Suchergebnisse

SOVIET POLICIES TOWARD THE RUSSIAN JEWISH POPULATION ARE EXAMINED AND ASSESSED, INCLUDING THE GOVERNMENT'S IDENTIFICATION OF JEWS AS A DISTINCT ETHNIC GROUP, ITS CONTROL OF MANIFESTATIONS OF JEWISH CULTURE, AND A RECENT UPSURGING OF ACTIVE ANTI-ZIONISM. EMIGRATION POLICIES ARE EXPLORED, AND THE AUTHOR SUGGESTS THAT, FAR FROM EASING TENSIONS, THEY HAVE WORKED TO INCREASE THEM.

This study examines how overseas Chinese in the U.S used their online narratives to articulate their individual identities, and to form a shared group identity. What is more, during April 2008, rallies and protests were organized by these online discussion groups. The analysis of participants' narratives demonstrates the emancipatory potential of the Internet, that is, online discussion helps members of a marginalized group form a united identity to resist existing power, and to facilitate their collective actions in the real world.
The narrative analysis also shows that although individuals are empowered by the online discussions, and are privileged to question any social or political issue, their choices of standing point are shaped by their social positions and cultural background. The constraining factors (socioeconomic position, cultural background, reality tensions, etc.), through online discourse, are gradually transformed into the common ground of overseas Chinese's online group identity.

The hidden, shameful presence -- The imposition of identities -- Identities, localities, globalities -- Schools as alienating institutions -- Rituals of daily life: past sorrows, present prides -- Straddling the tracks: Mexican farmworkers and the politics of identity -- Conclusions

Hate speech targeting homosexuals, transgender people and other sexual orientations, as well as gender identities that deviate from the prevailing traditional binary system pervades social networks and digital communication channels. As a result, it is causing the exclusion of these groups, which often opt for invisibility in order to survive. Freedom of expression is an essential and preferential right in Western democratic systems. Based on this premise, this paper delves into the European legal and jurisprudential framework on hate speech –especially, acts of transphobia, homophobia and violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity– as a limit to freedom of expression, when other fundamental values, such as dignity, are at stake. Based on an analysis of the main normative instruments that have attempted to define the concept, as well as recent case law on hate speech, the aim of this article is to outline a consensus and to establish stable parameters to configure a legal response –valid in the European context– to cases of homophobic or transphobic speech.

Hate speech targeting homosexuals, transgender people and other sexual orientations, as well as gender identities that deviate from the prevailing traditional binary system pervades social networks and digital communication channels. As a result, it is causing the exclusion of these groups, which often opt for invisibility in order to survive. Freedom of expression is an essential and preferential right in Western democratic systems. Based on this premise, this paper delves into the European legal and jurisprudential framework on hate speech –especially, acts of transphobia, homophobia and violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity– as a limit to freedom of expression, when other fundamental values, such as dignity, are at stake. Based on an analysis of the main normative instruments that have attempted to define the concept, as well as recent case law on hate speech, the aim of this article is to outline a consensus and to establish stable parameters to configure a legal response –valid in the European context– to cases of homophobic or transphobic speech.

Jacqueline Stevens grapples with the meanings of political society and affiliation and how we think about what constitutes family, nation, ethnicity, and race. How do we come to know ourselves and others through these political artifices and naturalized identities? Her project is to trouble our complacencies and make visible the arbitrary practices that produce the inclusions and exclusions of the "state-nation" (p. 43). She examines democratic, communitarian, and liberal theories of political society and finds little attention there to the problem of membership and the ways groups are constituted. Birth, the family, ethnicity, and national origin are undertheorized or considered to derive from natural, ancestral ties. Stevens addresses these inadequacies, and superbly reveals the centrality of birth and kinship practices to political societies.

In the late period of nineteenth- and twentieth-century French imperialism, French thinkers, artists, and colonists had long held a fascination with the "others" inhabiting France's colonies. Intimate contact and cross-cultural encounters led to descriptions and often violent differentiations of these groups that helped define French identity. But what might we learn by employing a "postcolonial praxis" that seeks new ways of interrogating identity from anti-imperial actors? Taking the perspectives of three key anti-imperialists—Frantz Fanon, Ousmane Sembène, and Simone Lellouche Othmani—this article unearths their perceptions about France and French identity. For these figures, France could represent either an unfulfilled promised land or a place of exile. Frenchness, likewise, ran the spectrum from a set of desired if unattainable qualities, an immoral culture to be resisted at all costs, to a national identity to be deployed for political strategy. This radical approach turns Frenchness into an "other" while contributing to the emergence of new postcolonial identities. At the same time, it demonstrates how three important definitions of France and of Frenchness depended upon both peripheral positionality and intimate access to French culture.

International audience ; This paper offers a discourse analysis of the proliferation of sexual identity categories in online LGBTQI+ activism (for example: sapiosexuel, quoisexuel, aromantique, etc.). I propose to qualitatively analyse how these new sexual categories are created, how they are defined by activists, and how they are used. This research is based on a corpus of online discourses (social networks, blogging, etc.). I intend to question the links established by the activists between identity, naming, and power of speech, and thus to consider the political issues this categorical dividing of sexuality entails. ; Cet article propose une analyse discursive de la prolifération des dénominations de l'identité sexuelle dans le militantisme en ligne. En effet, on y voit émerger de nouvelles catégories d'orientation sexuelle (sapiosexuel, quoi sexuel, aromantique, etc.) et d'identité sexuelle (agenre, xenogenre, etc.). Si ces dénominations sont en fait rarement employées dans les usages, on trouve sur le web un certain nombre de discours et de lexiques qui les répertorient et les définissent. Je propose de mener une analyse discursive qualitative de la création de ces dénominations du sexuel, des définitions qui en sont produites, des usages qui en sont faits à partir d'un corpus constitué de posts de blogs LGBTQI+ ainsi que d'interactions sur les réseaux sociaux, notamment Twitter. Il s'agira notamment de réfléchir aux enjeux politiques d'un tel découpage catégoriel de la sexualité, en questionnant les liens établis par les locuteures entre identité, nomination et pouvoir du langage.

International audience ; This paper offers a discourse analysis of the proliferation of sexual identity categories in online LGBTQI+ activism (for example: sapiosexuel, quoisexuel, aromantique, etc.). I propose to qualitatively analyse how these new sexual categories are created, how they are defined by activists, and how they are used. This research is based on a corpus of online discourses (social networks, blogging, etc.). I intend to question the links established by the activists between identity, naming, and power of speech, and thus to consider the political issues this categorical dividing of sexuality entails. ; Cet article propose une analyse discursive de la prolifération des dénominations de l'identité sexuelle dans le militantisme en ligne. En effet, on y voit émerger de nouvelles catégories d'orientation sexuelle (sapiosexuel, quoi sexuel, aromantique, etc.) et d'identité sexuelle (agenre, xenogenre, etc.). Si ces dénominations sont en fait rarement employées dans les usages, on trouve sur le web un certain nombre de discours et de lexiques qui les répertorient et les définissent. Je propose de mener une analyse discursive qualitative de la création de ces dénominations du sexuel, des définitions qui en sont produites, des usages qui en sont faits à partir d'un corpus constitué de posts de blogs LGBTQI+ ainsi que d'interactions sur les réseaux sociaux, notamment Twitter. Il s'agira notamment de réfléchir aux enjeux politiques d'un tel découpage catégoriel de la sexualité, en questionnant les liens établis par les locuteures entre identité, nomination et pouvoir du langage.

International audience ; This paper offers a discourse analysis of the proliferation of sexual identity categories in online LGBTQI+ activism (for example: sapiosexuel, quoisexuel, aromantique, etc.). I propose to qualitatively analyse how these new sexual categories are created, how they are defined by activists, and how they are used. This research is based on a corpus of online discourses (social networks, blogging, etc.). I intend to question the links established by the activists between identity, naming, and power of speech, and thus to consider the political issues this categorical dividing of sexuality entails. ; Cet article propose une analyse discursive de la prolifération des dénominations de l'identité sexuelle dans le militantisme en ligne. En effet, on y voit émerger de nouvelles catégories d'orientation sexuelle (sapiosexuel, quoi sexuel, aromantique, etc.) et d'identité sexuelle (agenre, xenogenre, etc.). Si ces dénominations sont en fait rarement employées dans les usages, on trouve sur le web un certain nombre de discours et de lexiques qui les répertorient et les définissent. Je propose de mener une analyse discursive qualitative de la création de ces dénominations du sexuel, des définitions qui en sont produites, des usages qui en sont faits à partir d'un corpus constitué de posts de blogs LGBTQI+ ainsi que d'interactions sur les réseaux sociaux, notamment Twitter. Il s'agira notamment de réfléchir aux enjeux politiques d'un tel découpage catégoriel de la sexualité, en questionnant les liens établis par les locuteures entre identité, nomination et pouvoir du langage.

A key issue for interest groups and policymakers is the ways through which organized interests voice their interests and influence public policy. This article combines two perspectives on interest group representation to explain patterns of interest group access to different political arenas. From a resource exchange perspective, it argues that access to different political arenas is discrete as it is determined by the match between the supply and demands of interest groups and gatekeepers-politicians, bureaucrats, and reporters. From a partly competing perspective, it is argued that access is cumulative and converges around wealthy and professionalized groups. Based on a large-scale investigation of group presence in Danish political arenas, the analyses show a pattern of privileged pluralism. This describes a system where multiple political arenas provide opportunities for multiple interests but where unequally distributed resources produce cumulative effects (i.e., the same groups have high levels of arena access). Adapted from the source document.

On the 50th anniversary of the ISSA and IRSS, a leading Canadian scholar on sport, identities, and community, Christine Dallaire, considers the dynamic role of sport in reproducing national and ethnocultural communities in Canada. A diverse research agenda grew, merging considerations of not only the trajectory of Canada as a nation, but the meshing of immigrant and new national identities and the role of First Nations communities on the sport landscape. Noting the constant interaction and opposition among communities with different self-determination, ethnocultural and national aims, an ongoing challenge in sociological work about the roles of sport resides in reaching nuanced understandings of differing identity narratives that circulate and that are reinvented through sport. Future research will need to focus on the complexities of "Canadianness" in sporting identities and how the reproduction of contested ethnocultural and national identities are cast and understood in stories about differentiated, racialized, and gendered sport heroes.

AbstractNational celebrations have been defined as manifestations of collective identities that glorify the nation and strengthen the national community. However, the magnitude and design of celebrations in autocratic states indicate a different ideational function that these symbolic events play in an autocratic political system. Autocratic elites have the administrative capacity to distort everyday routines and impose ideological principles of how people participate in state celebrations. How citizens engage in official celebratory practices in an authoritarian political context formulates a valuable contribution to the conceptualisation of national celebrations. Drawing on focus group discussions and ethnographic observations, I investigate how people negotiate meanings of celebratory and commemorative practices in the context of autocratic Belarus. I discuss how volatile the symbolic politics is when the invention of new symbolic traditions or the reinvention of old narratives does not appeal to all social groups and lacks authenticity.

This study explores elderly volunteers' identity during their experiences volunteering in the community in Shanghai. Purposive and snowball sampling strategies were used to recruit elderly volunteers to participate in semi-structured, in-depth interviews ( N = 40). Participants developed new identities during volunteering. Through volunteering, they also continued to sustain their professional identities and Chinese Communist Party identities. Volunteering had both positive and negative implications for participants' identities. Our findings suggest that volunteering strengthened participants' role identity and social identity to better adapt to life after retirement. Volunteering also helped participants achieve identity continuity. This study offers nuanced sociocultural context to current elderly volunteering research and informs tailored policy and practice development in urban China.