Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена решению проблемы развития туризма на непризнанных или частично признанных территориях посредством создания современной информационной инфраструктуры туристско-рекреационной сферы. В статье рассмотрены современные геополитические тенденции в мире, связанные с разделением, присоединением и самоопределением различных территорий. В этой связи отмечается политическое значение и социальная ответственность туризма во всём мире: он может и должен содействовать укреплению взаимопонимания между представителями различных культур и территорий, тем самым смягчая геополитические конфликты. Автором ставится и исследуется вопрос о возможности развития туристической отрасли на территориях непризнанных или частично признанных малых государств, находящихся в стадии оформления своей государственности и адаптации экономики к новым условиям. Рассмотрены особенности создания информационной инфраструктуры, её развития и продвижения на непризнанных или частично признанных территориях. В качестве мультипримера приводится Донбасс. В статье обоснована необходимость создания Единого многоязычного туристического портала как механизма продвижения туристического потенциала территории и развития внутреннего и въездного туризма, а также показана перспективность информационной поддержки территории и туризма в Интернет-ресурсах, таких как Wikipedia и Google Earth. Автором сформулированы рекомендации и описаны конкретные шаги для проведения широкомасштабной республиканской рекламной кампании для популяризации региона как привлекательной туристской территории и делается вывод о том, что туризм является стимулом цивилизационного разнообразия в условиях современной геополитики, способным улучшить взаимопонимание между государствами и ускорить международное признание непризнанных или частично признанных территорий. ; He article is devoted to solving the problems of tourism development on unrecognized and partially recognized territories through creation of a modern information infrastructure of tourism and recreational sector. The article shows the current geopolitical trends in the world related to the separation, merger and self-determination of different territories. In this regard, the political importance of tourism and its social responsibility worldwide is noted. It is shown that tourism can and should contribute to the strengthening of mutual understanding between different cultures and territories, thereby easing geopolitical conflicts. The author raises the issue of a possibility of tourism industry development on the territory of small states with limited recognition, which are on the stage of registration of their statehood and adaptation of their economy to new conditions. Possibilities of information infrastructure creation and, its development and promotion on territories with limited recognition are considered. Donbass has been taken as a multi example. The article substantiates necessity of creating a Single Multilingual Tourism Portal as a mechanism of promotion of tourism potential of a territory and development of domestic tourism. The author shows the prospects of informational support of a territory and tourism in the Internet resources such as Wikipedia and Google Earth. Recommendations and descriptions of specific steps for conducting a large-scale Republican campaign to promote the region as an attractive tourism area are provided. The author concludes that tourism is an incentive of civilization diversity in the context of modern geopolitics, able to improve mutual understanding between nations and accelerate international recognition of unrecognized or partially recognized territories.

« Join the conversation » was Twitter's pitch line to attract users and/or incite them to tweet. The way in which the platform presents itself then clearly relies on the image of Twitter as a gigantic conversation where anyone can participate. However, various studies on political participation have questioned this idea (a.o. Di Fraia et al. 2016). In this paper, we will analyze whether Twitter can indeed be considered a form of conversation. In order to do so, we will rely on the one hand on a critical study of different approaches to the concept 'conversation'. We will critically compare the concepts of conversation in communication studies (Boyd et al. 2010) with those in linguistics, such as "talk-in-interaction" (Schegloff 2007:xiii), "that familiar predominant kind of talk in which two or more participants freely alternate in speaking (….)" (Levinson 1983: 284) or "the prototypical manifestation of spoken, dialogic language, characterized by communicative proximity, its dynamicity, its cooperative character and non-premeditated turn-taking" (Briz 2000: 225). On the other hand, we will apply this to a case-study of the use of Twitter by French, Spanish and British members of the European Parliament, starting from the May 2014 electoral campaign till May 2015. This case study will adopt an interdisciplinary approach involving methods from linguistics and communication studies, by combining data analysis with ethnographic interviews with the MEPs and/or their communications collaborators. In the first place, we will analyze the correspondences and differences between the technological possibilities and the affordances emerging through the use of Twitter (Hutchby 2001, 2014), in order to see whether the way users communicate through Twitter privileges features that may be linked to conversation (such as replying to a tweet) or rather disregard these features. We hypothesize that not all Twitter users exploit the conversation-like possibilities of Twitter, but that some use them rather as a tool for self-presentation. In the second place, we will analyze the tweets themselves with a particular focus on whether they contain elements that suggest a wish to receive reactions or to establish interactions, such as address forms, including address through the use of the addressee's Twitterhandle (e.g. @johndoe), interrogative speech acts,… In the third place, we will look into reactions to tweets, scrutinizing whether they may be considered forms of conversation. We will show that not all tweets which may elicit a (verbal) reaction actually do so, and that not all reactions are the start of a string of conversation. By doing so, we will also address methodological problems to analyze Twitter in terms of 'conversation' such as the role of the different participants (e.g. hearer, bystanders and overhearers,in Goffmanian terms) and their capacitiy to participate in the conversation, as well as the impact of technical features (e.g. the conversational nature of actions that may be considered reactions, such as retweeting or liking, cf. Giles et al. 2015: 49).

« Join the conversation » was Twitter's pitch line to attract users and/or incite them to tweet. The way in which the platform presents itself then clearly relies on the image of Twitter as a gigantic conversation where anyone can participate. However, various studies on political participation have questioned this idea (a.o. Di Fraia et al. 2016). In this paper, we will analyze whether Twitter can indeed be considered a form of conversation. In order to do so, we will rely on the one hand on a critical study of different approaches to the concept 'conversation'. We will critically compare the concepts of conversation in communication studies (Boyd et al. 2010) with those in linguistics, such as "talk-in-interaction" (Schegloff 2007:xiii), "that familiar predominant kind of talk in which two or more participants freely alternate in speaking (….)" (Levinson 1983: 284) or "the prototypical manifestation of spoken, dialogic language, characterized by communicative proximity, its dynamicity, its cooperative character and non-premeditated turn-taking" (Briz 2000: 225). On the other hand, we will apply this to a case-study of the use of Twitter by French, Spanish and British members of the European Parliament, starting from the May 2014 electoral campaign till May 2015. This case study will adopt an interdisciplinary approach involving methods from linguistics and communication studies, by combining data analysis with ethnographic interviews with the MEPs and/or their communications collaborators. In the first place, we will analyze the correspondences and differences between the technological possibilities and the affordances emerging through the use of Twitter (Hutchby 2001, 2014), in order to see whether the way users communicate through Twitter privileges features that may be linked to conversation (such as replying to a tweet) or rather disregard these features. We hypothesize that not all Twitter users exploit the conversation-like possibilities of Twitter, but that some use them rather as a tool for self-presentation. In the second place, we will analyze the tweets themselves with a particular focus on whether they contain elements that suggest a wish to receive reactions or to establish interactions, such as address forms, including address through the use of the addressee's Twitterhandle (e.g. @johndoe), interrogative speech acts,… In the third place, we will look into reactions to tweets, scrutinizing whether they may be considered forms of conversation. We will show that not all tweets which may elicit a (verbal) reaction actually do so, and that not all reactions are the start of a string of conversation. By doing so, we will also address methodological problems to analyze Twitter in terms of 'conversation' such as the role of the different participants (e.g. hearer, bystanders and overhearers,in Goffmanian terms) and their capacitiy to participate in the conversation, as well as the impact of technical features (e.g. the conversational nature of actions that may be considered reactions, such as retweeting or liking, cf. Giles et al. 2015: 49).

Проблема противостояния между Россией и США актуальна и сегодня. Ряд политологов (как отечествен-ных, так и зарубежных) отмечают, что Россия и США находятся в состоянии «новой холодной войны». Главная составляющая холодной войны идеологическая борьба. На сегодняшний момент значительный перевес в ведении информационного противо-борства находится на стороне США. Главную роль в этом сыграло развитие информационных технологий, которые ответст-венные за пропаганду американские ведомства активно внедряли в свою деятельность. В свете развития компьютерных техноло-гий и доступности российской молодежи информационной среды, формируемой по правилам, созданным преимущественно запад-ными специалистами, авторы статьи поднимают проблему использования компьютерных игр военного жанра в качестве сред-ства пропаганды. С выходом в 1998 г. художественного кинофильма «Спасти рядового Райана» («Saving private Ryan») начался новый виток обращения к тематике Второй мировой войны в искусстве. К 2002 г. вычислительные возможности компьютеров достигли еще более высокого уровня. Тогда разработчики компании «2015 Inc.» выпустили первую игру, которая по зрелищности не уступала вышеуказанному фильму. Игра называлась «Медаль за отвагу. Нападение союзников» (Medal of honor: Allied assault) и повторяла сюжет картины «Спасти рядового Райана» в части, касающейся высадки армии США в Нормандии. Рост количества выпущенных игр, объединенных единым замыслом тенденциозным освещением роли России в мировой истории как агрессора указывает на то, что это целенаправленная работа специально созданных в структуре ВС США органов по связям с иностранной общественностью. Также подчеркивается необходимость активизации идеологической работы на этом направлении в России ; . The problem of confrontation between Russia and the USA is a burning issue of today. Some political experts, both Russian and foreign, highlight the fact that Russia and the USA are involved in "the new Cold War". The main component of cold war is ideological confrontation. Today the USA have a serious advantage in the information warfare. It happens because of the high level of development of information technologies, which were implemented by the American administration. Computer technologies and information environment attract a lot of young Russians. These technologies were developed by the foreign specialists on the basis of their standards and views, and thus military computer games can be treated as a means of propaganda, and should be studied properly. The film "Saving Private Ryan", released in 1998, manifested the new era of appeals to the topic of the II World War in art. By 2002 computers became very powerful. The company "2015 Inc." released the first military computer game, which attracted as much attention as the film "Saving Private Ryan". The game was called "Medal of honor: Allied assault" and was based on the episode of the film, depicting the US army landing in Normandy. The growing number of the games of the similar plot, when Russia is presented as the world aggressor, highlights the fact that it is a well-planned campaign of the US Defense Agencies. The importance of ideological work in Russia is argued.

Contemporary Serbia is engaged in two significant political processes: the membership to the European Union and admission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. The cooperation with the EU was established in the 90s of 20 century, and than slowly evolved. Serbia become an official candidate in 2009 and in January 2014th the accession negotiations has started. Main obstacles and challenges are: the conflict over Kosovo, cooperation with ICTY and Serbian-Croatian unresolved issues.Secondly, Serbia is cooperating with NATO in the area of security policy devoted to prevention of interethnic relations, peace building and security sector reforms. In 2006, the country joined the Partnership for Peace. The main barriers still remain the status of Kosovo and a memory of the 78-day air campaign in 1999.Thirdly, Serbia is also collaborating with Russia in economic, military and energy sector, in ex: Serbia has had an observer status in the Collective Security Treaty Organisation from 2013.Key words: Republic of Serbia; NATO; UE; Russia. ЄВРО-АТЛАНТИЧНА ІНТЕГРАЦІЯ СЕРБІЇ – ПЕРЕШКОДИ ТА ПРІОРИТЕТИСучасна Сербія бере участь у двох важливих політичних процесах, таких як членство в Європейському Союзі та приєднання до НАТО. Відносини з ЄС були започатковані вже в 90-х роках XX ст. і поступово розвивалися. Сербія стала офіційним кандидатом на членство в ЄС 2009 р., а в січні 2014 р. розпочала негоціації щодо вступу. До головних перешкод належали відносини Сербія–Косово, співпраця з Міжнародним судом та сербсько-хорватські відносини.Республіка Сербія співпрацює з НАТО в галузі політики безпеки, пов'язаної з поліпшенням міжетнічних відносин, побудовою миру та реформами в секторі безпеки. Головним бар'єром у двосторонніх відносинах залишається проблема Косова та пам'ять про 78-денні повітряні нальоти на Сербію 1999 р.Крім того, Сербія співпрацює з Росією у військовій, економічній та енергетичній галузях, а з 2013 р. має статус спостерігача в Організації договору про колективну безпеку. Двосторонні відносини з Росією помітно впливають на євроатлантичні відносини Сербії. Ключові слова: Республіка Сербія; НАТО; ЄС; Росія. ; Сучасна Сербія бере участь у двох важливих політичних процесах, таких як членство в Європейському Союзі та приєднання до НАТО. Відносини з ЄС були започатковані вже в 90-х роках XX ст. і поступово розвивалися. Сербія стала офіційним кандидатом на членство в ЄС 2009 р., а в січні 2014 р. розпочала негоціації щодо вступу. До головних перешкод належали відносини Сербія–Косово, співпраця з Міжнародним судом та сербсько-хорватські відносини.Республіка Сербія співпрацює з НАТО в галузі політики безпеки, пов'язаної з поліпшенням міжетнічних відносин, побудовою миру та реформами в секторі безпеки. Головним бар'єром у двосторонніх відносинах залишається проблема Косова та пам'ять про 78-денні повітряні нальоти на Сербію 1999 р.Крім того, Сербія співпрацює з Росією у військовій, економічній та енергетичній галузях, а з 2013 р. має статус спостерігача в Організації договору про колективну безпеку. Двосторонні відносини з Росією помітно впливають на євроатлантичні відносини Сербії. Ключові слова: Республіка Сербія; НАТО; ЄС; Росія.

Рассматривается проблема готовности России к Первой мировой войне. Ведущие отечественные ученые дореволюционного, советского и современного периодов предлагают свое видение этой проблемы. Они согласны с тем, что мобилизационные планы военно-политического руководства России накануне войны были основаны на идее скоротечной военной кампании. Нормы мобилизационных запасов были крайне недостаточными в условиях начавшейся затяжной войны. Участники мировой войны в своих работах обращают внимание на неготовность довоенной России к полному напряжению как материальных, так и моральных сил. Это проявлялось в неэффективной и несправедливой системе комплектования вооруженных сил, в результате чего терялась идея общеобязательности воинской повинности. У правительства отсутствовала продуманная политика в отношении использования трудовых ресурсов в тылу для удовлетворения нужд действующей армии в случае начала войны. Такая же ситуация наблюдалась в отношении организации работы всей промышленности для снабжения вооруженных сил на случай большой войны. Вместо срочного технического перевооружения промышленности и модернизации транспортной системы правящие круги страны делали ставку на крестьянское хозяйство. Они считали его полунатуральный характер благом для страны в случае войны. Крестьянское хозяйство должно было обеспечить фактическую автаркию России в военное время. К этим стратегическим просчетам высшего руководства довоенной России следует добавить такой фундаментальный фактор, как значительное отставание России от ведущих стран Запада по уровню производительности труда. ; The article examines the problem of the readiness of Russia for World War I. The leading native pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern scientists suggest their vision of this problem. They agreed to the fact that plans of mobilization of the military-political leadership of Russia before the war were based on the idea of transient military campaign. As a result, the standards of mobilizational reserves were extremely defective under the conditions of the beginning long-drawn war. In their works the participants of the World War paid attention to unreadiness of pre-war Russia to total strengthening of material and moral forces. This was displayed in ineffective and unjust system of collecting sets of armed forces. As the result, the idea of obligatory military conscription was lost. The government lacked the sound policy connected with the usage of labour resources in the rear to satisfy the needs of the army in the field in case of the beginning war. The same situation was with organization of work of the whole industry to supply armed forces in case of the Great War. Instead of urgent technical rearmament of industry and improvement of the transport system, the ruling circles of the country made emphasis on peasant economy. They considered its half-subsistant character good for the country in case of war. The peasant economy had to ensure real self-sufficiency of the country in war time. To these strategic miscalculates of superior leadership of pre-war Russia we must add such a fundamental factor, as Russia's considerable lagging behind the leading countries of the West in connection with the level of labour productivity.

This paper presents the construction elements of fertilization as biopolitical problem. Through reviewing the terms birth control and family planning practices medicalization that match policies and population observed control programs. The aim is to describe the discursive marks that show medicalization practices present in the advertising guidelines Norforms brand. The medicalization focuses its interest in expanding their control actions on life in the particular case of contraceptive ovules where you can visualize the strategy of creating social disease and treatment advocacy through the campaigns of public hygiene.In the article, the results of the analysis of four mailers brand Norforms published in magazines circulating in Bogotá in the years presented 1964, 1972, 1991, and 1998. For discourse analysis of the concepts of biopolitics and medicalization recourse provided by Michel Foucault from which economic and political described dynamics of population control. ; El presente artículo expone los elementos de construcción de lafecundación como problema biopolítico. A través de la revisión de los términos control natal y planificación familiar se observan las prácticas de medicalización que responden a políticas y programas de control demográfico. El objetivo reside en describir las marcas discursivas que evidencian las prácticas de medicalización presentes en las pautas publicitarias de la marca Norforms. La medicalización centra su interés en expandir sus acciones de control sobre la vida en el caso particular de los óvulos anticonceptivos, en el que se puede visibilizar la estrategia de creación de la enfermedad social y la promoción del tratamiento a través de las campañas de difusión de la higiene pública. En el artículo se presentan los resultados del análisis de cuatro anuncios publicitarios de la marca Norforms publicadas en revistas que circulaban en Bogotá en 1964, 1972, 1991, 1998. Para el análisis discursivo se recurre a los conceptos de biopolítica y medicalización proporcionados por Michel Foucault a partir de los cuales se describen las dinámicas económicas y políticas de control poblacional. ; Este artigo expõe os elementos de construção da fecundação como problema biopolítico. Através da revisão dos termos controle de natalidade y planificação familiar observam-se as práticas de medicalização que respondem a politicas y programas de controle demográfico. O objetivo radica em descrever as marcas discursivas que evidenciam as práticas de medicalização presentes nas pautas publicitárias da marca Norforms. A medicalização centra seu interesse na expansão de suas ações de controle sobre a vida, no caso particular dos óvulos anticonceptivos, nesta pode-se fazer visível a estratégia de criação da doença social y a promoção do tratamento através das campanhas de difusão da higiene pública.No artigo apresentam-se os resultados da análise de quatro anúncios publicitários da marca Norforms publicados em revistas que estiveram em circulação em Bogotá durante 1964, 1972, 1991 e 1998. Para a análise discursiva recorre-se aos conceitos de biopolítica e medicalização propostos pelo Michel Foucault a partir dos quais descrevem-se as dinâmicas econômicas e políticas do controle populacional.

This paper presents the construction elements of fertilization as biopolitical problem. Through reviewing the terms birth control and family planning practices medicalization that match policies and population observed control programs. The aim is to describe the discursive marks that show medicalization practices present in the advertising guidelines Norforms brand. The medicalization focuses its interest in expanding their control actions on life in the particular case of contraceptive ovules where you can visualize the strategy of creating social disease and treatment advocacy through the campaigns of public hygiene.In the article, the results of the analysis of four mailers brand Norforms published in magazines circulating in Bogotá in the years presented 1964, 1972, 1991, and 1998. For discourse analysis of the concepts of biopolitics and medicalization recourse provided by Michel Foucault from which economic and political described dynamics of population control. ; El presente artículo expone los elementos de construcción de lafecundación como problema biopolítico. A través de la revisión de los términos control natal y planificación familiar se observan las prácticas de medicalización que responden a políticas y programas de control demográfico. El objetivo reside en describir las marcas discursivas que evidencian las prácticas de medicalización presentes en las pautas publicitarias de la marca Norforms. La medicalización centra su interés en expandir sus acciones de control sobre la vida en el caso particular de los óvulos anticonceptivos, en el que se puede visibilizar la estrategia de creación de la enfermedad social y la promoción del tratamiento a través de las campañas de difusión de la higiene pública. En el artículo se presentan los resultados del análisis de cuatro anuncios publicitarios de la marca Norforms publicadas en revistas que circulaban en Bogotá en 1964, 1972, 1991, 1998. Para el análisis discursivo se recurre a los conceptos de biopolítica y medicalización proporcionados por Michel Foucault a partir de los cuales se describen las dinámicas económicas y políticas de control poblacional. ; Este artigo expõe os elementos de construção da fecundação como problema biopolítico. Através da revisão dos termos controle de natalidade y planificação familiar observam-se as práticas de medicalização que respondem a politicas y programas de controle demográfico. O objetivo radica em descrever as marcas discursivas que evidenciam as práticas de medicalização presentes nas pautas publicitárias da marca Norforms. A medicalização centra seu interesse na expansão de suas ações de controle sobre a vida, no caso particular dos óvulos anticonceptivos, nesta pode-se fazer visível a estratégia de criação da doença social y a promoção do tratamento através das campanhas de difusão da higiene pública.No artigo apresentam-se os resultados da análise de quatro anúncios publicitários da marca Norforms publicados em revistas que estiveram em circulação em Bogotá durante 1964, 1972, 1991 e 1998. Para a análise discursiva recorre-se aos conceitos de biopolítica e medicalização propostos pelo Michel Foucault a partir dos quais descrevem-se as dinâmicas econômicas e políticas do controle populacional.

Niniejsza praca jest efektem projektu badawczego, mającego na celu poznanie preferencji wyborczych sądeczan przed wyborami samorządowymi na prezydenta miasta Nowego Sącza w 2014 roku. Badanie zostało zrealizowane przy użyciu metody sondażu diagnostycznego na reprezentatywnej próbie dorosłych mieszkańców miasta, a tłem eksploracji empirycznej był okres przedwyborczej kampanii wyborczej prowadzonej przez kandydatów pretendujących do organu wykonawczego miasta. Cała praca składa się z trzech części. Pierwsza część – teoretyczna - naświetla problematykę pracy, ukazując ją w całokształcie wzajemnych związków i zależności przyczynowo – skutkowych (rozdział pierwszy i drugi). Druga cześć – badawczo – aplikacyjna przedstawia zakres działań projektowych oraz charakterystykę technologii i narzędzi stosowanych w prowadzonym sondażu, a także opis funkcjonalny i techniczny wykonanego projektu wzbogacony o elementy komparatystyki (rozdział trzeci, czwarty i piąty). Trzecia cześć ujmuje podejmowaną problematykę z perspektywy mediów lokalnych (rozdział szósty). W pracy podniesiono szereg ciekawych zagadnień na temat wyborczych preferencji sądeczan i ich uczestnictwa w lokalnych mechanizmach demokratycznych. Zebrane dane pozwoliły na zweryfikowanie postawionych hipotez badawczych, wyznaczenie drogi do określenia profilu wyborcy poszczególnych kandydatów, a także dały możliwość porównawczego ujęcia zbadanych preferencji z oficjalnymi wynikami wyborów. Przedstawione wyniki pokazały, że deklarowane preferencje znalazły, w granicach przyjętego błędu, odzwierciedlenie w oficjalnych wynikach wyborów. ; This paper is the result of a research project aimed at cognizing political preferences of the residents of Nowy Sącz, before the local elections to become the President of Nowy Sacz in 2014. The survey was conducted using the method of diagnostic survey on a representative sample of adult residents of the town, and the background of empirical exploration was the period of pre-election campaign run by the candidates aspiring for the executive body of the town The entire work consists of three parts. The first part - theoretical - highlights the issues of the paper, presenting it in the whole inter-relationships and cause and effect dependencies (Chapter One and Two). The second part - research - application shows the scope of project activities and the characteristics of the technology and tools used in the survey conducted as well as a functional and technical description of the project made enriched with elements of comparative literature (Chapter third, fourth and fifth). The third part takes on the issues from the perspective of local media (Chapter Six). The paper raised a number of interesting issues on the electoral preferences of the residents of Nowy Sącz and their participation in local democratic mechanisms. The data collected made it possible to verify the research hypotheses, the identification of the way to determine a voter profile of each candidate, and also provided an opportunity for a comparative approach of the examined preferences and the official election results. The presented results showed that the declared preferences were reflected, within the accepted error, in the official results of the election.

Рассматривается вопрос о деятельности суфийских орденов на территории Тюменского и Сибирского ханств в XV-XVI вв. Письменные источники позволяют реконструировать здесь деятельность братств, относящихся к трем тарикатам (Йасавийа, Кубравийа, Накшбандийа), при этом только сейиды первого из них присутствуют в окружении лидеров Тюменского и Сибирского ханств на всем протяжении их существования. Представители этих братств изначально оказывали влияние лишь на культуру и верования клановой аристократии из окружения ханов, но постепенно на протяжении позднего средневековья привели к исламу тюрко-татарские группы юга Западной Сибири. ; The author considers a question of the Sufi orders activity on the territory of Tyumen and Siberian khanates in the XV-XVI centuries. Written sources made it possible to speak about the almost constant presence of sayyids, representing various Sufi brotherhoods, in the entourage of Tyumen and Siberian khans. Circumstantial data demonstrate the tendency formed in the period of inclusion of the south of Western Siberia in the Ulus of Jochi (the Golden Horde) as the inheritance of the Shiban descendants. The active Islamization which began here under the khan Uzbek upon the direct influence of the Central Asian tariqat of Yasaviya should affect the aristocracy throughout the Ulus. During the reign of the first Tyumen Khan Abu-l-Khayr after the military expedition to Khorezm in his entourage were Kara-Sayyid and Kul-Mohammed-Sayyid, carried out both religious and advisory and even military functions, including direct participating in several Khan's campaigns. They also belonged to the tariqat of Yasaviyya, whose members often held the post of Naqib, especially in Urgench, which emphasized their military functional. However, in the Khan's entourage were also representatives of the brotherhood of Kubrawiya. Islamization conducted by the brotherhoods, to the last quarter of the fifteenth century led to the consolidation of Islam among the local aristocracy, as can be seen, for example, in the names of the dynasty of Taibugides. Tyumen Khan Ibrahim (1467-1495) also emphasized his affiliation to Islam in the correspondence with the Princes of Moscow. In recent years of his reign for the first time for South-West Siberia only Kazan sayyids of the tariqat of Yasaviyya were detected. However, their stay in Tyumen was temporary and compulsory because of the influence of active Russian policy in Kazan. Despite their presence in Khan's entourage, even among the clan aristocracy remained a significant number of adats in everyday and political life. Nowadays the degree of influence of Islam on the ordinary population of the Tyumen khanate is impossible to find out exactly. The highest activity among all strata of the Siberian khanate population the tariqat of Yasaviyya implemented during the reign of two brothers: Kuchum and Ahmet Giray in the 1570-ies. Herewith the mission of representatives of the order of Yasaviyya from Urgench to Siberia was formed on the Bukhara Khan Abdullah II's request and direct instruction of Bukhara tariqat Naqshbandiyya leaders, which allows speaking about a coordinated brotherhoods policy on the Islamization of the Northern territories.

Анализируются факторы и детерминант, стимулирующие формирование советской научно-технической политики во второй половине 1940-х начале 1950-х гг., а также проводится характеристика «протополитики» в отношении отечественного научно-технического комплекса в экономическом, идеологическом и организационном аспектах. Особое внимание уделяется трансформациям в системе организации и управления наукой, выделены «точки роста», артикулированы значение и роль в этом процессе организационного опыта, накопленного в военно-технической сфере. ; After the end of the WWII science policy as a system set of goals and tasks directed on utilisation of science products for implementing state priorities, and actions focused on their achievement was de facto missing in the country with the exception of key defence tasks where application of research was more systematic. Science and technology development was determined by a combination of specific branch politics which were often based on different conceptual platforms and did not have a fundamental science background. Basic research, contrary to equipment production and technology, did not belong to the state priorities up to the middle of 1950s. Meanwhile, the analysis of the political process and existing practices allows outlining some markers of science 'proto-policy'. Three elements/ aspects are basically used for structuring such an analysis these are economic, ideological and organisational aspects. After the end of the war changes in the economic elements of science policy included some increase of funding and, specifically, substantial rise of salaries of scientists. In addition to that, the principle of overwhelming state planning was extended to science and technology. Ideological aspects of science 'proto-policy' fully reflected contradictions and conflicts of the epoch and negatively impacted the sphere of science. Ideological campaigns hampered the development of science, distorted the natural logics of evolution of knowledge, changed psychological climate and atmosphere in the scientific community and stimulated penetration of bureaucratic principles of management to science. In organisational respect science was not yet considered as an integrated subject of management and that was reflected in the administration structure since there was not a single state body responsible for research. In the meantime, substantial transformations in organization of military science started as early as in the years of the WWII. They were based on change of accents referring to science in favour of setting up there a full cycle 'research-equipment-technology-production' which later impacted both military and civilian sectors of economics. The experience of R&D coordination in the sphere of military technology, although accessible to a very limited number of people, was very meaningful for the development of science and technology as a whole. Evidently, it demonstrated the necessity of introduction of a single science and technology cycle and elaboration of not merely a technological policy, but rather of a science and technology policy for the solution of the most important military and economic tasks. This, however, became a peculiarity of the next historical period.

Статья посвящена реакции общества США на кризис международных отношений в 1920-е 1930-е гг. Сразу после Вашингтонской конференции и особенно после Китайского инцидента публицисты США сделали все возможное, чтобы завоевать сочувствие американцев к Китаю, и продемонстрировать опасность японской агрессии, в том числе для самих Соединённых Штатов. Таким образом, основная цель публицистов США была доказать возможность нападения Японии на США. Авторы показывают причины, по которым общественное мнение США и писатели поддерживали дискуссии о японской агрессии. ; Security threat assessment in the region is developing to a large extent under the influence of the media. For this reason, the subject of considerable research interest is the analysis of formation of opinions publicists of a particular country on the eve of its entry into the war. In this regard, of particular interest is the U.S., who twice suffered a sudden attack (in Pearl Harbor and at 2001/09/09). The subject of our study was the theme of Nazi and Japanese threats in the American journalism 1920 1930 on the example of War in the Pacific: A Study of Navies, Peoples, and Other Battle Problems by S. Denlinger, and Ch.B. Gary (New York: R.M. McBride & Co., 1936), The Great Pacific War: A History of the American-Japanese Campaign of 1931-1933 (London: Con-stable & Co Ltd., 1925) and Sea Power in the Pacific: A Study of the American-Japanese Naval Problem (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1921) by H.C. Bywater, as well as Must We Fight Japan? by W. Pitkin (New York: The Century Co., 1921). On the basis of historical and discourse analysis of these works we have shown the U.S. journalists' reaction to International Affairs crisis in Pacific Region. After Washington Naval Conference 1921-1922 and especially after Marco Polo Bridge Incident U.S. publicists did their best to American society realized the inevitability and scale of the Japanese threat to U.S. security. Having considered most important work of American publicists, writers and journalists on Japan-US relations in the 1930s, we came to the following conclusions: (i) conclusion of the Washington Treaty initiated in the United States journalistic forecasts of Japanese aggression; (ii) In 1931, along with an awareness of the Pacific War inevitability, American journalists are beginning to express ideas about the ability to reorient direction of the Japanese expansion, (iii) In the mid-1930s, the American media has formed the view that the first stage of Japan's aggression against the United States is Japan's war in China. In the same period, the U.S. political leadership continued to hope for a compromise for the sake of peace in the Pacific. Therefore, the leaders of the United States in the 1930s have ignored all warnings of civil and military journalists about a possible attack on Hawaii As a result, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor appeared unexpected and shocking.

RESUMEN A lo largo del siglo XIX, durante el conflictivo proceso de relaciones interétnicas en la Frontera Sur, la franja comprendida entre los ríos Cuarto y Quinto (Pcia. de Córdoba) fue escenario de sucesivos avances y retrocesos de la línea militar. Ejemplo de ello fueron algunos emplazamientos militares como el fuerte Tres de Febrero y el de San Fernando que, repoblados en 1857, debieron ser abandonados en 1863 ante la continua ofensiva indígena. Este trabajo caracteriza, de manera preliminar, el componente social que habitaba la franja territorial comprendida entre los ríos Cuarto y Quinto. Estos pobladores definidos por los documentos de la época como campesinos, puesteros, peones, etc, poseían un género de vida que los acercaba al de las tolderías. Su participación en el circuito de comercio y robo de ganado sobre las estancias fronterizas hizo de ellos sujetos privilegiados de los Reglamentos de Campaña, dando cuenta de un sustrato social que escapaba al control que el Estado quería imponer. En la dinámica de las relaciones gestadas en la frontera, su estudio permite acceder tanto al significado de las políticas estatales de colonización implementadas en esta franja fronteriza como a las vinculaciones que en las décadas de 1850 y 1860 estos pobladores entablaron con los indígenas y las montoneras provinciales.PALABRAS CLAVE: Frontera sur de Córdoba – Campesinos – Población marginalCHRISTIAN SETTLERS TO THE SOUTH OF RÍO CUARTO: SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THEIR ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PRACTICES (1850-1870).ABSTRACT Throughout the 19th century, during the conflicting process of interethnic relations in the South Border, the strip between the rivers Cuarto and Quinto (Province of Córdoba) was a scenario of successive advances and backward movements of the military line. Examples of it were some military locations like fort Tres de Febrero and the one of San Fernando which were repopulated in 1857 and had to be abandoned in 1863 due to the continuous indigenous offensive. This work intends to characterize, in a preliminary way, the social component that inhabited this territorial strip between the rivers Cuarto and Quinto. These settlers, defined by documents of the time as farmers, outpost keepers, laborers, etc., led a lifestyle that was very close to the one of the tolderías. Their participation in the trade circuit and cattle theft on the bordering farms made them privileged subjects of the Regulations of the Campaign, giving account of a social substrate that escaped the control the National State wanted to impose. In the dynamics of the developed relations in the border, this study provides access to the meaning of the state policies of colonization implemented in this border strip, as well as to the links established by the settlers with the natives and the provincial montoneras in the decades of 1850 and 1860.KEY WORDS: Southern frontier of Córdoba – Peasants – Marginal people.

Розглянуто міжнародні неурядові організації як основні суб'єкти глобальногогромадянського суспільства. Значну увагу приділено історії їх виникнення на політичній арені. Розкрито питання щодо діяльності міжнародних неурядових організацій у сфері захисту прав людини та їх впливу на формування глобального громадянського суспільства. Подано визначення правозахисної організації. Висвітлено основні механізми публічної політики МНУО. Як приклад розглянуто публічну політику міжнародної неурядової організації Amnesty International, що функціонує у сфері захисту прав людини. ; The trend in the redistribution of functions between actors in world politics was determined in the modern system of international relations. In particular, the influence of non-governmental (NGO) institutions is growing, that effectively operate as independent actors of international relations.International NGOs are important carriers of world opinion, institutionalized subjects of global civil community that are designed to provide the conditions for self-realization on the international level of needs and interests, goals and aspirations of civil society, as well as individuals and groups, and the world community as a whole.Human rights organizations are organizations that are designed to serve the underprivileged or ignore groups, to facilitate the realization of their rights, to seek social change and to be at the service of people. Activity of international non-governmental organizations in the field of human rights is increasingly beyond the scope of individual states and becomes global, becoming more universal phenomenon. In the last decade, the human rights movement has spread to those countries where NGOs are still able to operate freely.The most well-known international non-governmental human rights organization is «Amnesty International». This organization stands for freedom from discrimination for any reason, including discrimination based on sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, racial, national or social origin, economic status and so on.The main mechanism of public policy of Amnesty International in shaping global civil society is campaigns, the main aim of which consists on drawing public attention to the violations of human rights and putting pressure on the government of the country, mostly by organizing the flow of written allocutions: letters, telegrams, faxes, postcards, emails – from citizens of various countries where the situation is characterized as one that requires the government take immediate action to correct it. AI activists hold public events, lectures, engaged in lobbying government institutions, actively cooperate with the media.Thus, historical retrospective and current experience of public policy of the human rights international NGOs indicates the extraordinary role of civil society of the international human rights movement in solving human rights issues around the world. ; Рассмотрены международные неправительственные организации как основные субъекты глобального гражданского общества. Особое внимание уделено истории возникновения их на политической арене. Раскрыт вопрос деятельности международных неправительственных организаций в сфере защиты прав человека и их влияние на формирование глобального гражданского общества. Дано определение правозащитной организации. Освещены основные механизмы публичной политики МНПО. В качестве примера рассмотрена публичная политика международной неправительственной организации Amnesty International, которая функционирует в сфере защиты прав человека.

Eine Beschreibung gegenwärtiger Strukturen im kubanischen Bildungswesen kann ohne die Darstellung der politischen, ökonomischen und ideologischen Rahmenbedingungen im 20. Jahrhundert nur unzureichend erfolgen. Der kubanische Entwicklungsweg bis zur Revolution in den 1950er-Jahren wurde von der jahrhundertelangen spanischen Kolonialherrschaft und dem folgenden Abhängigkeitsverhältnis von den USA ab 1902 geprägt, welches erst mit der zunehmenden Übernahme sozialistischen Gedankenguts in den 1960er-Jahren ein Ende fand. In bildungspolitischer Hinsicht wurde nach 1959 den Forderungen des kubanischen Nationalhelden José MARTÍ Rechnung getragen und der freie Bildungszugang für alle Kubaner/innen in der Verfassung verankert. Alte, vorrevolutionäre Strukturen wurden aufgebrochen und gewaltige Sozialprogramme in Gang gesetzt. Mit der Alphabetisierungskampagne von 1961 und den Reformen der Folgejahre legten Fidel CASTRO und Ernesto CHÉ GUEVARA den Grundstein für eine außergewöhnliche Entwicklung im Bildungswesen. Eine Transformation der Gesellschaft sollte zur Erschaffung eines neuen Menschen beitragen. Es folgte die Verankerung der marxistisch-leninistischen Ideologie im Bewusstsein der Kubaner/innen in den 1970er-Jahren, welche die Entwicklungen im Bildungswesen entscheidend beeinflusste. Eine Entwicklung hin zum besten Bildungswesen Lateinamerikas war die Folge. Der Wegfall der wichtigsten Handelspartner ? die ehemaligen europäischen Ostblockstaaten ? sowie das US-Handelsembargo führten jedoch ab 1990 zu einer massiven Krise mit folgenschweren Auswirkungen. Gegenwärtig steht ein anhaltender Mangel an ausgebildeten Lehrkräften und geeigneten Unterrichtsmaterialien nur stellvertretend für viele Herausforderungen, mit denen sich die kubanische Regierung konfrontiert sieht. Ob nach Hugo CHÁVEZ' Tod das wirtschaftliche und soziale Band zwischen Kuba und Venezuela getrennt wird, ist schwer abzuschätzen. Die Folgen wären jedenfalls fatal ? auch für das kubanische Bildungswesen. ; To get an understanding of the present structures of the Cuban education system it is important to consider the political, economical and ideological parameters during the twentieth century. Until the Revolution in the 1950s, Cuba was shaped over centuries by the Spanish colonial rule and the resulting dependency from the USA. However, with the increasing acquisition of socialistic ideas in the 1960s this came to an end. With regard to educational policy, José MARTÍ played an important role because he required free access to all education institutions for all Cubans which then became enshrined in the constitution. Consequently, prerevolutionary structures were broken up and huge social programs were initiated. With numerous reforms as for instance the literacy campaign, Fidel CASTRO and Ernesto CHÉ GUEVARA set the course for an extraordinary development of the education system of Cuba. A new generation of people was intended to be created through a transformation of the society. Hence, the Marxist-Leninist ideology was embedded in the thoughts of the Cubans in the seventies which had a great effect on the developments within the Cuban education system. Subsequently, the Cuban education system evolved into the best in Latin America. Nevertheless, after the fall of the iron curtain, involving the disappearance of the eastern bloc countries which were important trade partners as well as the still existing US trade embargo led from 1990 on to a massive crisis with momentous consequences. At the moment, the Cuban government has to face among other challenges a lack of trained teachers as well as a lack of adequate teaching materials. Whether there is a disruption of the economic and social relations between Cuba and Venezuela after the recently deceased Hugo CHÁVEZ or not remains to be seen. The consequences of a disruption would beyond doubt be disastrous also for the Cuban education system. ; Manuel Erich Schlöglhofer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2013 ; (VLID)226505