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ABSTRACTWith unique data material from the Immigrant Labour Market, Language Skill and Social Network project (IASS), based on interviews with four refugee immigrant groups (Ethiopians/Eritreans, Chileans, Iranians, and Romanians/Hungarians) occupational mobility is analysed from home country occupation to the first occupation in Sweden as well as occupational mobility during the first 15 years in Sweden. The study supports a U‐shaped occupational mobility relationship. For many people the first occupation in Sweden has a lower status than the home country occupation. The explanation may be a lack of international transferability of human capital and/or discrimination. Later, upward mobility in occupational status sets in. The U‐formed relationship is deeper for those refugees who had a high occupational status in their home country compared to those with a lower occupational status. Upward mobility was also stronger for those refugees who acquired a Swedish academic education and for those who had become fluent in Swedish.

This article discusses contradictions involving social and territorial conflicts generated by a large-scale public water project, the communities affected by this project, and how they resisted this process, considering the historical context involving the development model imposed by capitalism in Latin America and government regulation, especially contemporary strategies to deterritorialize peasant groups. We examine the struggle by farmers in the Lapa community for the recognition of their territory and against violations of their rights after the construction of the Figueiredo dam in Potiretama, Ceará, Brazil. In our analysis, Latin American social theory and the sociology of conflicts dialog with empirical data obtained from interviews and bibliographic/documentary research conducted in 2018-2020. The farmers in Lapa were seen to utilize various forms of resistance: collective organization, activation of collective identities, occupations, social mobilizations, and maintenance of the traditional way of life. We conclude that the peasantry includes groups that resist and fight in the countryside against the fallacy of "a better life" in defense of "living well".elocation-id: e2230112Received: 10.07.2021 • Accepted: 03.28.2022 • Publicado: 05.20.2022Original article / Blind peer review / Open access

International human rights law on minorities sets forth a complex system of provisions affecting religious groups ; still, the question of defining religious minorities remains largely unsettled. While assessing the legal framework of protection established under the UN system, this article explores the current debate drawing on the two key concepts of intersectionality and synergy. The intersectionality approach suggests that belonging to a religious minority cannot be dissociated from other features defining personal and groups' identities (e.g., culture, ethnic origin, gender, language) and that this distinctive quality marks the multiple forms of violations and cross-cutting discriminations of which religious minorities are often victims. On the other hand, the synergy approach implies a comprehensive understanding of the legal sources protecting individual freedom of conscience and religion as well as religious minorities. Moreover, it entails fruitful cooperation among the relevant institutional and civil actors and the need for inclusive participation of persons belonging to religious minorities in democratic decision-making processes to the aim of the accomplishment of equal and full enjoyment of their human rights.

Este artículo indaga sobre los cambios y/o permanencias resultantes del conflicto armado, en las familias rurales de origen de seis jóvenes madres atendidas por el programa de atención a niños, niñas y jóvenes desvinculados de grupos armados ilegales del Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar (ICBF). Al reconocer a la familia como espacio de socialización en el que se ofrecen los primeros referentes para la construcción de las identidades de sus miembros, se entrevé la manera como los actores armados ejercen formas de poder que atraviesan el ámbito domestico y permanecen vigentes luego de la desvinculación. ; Abstract: This paper raises the question about the changes and continuities into the original rural families of six young mothers attended by the the ICBF's assistance program to children and youngsters disengaged from illegal armed groups. Recognizing the family as a socialization space where its members first meet the references to build their identities, the text explores how the armed groups exert different forms of power that cross the domestic sphere and that remain even after the family's disengagement from the conflict.

Defence date: 22 October 2018 ; Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, supervisor; Professor László Bruszt, Central European University; Professor Nina Eliasoph, University of Southern California; Professor Laurent Thévenot, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales. ; The thesis is devoted to a micro-sociological analysis of "big" protests. Comparing Russian "For fair elections" movement with Ukrainian Euromaidan, I study how eventful identities, solidarities, and cultural representations that emerged in the course of the protests then developed and changed contributing to either socio-political change, or reproduction. I analyze dynamics of both the uprisings themselves and the dynamics of post-protest collective action. The first part of the text analyzes a phenomenon new to Russia: the politicized local activism that has emerged in the wake of the "For fair elections" protests. Urban activism in Russian has been rarely politicized; rather, it addressed "familiar", "close to home" problems and that kept distance from "politics". Anti-Putin rallies of 2011-2012 changed the landscape of Russian civic activism. Inspired by the experience of collective actions, protesters resolved to keep it going in their own neighborhoods, establishing local activist groups and tackling smaller-scale problems typical of apolitical activism, e.g., defending parks from deforestation and buildings from demolition, and working for improvements. However, activists attributed oppositional and "political" meanings to practices that had been rather apolitical before the protests of 2011-2012. Thus, my study revealed the significant eventful change in the political culture of Russian urban activism. At the same time, in many cases mass events lead to the intensifying of pre-existing political and cultural structures, cultures, identities and discourses. In the second part of the text I show that Euromaidan consecutively first weakened and then enforced the ethno-cultural and political split between Western and Eastern Ukranian citizens. While "Euromaidan" initially succeeded at creating a new civic identity that united the protesters, this identity failed to spread beyond the event. Paradoxically, the initial push for civic unity and inclusivity, when intensified, transformed into a tool of promoting exclusivity. The text is based on the analysis of in-depths interviews and focus-groups. The conclusions address the theoretical discussions within the eventful approach in social science, pragmatic and cultural sociology.

Abstract
Substance use rates are higher among transgender and gender-diverse people than cisgender people. Rates of substance use are also higher among young adults compared with other age groups. However, little research examines substance use among transgender and gender-diverse young adults. This study examines factors associated with binge drinking and cannabis use among transgender and gender-diverse young adults in Michigan. Participants (N = 78; ages 18–25) completed an online survey that included demographics and substance use and related characteristics. Race, stimulant misuse, and sedative misuse were associated with more frequent binge drinking. Older age and past-year pain reliever misuse were associated with less frequent cannabis use. Past-year stimulant use and using cannabis alone were associated with more frequent cannabis use. These findings suggest that additional marginalized identities may increase the risk for maladaptive substance use. Future research should examine substance use behaviors and correlates to inform interventions among this population.

Abstract
This study examines how Hong Kong returnees negotiate and construct their transnational identities in their post-sojourn period via two indexical cues, stance taking, and self-labelling. Based on the narratives about remigration, this study investigates how returnees construct their identities discursively by taking stances to evaluate and align with sociocultural values and using self-labelling to index their transnational identities in their post-sojourn period. In doing so, this study hopes to contribute to the existing migration studies on Hong Kong returnees in terms of language and identity construction.

This volume of "International Perspectives on Education and Society" investigates the often controversial relationship between gender, equality and education from international and comparative perspectives. Much has been written recently about the global progress made toward gender parity in enrolment and curriculum in nations around the world. And there is much to tout in these areas. Although gender parity is not yet the global norm, the expectation of gender equality increasingly is. Some have gone so far as to say that the global expansion of modern mass schooling has created a world culture of gender equality in education. Yet, while there have been many positive advances regarding girls' and women's education around the world, there are still significant differences that are institutionalized in the policies and administrative structures of national education systems. For example, some of the strongest evidence of gendered inequality in schooling is the fact that in many developing countries there are large proportions of school-age children who are not in school - many if not most of whom are girls. The question this volume investigates is whether gender equality in education is really being achieved in schools around the world or not.

ABSTRACTThe literature on democratisation in diverse and divided societies suggests that procedural and institutional innovations can help create the conditions for democracy by adjudicating among groups with competing claims for recognition and inclusion. Some of the most critical assumptions about the relationship between ethnic identity and formal political institutions have been tested in Ethiopia since the early 1990s. Ethnic federalism is a unique and controversial attempt to account for the contested nature of ethnic identities in contemporary Ethiopian politics through a variety of mechanisms, including the use of a referendum to determine ethnic identity. In 2001 the Siltie people voted to separate from the Gurage ethnic group. With this political manoeuvre, the Siltie accessed greater levels of political power and greater resources, but also recognition under the constitutional arrangement as a distinct ethnic group. The Siltie case suggests that formal political institutions have a limited, though important, role in resolving contested citizenship claims. At the same time, it raises vital questions about the challenges of procedural solutions in the context of contested citizenship and democratic transition in sub-Saharan Africa.

Examines how the traditional social system ("djammat") facilitated integration into the Russian federal structure.

Examines the strategy of nation-building through immigration, and consequences for economic and demographic growth, changes in ethnic composition, and political developments.