Suchergebnisse

This book is open access under a CC BY-NC-ND license. This book addresses the issue of how a country, which was incorporated into the world economy as a periphery, could make a transition to the emerging state, capable of undertaking the task of economic development and industrialization. It offers historical and contemporary case studies of transition, as well as the international background under which such a transition was successfully made (or delayed), by combining the approaches of economic history and development economics. Its aim is to identify relevant historical contexts, that is, the 'initial conditions' and internal and external forces which governed the transition. It also aims to understand what current low-income developing countries require for their transition. Three economic driving forces for the transition are identified. They are: (1) labor-intensive industrialization, which offers ample employment opportunities for labor force; (2) international trade, which facilitates efficient international division of labor; and (3) agricultural development, which improves food security by increasing supply of staple foods. The book presents a bold account of each driver for the transition.

These quotes point to a puzzle, the puzzle with which this study begins: Within the past forty years, national member-states not only accepted the interpretive authority of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) as the supreme decision maker for conflicts between member-state authority and central federal authority of the European Community (since 1994, the European Union) but also accepted this court's dictates that the treaties forming the community had constitutional status as supreme law in every member state and that European-level law had higher law status within every member state, superseding any national law to the contrary. Indeed, European member-state acceptance of this development advanced much more rapidly than state acceptance of the U.S. Supreme Court in its first several decades. Yet this pattern of respective acceptance of central federal authority runs counter to prevailing understandings of sovereignty.

Transnational non-state governance arrangements (NGAs) are increasingly common in areas such as labor standards and environmental sustainability, often presenting themselves as innovative means through which the lives of marginalized communities in developing countries can be improved. Yet in some cases, the policy interventions adopted by the managers of these NGAs appear not to be welcomed by their supposed beneficiaries. This article accounts for this predicament by examining the effects of different configurations of accountability within NGAs promoting labor rights. Most labor-rights NGAs incorporate "proxy accountability" arrangements, in which consumers and activists hold decision makers accountable "on behalf" of the putative beneficiaries of the NGAs: workers and affected communities in poorer countries. The article shows how and why different combinations of proxy versus beneficiary accountability influence the choice of policy instruments used by NGAs, and applies the argument to three prominent non-state initiatives in the domain of labor standards. Adapted from the source document.

Transnational non‐state governance arrangements (NGAs) are increasingly common in areas such as labor standards and environmental sustainability, often presenting themselves as innovative means through which the lives of marginalized communities in developing countries can be improved. Yet in some cases, the policy interventions adopted by the managers of these NGAs appear not to be welcomed by their supposed beneficiaries. This article accounts for this predicament by examining the effects of different configurations of accountability within NGAs promoting labor rights. Most labor‐rights NGAs incorporate "proxy accountability" arrangements, in which consumers and activists hold decision makers accountable "on behalf" of the putative beneficiaries of the NGAs: workers and affected communities in poorer countries. The article shows how and why different combinations of proxy versus beneficiary accountability influence the choice of policy instruments used by NGAs, and applies the argument to three prominent non‐state initiatives in the domain of labor standards.

Electronic communication between state legislators & constituents has great potential for changing legislative representation, but little is known about who uses e-mail & what kinds of advantages it may create for some constituents. Does the digital "divide" that exists in the general population across social strata of education, income, age, or race have an effect on state legislative representation? In this study, the authors examine the factors shaping the volume of constituent casework requests that TN state legislators receive by e-mail. Four sets of hypotheses are considered pertaining to legislator attributes, district demographic variables, legislator attitudes about constituency service, & legislators' use of other forms of citizen contact, such as newsletters. Using a survey & district demographic data, the authors find that legislator attributes & district demographics are not significantly related to the number of e-mail requests received, but legislator beliefs in the importance of constituency service & the greater use of other communication methods do increase the frequency of e-mail requests for constituency service. 1 Table, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

De facto states, functional on the ground but unrecognized by most states, have long been black boxes for systematic empirical research. This study investigates de facto states' internal legitimacy-people's confidence in the entity itself, the regime, and institutions. While internal legitimacy is important for any state, it is particularly important for de facto states, whose lack of external legitimacy has made internal legitimacy integral to their quest for recognition. We propose that the internal legitimacy of de facto states depends on how convincing they are to their 'citizens' as state-builders. Using original data from a 2010 survey in Abkhazia, we examine this argument based on respondent perceptions of security, welfare, and democracy. Our findings suggest that internal legitimacy is shaped by the key Weberian state-building function of monopoly of the legitimate use of force, as well as these entities' ability to fulfill other aspects of the social contract. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
This paper uses theoretical analysis and substantial evidence to show that aside from the relationship of power control (权利控制) existing between state and society, there exists also assistance and support provided to society through the state's use of public power. Moreover, this supportive relationship creates an independent dimension of interaction between state and society that cannot be simplified to the dimension of power control, a condition which we here deem the "dual-axis" relationship between state and society.
The "dual-axis" relationship is opposed to the single-axis relationship espoused in traditional theories of civil society. The latter emphasize a zero-sum relationship of strength and weakness between state and society. The dual-axis relationship is not equivalent to simply proposing that there can be a constructive relationship between state and society, but rather emphasizes the structure comprised by these two relationships, and says that support can be independent of control and exhibit an effect all its own.

"Of this book there have been printed one hundred and forty-one copies on Van Gelder paper and thirty-six copies on Imperial Japan paper from the Imperial government mill." ; Vignettes; head and tail pieces; by Sidney L. Smith. ; Engr. t.-p. in two states. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Polish struggle has been characterized by many of its participants in terms of society against the state. This opposition first became apparent in the eighteenth century when the concept of civil society emerged; in Eastern Europe, however, both state & economy were stronger than society, leading to the emergence of state structures into which economy & society were absorbed. An intellectual movement has gradually emerged for structural reform instituted from below. Possible organizational types include monism, state corporatism, societal corporatism, & pluralism or syndicalism; at present, Poland's only options are the last two. The corporatist solution is most desirable for the ruling party, & could find backing from the Catholic Church. Decentralization is needed to solve the economic crisis, but threatens the party's capacity to intervene arbitrarily in the economy by leading to the creation of a system of private law. The ultimate solution requires both the preservation of socialism & the emergence of a socialist civil society whose relations with the state will be mediated through parliamentary or similar means. W. H. Stoddard.