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The article analyses discursive and practical activities by governmental and non-governmental actors in Russia and Ukraine aimed at the conceptualization and promotion of human equality on ethnic grounds as non-discrimination. The author aims at analyzing the reasons why anti-discrimination instruments are in low demand vis-à-vis concerns about ethnic xenophobia and conflicts. The author argues that the given societies have limited incentives and institutional capabilities for the creation and effective application of anti-discrimination mechanisms. The ruling elites have no reason to regard ethnic inequalities as a challenge; civil society activists and ordinary claimants might not treat non-discrimination as an efficient remedy; and there is no commonly accepted image of injustice in inter-group relations. Moreover, the marginality of anti-discrimination agenda in the post-Soviet space begs questions about the said mechanisms' universal applicability, since the latter require pre-conditions that are not guaranteed.

In conflict zones around the world, both state and non-state actors deliver governance at local levels. This paper explores the long-term impact of individual exposure to 'wartime governance' on social and political behaviour. We operationalize wartime governance as the local policy choices and practices of a ruling actor. Building on detailed ethnographic and historical insights, we use survey data and a natural experiment to show that involvement in wartime governance by armed groups makes Angolan war veterans more likely to participate in local collective action twelve years after the end of the war. This effect is underpinned by a social learning mechanism and a shift in political preferences, but has no bearing on political mobilization at the national level or social relations within the family. Our study documents an important institutional legacy of civil wars and exposes challenges and opportunities for bottom-up approaches to post-conflict state-building and local development.

Violence and threats of violence in the family are a current worldwide problem, which has been given increased attention during the last twenty years. In the process of research and analysis of legislation on the provisional protection against violence, a number of deficiencies and inaccuracies in the laws and regulations are identified which unduly delay and preclude the full achievement of the goals set by this legal mechanism. In order to understand the significance of provisional protection against violence, it is necessary to clarify the nature of the provisional protection against violence in family legal relations by identifying the fundamental human rights that are protected or affected and limited in the process of application of provisional protection against violence. In order to attain the objective pursued in the work, an analysis has been carried out of the existing legislation that determine the means of protection in civil law, their application procedure, as well as legal consequences.

This article examines the participation of civil society organisations (CSO) in the various arenas of global governance with focus on the International Organization for Standardization (ISO). While diverse studies recognise the difficulty of CSOs' participation despite the growing importance of standards in the organisation of markets, little attention has been paid to how such involvement is likely to be reinforced in what we call 'technical diplomacy', the negotiating processes involving states and non-state actors geared toward setting specifications claiming to be based on scientific knowledge. Drawing upon scholarship in new forms of regulation in organisational studies, international relations, and science and technology studies, the paper argues that CSOs' participation depends on multiple translation practices between lay- and expert-knowledge. Findings are based on an action-research project, INTERNORM, pooling academic and CSO participation in ISO technical committees. It suggests some promising directions for addressing the democratic deficit of technical diplomacy.

Source at http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v4i1.1713 . ; Sustainable cites require the capacity to live with difference. In a world of increased mobility and migration, our cities become more and more diversified. While national discourses on diversity are often problem-focused, social initiatives are emerging in diverse cities addressing the positive potential of the city as a cross-cultural meeting place. In Norway, such initiatives have increased in number since "the refugee crisis" in 2015, and we see creative approaches arising from civil society, the voluntary sector, private companies, and local governments aiming to facilitate encounters with difference. This article explores innovative integration initiatives in cities in the north, emphasizing how difference might be negotiated, engendering new forms of engagement and responsibility. Cities are seen as sites of experiments, where new relations across difference are developed. Framing encounters as emergent, transitory, fragile, yet hopeful, we discuss the transformative powers of such initiatives for planning in diverse cities.

The imperative of arcana imperii had been an integral part in the debate on the art of governance in early modern period especially in relation to the theory of absolutism. According the ideas, secrecy propels the image of sanctity of the throne and enhances the efficiency of the government. By examining the writings and speeches of Stuart kings, polemical publications during the English Civil War and the emergence of the "secret history" genre in 17th-century England, this article argues that the notion of secrecy became a paradoxical and often controversial subject in English politics in such a turbulent time. This article also argues that the popularity of secret-revealing literature was a precursor to the emergence of the public sphere in literary aspect. This obsession of political transparency and the need to abolish arcana imperii intensified in the 18th century. ; หลักคิดเรื่องความลี้ลับแห่งรัฐเป็นส่วนสำคัญในข้อถกเถียงว่าด้วยศิลปะ การปกครองในช่วงต้นสมัยใหม่ โดยเฉพาะอย่างยิ่งที่เกี่ยวพันกับหลักคิดสมบูรณาญาสิทธิราชย์ ตามแนวคิดดังกล่าว ความลับเป็นสิ่งที่ช่วยขับเน้นภาพความศักดิ์สิทธิ์ของราชบัลลังก์และประสิทธิภาพในการปกครอง จากการศึกษาพระราชนิพนธ์ของกษัตริย์อังกฤษราชวงศ์สจวต สิ่งพิมพ์โจมตี ช่วงสงครามกลางเมืองและการเกิดขึ้นของวรรณกรรมประเภทประวัติลับในอังกฤษช่วงศตวรรษที่ 17 บทความนี้เสนอว่าแนวคิดเรื่องความลับกลายเป็นสิ่งที่ย้อนแย้งและเป็นส่วนสำคัญของความขัดแย้งทางการเมือง บทความนี้ยังเสนอว่าความนิยมวรรณกรรมไขความลับแบบต่าง ๆ ที่กล่าวถึงนี้เป็นต้นเค้าสำคัญของการเกิดขึ้นของพื้นที่สาธารณะในแง่มุมทางวรรณกรรม โดยความกระหายต่อความโปร่งใสทางการเมืองและความต้องการทำลายความลี้ลับแห่งรัฐนี้เข้มข้นขึ้นในช่วงศตวรรษที่ 18

The report highlights the results of sociological studies devoted to the value system of the Russian society. Value priorities of Russians are considered in dynamics and in comparison with other European countries. In the light of empirical data various stereotypes and autostereotypes of national identity are critically analyzed, including the widespread myths about Russians' special inclination towards collectivism and the lack of civil society in Russia. On the basis of data obtained by an original method of psychosemantic sounding the deep structures of the collective psyche together with the specific social representations of Russians and the "world view" that the majority of them share are analyzed. Considerable attention is also paid to the subject-matters of national pride, and to the peculiarities of Russian historical consciousness. On the basis empirical data collected by means of sociological research the question of Russia's place in the system of relations of East – West is posed and discussed.

AbstractIn this article, we discuss the relation between the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and its jurisprudence and social mobilizations around the place of religion in the society. We focus on the struggles to define the intersection of religion and public education in Romania after the fall of communism. We show that secularist and counter-secularist civil society activists contending for the place of religion in public education in this country have made strategic use of the ECtHR and its case law, both in legal battles and in debates within the national public sphere. We argue that, since references to the ECtHR and its jurisprudence can be used in discursive battles as a form of symbolic "capital", the strategies of mobilizing actors are at times more important than the strict doctrinal content of the ECtHR's judgments for understanding if and how the ECtHR's "shadow" is cast over religion-related mobilizations.

Challenging the new political-economic "mainstream" that considers trade unions to be "complicit" in labor market dualization, this article's analysis of union strategies in Italy and South Korea, most-different union movements perceived as unlikely cases for the pursuit of broader social solidarity, shows that in both countries unions have successively moved away from insider-focused strategies and toward "solidarity for all" in the industrial relations arena as well as in their social policy preferences. Furthermore, unions explored new avenues of political agency, often in alliance with civil society organizations. This convergent trend toward a social model of unionism is ascribed to a response of unions to a "double crisis": that is, a socioeconomic crisis, which takes the form of a growing periphery of the labor market associated with growing social exclusion, and a sociopolitical crisis, which takes the form of an increasing marginalization of the unions from the political process.

The paper is a brief analytical study based on real arbitration case leading to the search for answers during its review. The research focuses on the case of procedural succession from the highest official of the municipality to local administration while dealing with business entity statement on the collection of court fees resulted in the determination of the head of the municipality as an actor of public legal liability to be charged with public law duties, whereas the procedural succession is preceded by the early termination of official's powers due to the resignation at his own request. The research examines such legal facts and status as an early termination of an official's public powers and the discharge of his responsibilities by other persons provided for his participation in legal relations, civil legal succession or succession of responsibilities as a prerequisite for procedural succession, legal liability and collateral measures as well as their correlation and interdependence.

The article considers the problems of vocational training of preschool teacherin the system of preschool education. Features of the modern preschool children and the changed position of an adult in relation to a child have been considered. Attention is drawn to the fact thatthe university shall ensure conditions for the formation of professional values, which are important for the future preschool specialists, valuable for the work of a preschool teacher, a presentationabout the essence of teaching activities in general and the specifics of their implementation in the preschool. The main directions of improving the professional training of the future preschool teachers in modern conditions have been indicated. The understanding of the education values and goals has been justified to be the basis for the training of preschool teachers, based on the ideas of morality, democracy, humanism and civil responsibility, which is expressed in the requirements for the preschool teacher personality and professionalism.

Development in Indonesia still ignores environmental sustainability. Development that is expected to provide benefits turns out to have risks from its implementation. Indeed, development has a close relationship with the environment. When development cannot pay attention to environmental sustainability, the environment is not only damaged but can eventually become extinct. Environmental extinction means the extinction of man himself. Sustainable development is present as a paradigm that is expected to provide solutions to the negative impacts that arise from the development. In its implementation, the Government of Indonesia has established Law Number 32 of 2009 concerning Environmental Protection and Management. Efforts that can be made in the implementation of environmentally sustainable development in Indonesia include enforcement of environmental law, examination and supervision of "AMDAL", the role of the community, and the need for partnership triangles between government, business and civil society in equality relations without ignoring economic law, ecology and civilization

Prison education is seen in both criminal and education policies as a way of assimilating inmates 'back into society'. In spite of the policy emphasis on education, the practices in prison education vary from prison to prison. The stated aim of prison education in EU and in Finnish national level policies is to teach inmates the skills and knowledge that they can use in life after release and thus reduce recidivism. In this paper, we analyse policies and practices related to education programmes in closed prisons in Finland with discourses of employability and therapisation of education. International and national policy documents and ethnographic data and interviews with young people and teachers have been use as data sources. Our aim is to draw a picture of multiple and complex power relations that shape the young adults in prison as flexible subjects that are able to make the transition from prison 'back' to civil society. ; Peer reviewed

It was seventeen years ago when the first same-sex marriage was celebrated in a civil ceremony in Amsterdam, right after the Dutch Parliament passed legislation that legalized same-sex marriages. Since then, same-sex marriage has become legal in over two dozen countries worldwide. Last year, the German Bundestag added Germany to the growing list of countries where same-sex couples can obtain a legal marriage license. The past decades have indeed witnessed social mobilizations around the globe for LGBTI+ rights. Whether through legislation, court rulings, or popular referenda, 25 countries grant full juridical marital recognitions only recently enjoyed by opposite-sex partners to all citizens, regardless of their gender and sexual preferences. However, this legal evolution has been uneven. Currently, in many countries, LGBTI+ relations not only contravene moral codes but are still punishable crimes with varying amounts of prison time, fines, and in a few cases, with the death penalty. .

The chapter examines some of the reasons why different sections of British society, particularly in England and in Wales, have voted for Brexit and links it with recent developments with the ways people and governments are being engaged in racialized political projects of belonging. The overall argument is that Brexit should be analysed in the context of the reactions of people and governments to the global and local double crisis of governability and governmentality. The rise of populist politics among British people, including some of its racialized minorities, needs to be seen against the background of the British 2014 & 2016 Immigration Acts which established 'everyday bordering' as the primary technology of controlling diversity and discourses on diversity, so undermining convivial pluralist multi-cultural social relations. In these processes, border guarding is added to citizenship duties, and the boundaries of social rights are being shifted from the boundaries of civil society towards the boundaries of political citizenship.