этапе экономическое развитие России, темпы роста национальной экономики во многом зависят от того, какая ситуация складывается в оборонно-промышленном комплексе (ОПК). Это обусловлено тем, что ОПК представляет собой наиболее качественный, высокотехнологичный сектор экономики. В нем сосредоточена наибольшая часть российского потенциала, лучшие кадры ученых и специалистов. Продукция и технологии ОПК широко используются в других отраслях. Современный оборонно-промышленный комплекс производит значительную часть гражданской продукции. Интеграция ОПК с гражданскими отраслями промышленности является технологической основой для решения основных задач, стоящих перед российской экономикой, и, прежде всего, основой формирования новой технологической базы для развития наукоемкой и конкурентоспособной продукции, определяющей темпы научно-технического прогресса и темпы роста национальной экономики. Цель / задачи. Целью статьи является разработка основных направлений, форм и путей повышения эффективности государственного финансового контроля в сфере оборонно-промышленного комплекса (ОПК), как средства обеспечения финансовых и оборонных интересов государства и выявления финансовых ресурсов ускорения экономического развития России. Методология. Методической основой данной статьи являются экономико-статистические методы анализа, нормативно-правовые документы в области обеспечения экономической безопасности и финансового контроля, публикации в области обеспечения экономической и финансовой безопасности и государственного финансового контроля, открытые аналитические материалы в области развития оборонно-промышленного комплекса. Результаты. Учитывая, что управления ОПК будут преобразованы, необходимо использовать положительный международный экономический опыт для повышения эффективности государственного финансового контроля в ОПК. Вместе с тем, в интересах государства и общества создание системы эффективного государственного финансового контроля предприятий ОПК требуется особый подход и решение следующих задач: необходимость определить финансовое содержание и цели государственного контроля в сфере оборонно-промышленного комплекса; необходимость проанализировать ОПК как специфический объект финансового контроля со стороны государства в рыночных условиях его осуществления; выявить особенности реализации финансового контроля в процессе военно-технического сотрудничества, а также раскрыть основные проблемы государственного финансового контроля; определить состояние организации государственного финансового контроля ОПК и резервы его совершенствования. Осуществление эффективного государственного финансового контроля оборонно-промышленного комплекса, а также определение направлений его совершенствования в период трансформации рыночной экономики является объективной необходимостью. Выводы / значимость. Практическая значимость работы заключается в ориентации положений, выводов и рекомендаций работы, ориентированных на широкое использование и повышение эффективности государственного финансового контроля в области обороны и безопасности, а предложения, изложенные в статье (по совершенствованию государственного финансового контроля в ОПК) могут использоваться законодательными и исполнительными органами Российской Федерации, в том числе и органами государственного финансового контроля и Министерством обороны, в текущей деятельности. ; The presented research topic is particularly relevant due to the high value and the need to strengthen fi nancial control for the development of the military-industrial complex (MIC), to ensure the country's economic security, preservation and development of scientifi c and technical potential. The urgency of acquiring those aspects of economic relations which are connected with the supply the export of high-tech military products in a limited budget funding State should have levers of infl uence on the functioning of the military-industrial complex, the ability to pursue an independent foreign military-technical policy. In the new economic conditions, it became necessary to address the problems of fi nancial security of the defense-industrial complex, in order to strengthen the independence and security of Russia, as well as the need to give priority nature of the measures of state control in the economy related to the implementation of the defense order, ie, in the sphere of military-industrial complex. At the present stage of economic development of Russia, the rate of growth of the national economy largely depends on what the situation is in the military-industrial complex (MIC). This is due to the fact that the defense industry is the most high-quality, high-tech economy. It concentrated the largest part of the Russian potential, the best staff of scientists and experts. Products and DIC technology widely used in other industries. The modern military-industrial complex produces a signifi cant part of civil production. DIC integration with civilian industries – it is also a technological basis for solving the basic problems currently facing the Russian economy, and, above all, the basis of the formation of a new technological basis for the development of high technology and competitive products, which determines the pace of scientifi c and technological progress and the growth of the national economy. Objectives. The aim of the paper is the development of guidelines, forms and ways to improve the effi ciency of the state fi nancial control in the sphere of military-industrial complex (MIC), as a means of providing fi nancial and defense interests of the State and the identifi cation of fi nancial resources to accelerate economic development of Russia. Methods. The methodological basis of this article are the economic and statistical analysis methods, regulatory documents in the fi eld of economic security and fi nancial controls, publications in the fi eld of economic and fi nancial security and the state fi nancial control, public analyzes in the fi eld of development of the defense-industrial complex. Results. Considering that the defense industry management will be converted, you must use the positive international economic experience to improve the eff ectiveness of state fi nancial control in the MIC. However, in the interests of the state and society to create a system of eff ective state fi nancial control of defense companies require a special approach and the following tasks: The need to determine the fi nancial content and objectives of state control in the sphere of militaryindustrial complex; The need to analyze the defense industry as a specifi c object of fi nancial control by the state in the market conditions for its implementation; Identify the features of the implementation of fi nancial control in the process of military-technical cooperation, as well as to reveal the main problems of state fi nancial control; determine the status of the organization of state fi nancial control DIC and reserves for its improvement. Implementation of eff ective state fi nancial control of the military-industrial complex, as well as the determination of the directions of its improvement in the transformation of the market economy is an objective necessity. Conclusions and Relevance. The practical signifi cance of the work lies in the orientation of the provisions of the conclusions and recommendations of the work in wide use to improve the effi ciency of state fi nancial control in the fi eld of defense and security, and the proposals contained in the article (on improvement of state fi nancial control in the MIC) may be used by the legislative and executive bodies of Russian Federation, including bodies of state fi nancial control and the Ministry of Defence, in the current activity.
Актуалізовано увагу на питанні спільної управлінської діяльності громадських інституцій та органів державної влади. Запропоновано власну модель консенсусного громадсько-державного управління, в якій провідну роль відведено громадським організаціям. Конкретизовано стан розвитку взаємин держави і суспільства, означено перспективи участі громадян у прийнятті суспільно значимих рішень, у еволюції громадянського суспільства. ; Problem setting. Despite the attempts of state authorities to emphasize the readiness for constructive cooperation, the current state of relations between the state and society in Ukraine does not improve the situation in this direction. Therefore, the necessity of applying different models and approaches to the coordination of management activities between the institutions of society and the state is precisely within the context of public administration.Recent research and publications analysis. The issue of management activity of government institutions occupies a prominent place in state-management research studies. Some aspects of the interaction between the institutions of society and the state were investigated in the works of T. Andriychuk, S. Teleshun, V. Gelston, O. Kornievsky, E. Kuznetsov, M. Latsybi. The foreign experience in this field has been introduced by I. Belyi.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Taking into account the current interaction between authorities and citizens, it is worthwhile to focus on specific mechanisms for optimizing the coordinated management activities of public and state institutions. In particular, the question of the place and role of civic organizations as the key elements of civil society and their managerial potential in these processes has not been studied yet.Paper main body. In this case, we propose a consensus-based public-government model that can be used as a mobilization-integration tool for organizing citizens in any territorial environment – whether it is a united territorial community, a specific region, or a country as a whole.Government bodies and local self-government bodies, while implementing the process of decentralization of public administration at all levels, create favorable conditions for publicity and openness of communication with civil society institutions and public organizations in particular. Proceeding from the fact that the process of decentralization is aimed at the end-to-end democratization of institutional relations and affirms the admission of certain administrative powers of representatives of civil society, we consider it appropriate to reformat the nature of relations in the direction of promoting civil society organizations, where their role will be tangible and public, not superficial.This concerns the practical involvement of representatives of civil society into the cooperation with authorities, through a synthesis of the distribution of managerial powers and the adoption of consolidated decisions. This, in our understanding, is the introduction of a consensus model.The key category in this research is the term "consensus", which is understood as the fact of the consent of the main socio-political forces (entities) regarding the distribution of power and management values. It can be also understood as the search for mutually acceptable solutions that can satisfy all stakeholders in the management process. In this model, it is important to have an equitable distribution of functions performed by its subjects, as well as a balance of interests and relationships that operate on the principles of consensus-based democracy.The most important incentive for the conscious and systematic adoption of this model is the desire and ability to find a common language and units on the way of realizing socially important tasks. The following principles, such as trust, respect, consistency, persuasion, purposefulness, serve as incentives for using this model in public administration. The experimental platform for such a model is an open discussion platform, which we regard as a modern approach in public administration, indicating the refusal of the monological way of obtaining the true result and the recognition of the dialogue in achieving the results. Consequently, one should speak about the awareness of each participant of the managerial process of the subjectivity of state-public relations.Management procedure that would implement this model should be democratic, since dictates and excessive control over the functioning of the consensus structure overturns the conceptual nature of this form of cooperation. The key role of the state in this context is to give the initiative to public organizations, public leaders, managers, insiders, which we would call agents, to offer the field of activity on parity, stimulating conditions.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The use of a consensus model in practice will facilitate the establishment of close partnerships between the institutions of society and the state. The stereotypes of the managerial superiority of state authorities over public initiatives and functional inability of civic organizations to influence the implementation of state policy are the real obstacles in this process. Therefore, the model is one of the many opportunities for attracting institutions to the national context, an important content of social communication, the basis of coordination and management activities, which generally has a real and effective impact on the development of democratic governance.
Актуалізовано увагу на питанні спільної управлінської діяльності громадських інституцій та органів державної влади. Запропоновано власну модель консенсусного громадсько-державного управління, в якій провідну роль відведено громадським організаціям. Конкретизовано стан розвитку взаємин держави і суспільства, означено перспективи участі громадян у прийнятті суспільно значимих рішень, у еволюції громадянського суспільства. ; Problem setting. Despite the attempts of state authorities to emphasize the readiness for constructive cooperation, the current state of relations between the state and society in Ukraine does not improve the situation in this direction. Therefore, the necessity of applying different models and approaches to the coordination of management activities between the institutions of society and the state is precisely within the context of public administration.Recent research and publications analysis. The issue of management activity of government institutions occupies a prominent place in state-management research studies. Some aspects of the interaction between the institutions of society and the state were investigated in the works of T. Andriychuk, S. Teleshun, V. Gelston, O. Kornievsky, E. Kuznetsov, M. Latsybi. The foreign experience in this field has been introduced by I. Belyi.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Taking into account the current interaction between authorities and citizens, it is worthwhile to focus on specific mechanisms for optimizing the coordinated management activities of public and state institutions. In particular, the question of the place and role of civic organizations as the key elements of civil society and their managerial potential in these processes has not been studied yet.Paper main body. In this case, we propose a consensus-based public-government model that can be used as a mobilization-integration tool for organizing citizens in any territorial environment – whether it is a united territorial community, a specific region, or a country as a whole.Government bodies and local self-government bodies, while implementing the process of decentralization of public administration at all levels, create favorable conditions for publicity and openness of communication with civil society institutions and public organizations in particular. Proceeding from the fact that the process of decentralization is aimed at the end-to-end democratization of institutional relations and affirms the admission of certain administrative powers of representatives of civil society, we consider it appropriate to reformat the nature of relations in the direction of promoting civil society organizations, where their role will be tangible and public, not superficial.This concerns the practical involvement of representatives of civil society into the cooperation with authorities, through a synthesis of the distribution of managerial powers and the adoption of consolidated decisions. This, in our understanding, is the introduction of a consensus model.The key category in this research is the term "consensus", which is understood as the fact of the consent of the main socio-political forces (entities) regarding the distribution of power and management values. It can be also understood as the search for mutually acceptable solutions that can satisfy all stakeholders in the management process. In this model, it is important to have an equitable distribution of functions performed by its subjects, as well as a balance of interests and relationships that operate on the principles of consensus-based democracy.The most important incentive for the conscious and systematic adoption of this model is the desire and ability to find a common language and units on the way of realizing socially important tasks. The following principles, such as trust, respect, consistency, persuasion, purposefulness, serve as incentives for using this model in public administration. The experimental platform for such a model is an open discussion platform, which we regard as a modern approach in public administration, indicating the refusal of the monological way of obtaining the true result and the recognition of the dialogue in achieving the results. Consequently, one should speak about the awareness of each participant of the managerial process of the subjectivity of state-public relations.Management procedure that would implement this model should be democratic, since dictates and excessive control over the functioning of the consensus structure overturns the conceptual nature of this form of cooperation. The key role of the state in this context is to give the initiative to public organizations, public leaders, managers, insiders, which we would call agents, to offer the field of activity on parity, stimulating conditions.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The use of a consensus model in practice will facilitate the establishment of close partnerships between the institutions of society and the state. The stereotypes of the managerial superiority of state authorities over public initiatives and functional inability of civic organizations to influence the implementation of state policy are the real obstacles in this process. Therefore, the model is one of the many opportunities for attracting institutions to the national context, an important content of social communication, the basis of coordination and management activities, which generally has a real and effective impact on the development of democratic governance.
Although terrorism is by no means a new phenomenon, contemporary trans-national terrorist groups are an increasingly prominent source of threat to Australians and Australian interests around the world. Terrorism is not primarily a military problem, yet the severity of the contemporary threat calls for the Australian Defence Force (ADF) to assume a greater share of the counter-terrorism burden. The fight against trans-national terrorism will not be easy; it promises to be long and will involve all elements of national power, including air power. Air Power has the capacity to make a significant contribution to Australia's counter-terrorism efforts and effectively exploiting such a vital 'force enhancer' will benefit Australian national security. Predicting the future strategic environment is an inherently demanding task that seldom produces accurate forecasts. Whilst it is tempting to suggest that low-intensity conflicts and counter-terrorism operations will be the warfighting way of the future, one cannot discount the ever-present, albeit unlikely, threat of a high-impact, conventional military contingency. Australia's involvement in the so-called 'War on Terror' should not become the Royal Australian Air Force's (RAAF) primary strategic focus. However, it must be acknowledged that counter-terrorism has become one of the RAAF's contemporary operational responsibilities and will likely remain so for some time to come. Air power offers preventative counter-terrorism capabilities, as well as providing a capable and responsive force with which to respond to attacks, although the two objectives are not mutually exclusive. Air power is an important part of what must be a 'whole-of-nation' approach to counter-terrorism. It is suited to playing a number of counter-terrorism roles, of which Airlift; Strike; Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR); and Psychological Operations are the four most important. Air power, particularly when used in conjunction with Special Forces, can effectively strike terrorist operatives and infrastructure thereby damaging the groups' short-:-term capacity to conduct further attacks. Air power may be employed extremely effectively against states that harbour insurgents and terrorist groups and can also contribute proficiently to 'soft power' operations such as humanitarian relief efforts. This 'soft power' plays a vital role in reducing the terrorist threat over the longer-term by 'winning the hearts and minds' of local populations, thus creating an environment in which terrorists are unable to operate. Air power capabilities are most effective when integrated with other elements of national power, both military and civil. Likewise, other national security capabilities benefit from the exploitation of air and space platforms. There are a number of factors that inherently limit the effectiveness of air power in the counter-terrorism context however; including characteristics of air power such as impermanence and the fact that military superiority does not necessarily dissuade a nonstate terrorist adversary. The RAAF must also contend with both domestic and international legal norms. Domestically, state and federal law enforcement as well as civil intelligence agencies have primary counter-terrorism jurisdiction, with the military simply playing a supportive role. Also, a terrorist attack on Australian interests will most likely materialise within the territorial confines of another sovereign state . Thus, vii ( ( ( ( I ( ' ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( I contributions to the US-led 'War on Terror' aside , the ADF cannot expect to play a consistently active role in counter-terrorism abroad unless granted permission to do so by the relevant foreign government. . Air power should be employed with considerable restraint during counter-terrorism operations, so as to avoid undermining rather than bolstering Australia's long-term security interests. Pre-emptive air strikes against terrorist targets may in certain circumstances be appropriate and necessary; however they can also provoke further terrorist attacks, anger local populations and alienate essential allies. Air strikes also inherently risk causing collateral damage, particularly in complex warfighting environments where terrorists often dwell, although developments in Precision Guided Munitions and non-lethal, low yield weapons promise to minimise this problem. With these considerations in mind , the RAAF should employ air power against terrorist adversaries only when in compliance with the strict criteria of Effects Based Operations. This strategic approach to the application of military force maintains a defined national end state (in this case, Australians and Australian interests free from the threat of transnational terrorism) as its pre-eminent objective. Tactical victories such as the accurate killing of a terrorist leader are only assessed in terms of the overall effects such operations have on the process of achieving such defined national objectives, taking into account the primary and subsequent effects any action will have. Despite the increased threat posed by trans-national terrorism and the RAAF's ensuing heightened operational tempo, no major changes to RAAF force structures are necessary, nor is the RAAF lacking any significant capabilities that are not being addressed by the Defence Capability Plan. The likelihood of a conventional attack on Australia, although currently very low, is not non-existent and may increase in future. Moreover, forces structured primarily for counter-terrorism will be unable to effectively protect Australia from a high-impact military challenge. Therefore, the RAAF, and the ADF in general, must continue to structure its forces to deal with high-impact, conventional military contingencies. In doing so, the RAAF will also be able to contribute effectively to counter-terrorism efforts (and it has done so already) particularly if air power capabilities are tailored to better suit the demands of counter-terrorism. The AIR6000 project remains the most significant future capability development, and although optimised for more conventional conflict scenarios, the multi-role Joint Strike Fighter will be flexible enough to be an effective counter-terrorism tool. Moreover, the Unmanned Aerial Vehicle component of AIR7000 will enhance the RAAF's crucial counter-terrorism ISR capability; particularly in terms of persistence. In short, in order to contribute more effectively to counter-terrorism efforts, the RAAF should simply tailor its existing and proposed platforms, weapons and training, without a major shift in either its strategic priorities or RAAF force structures. No element of national power can effectively tackle trans-national terrorism single-handedly, nor can any state. However, air power is a valuable and capable instrument that can and should be utilised by Government in a 'whole-of-nation' counter-terrorism effort.
The article analyzes the issues of public danger of war crime under Art. 405 of the Criminal code of Ukraine which provides criminal liability for threats or violence against a commander. Attention is drawn to the fact that the punishment for committing a crime shall be relevant in accordance with the damage caused to the military law and order in case of committing a crime. These factors shall be significant for strengthening the fight against war crimes by criminal law, which reached the critical extend during 2015-2019 and is a threat to the military security of our state. The article reveals the issue of war crimes where the legislation has been repeatedly changed and improved, but crimes continue to pose public danger to the military law and order, and therefore remain in the Criminal Code of Ukraine in the "status" of war crimes (criminal offenses). The article also states that public danger of a crime under Article 405 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine is determined by the fact that the threat that violates the established order can frighten the chief/commander, negatively affect their official activities, harm the life, immunity of the commander and chief, their health, personal mental and psychological integrity. The crime makes it impossible for them to comply with the statutory requirements for military discipline and, in general, hinders the preservation of general respect and cooperation in achieving common goals, in particular protection of the citizens of Ukraine from the external enemy. In addition, a common feature of the social danger of this group of crimesis the infliction of significant damage to public relations, ensuring proper coherence, orderliness in military units, combat readiness, combat capability of military formations on the basis of regulations and subordination and military honor. This crime encroaches on the ability of the chief / commander to control the actions of subordinates in the interests of military discipline and order. Moreover, violent actions against a commander/chief that he is subject to in accordance with the requirements of military statutes, and has to protect in battle, are a gross form of violation of military discipline, which complicates the commander/chief's duties in military service and harms his health. Such actions against the commander/ chief may be revenge for their justified demands, so the criminal law classifies the act in question as a felony. In addition, the author of the article draws attention to the need in court proceedings, to impose harsher sentences for a crime under Article 405 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, threats or violence against the chief, to ensure general public protection. ; У статті аналізуються питання суспільної небезпечності військового злочину, передбаченого ст. 405 Кримінального кодексу України, який передбачає кримінальну відповідальність за погрозу або насильство щодо начальника. Звертається увага на те, що й покарання за його вчинення має бути адекватне, відповідно до тієї шкоди, яка спричиняється військовому правопорядку в разі його вчинення. Зазначені фактори мають бути визначальними для посилення боротьби кримінально-правовими засобами з військовою злочинністю, яка досягла критичних масштабів протягом 2015-2019 рр. і є загрозою для воєнної безпеки нашої держави. Стаття розкриває питання військових злочинів, де законодавство неодноразово змінювалось, удосконалювалось, але злочини продовжують становити для військового правопорядку суспільну небезпеку, тому й залишаються у Кримінальному кодексі України у «статусі» військових злочинів (кримінальних правопорушень). У статті зазначається також, що суспільна небезпечність злочину за ст. 405 КК України визначається тим, що погроза порушує встановлений порядок тим, що можезлякати начальника/командира, негативно вплинути на їхню службову діяльність, заподіяти шкоду життю, недоторканності командира й начальника, їх здоров'ю, особистій психічній і психологічній недоторканності. Злочин унеможливлює виконання ними статутних вимог щодо військової дисципліни та загалом заважає збереженню загальної поваги, взаємодії в досягненні спільних цілей, зокрема захисту громадян України від зовнішнього ворога. Крім того, загальною рисою щодо суспільної небезпеки цієї групи злочинів є заподіяння суттєвої шкоди суспільним відносинам, котрі забезпечують належну злагодженість, впорядкованість у військових частинах, боєготовність, боєздатність військових формувань на підставі врегульованого нормативними актами порядку підлеглості та військовій честі. Цей злочин посягає на можливість начальника/командира керувати діями підлеглих в інтересах військової дисципліни й порядку. Тим більше насильницькі дії щодо командира/начальника, яким підлеглий, відповідно до вимог військових статутів, зобов'язаний надавати повагу та яких повинен захищати в бою, є грубою формою порушення військової дисципліни, що ускладнює виконання командиром/начальником своїх обов'язків із військової служби й завдає шкоди його здоров'ю. Такі дії щодо командира/начальника можуть бути помстою за їхню справедливу вимогливість, тому кримінальний закон відносить розглянуте діяння до тяжких злочинів. Крім того, автор статті звертає увагу на необхідність у процесі здійснення судочинства виносити більш суворі вироки за скоєний злочин за ст. 405 КК України, погроза або насильство щодо начальника, задля забезпечення загального суспільного захисту.
