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This article combines health and water research results, evidence from confidential documents released under the Freedom of Information Act, legal analysis, and discussion of historical context to demonstrate that actions taken by the international community through the Inter-American Development Bank are directly related to a lack of access to clean water in Haiti. The article demonstrates that these actions constitute a clear violation of Haitians' right to water under both domestic and international law. The article exposes the United States government's role in blocking the disbursal of millions of dollars in international bank loans that would have had life-saving consequences for the Haitian people. The loans were derailed in 2001 by politically-motivated interventions on behalf of the US and other members of the international community in direct violation of the Inter-American Development Bank charter. To demonstrate the impact of these interventions, the article presents data gathered in a study that employed human rights and public health methodologies to assess the right to water in Haiti. The data reveal that Haitians experience obstacles concerning every aspect of the right to water: difficulties with water availability, limited physical and economic accessibility, and poor water quality. The article provides a framework of concrete duties and obligations that should be followed by all actors involved in Haiti in order to realize Haitians' human right to water. In response to the undeniable link between the international community's political interference and the intolerably poor state of potable water in Haiti, the article concludes with a recommendation that all actors in Haiti follow a rights-based approach to the development and implementation of water projects in Haiti. The full report of Woch nan Soley: The Denial of the Right to Water in Haiti is available online at http://www.pih.org/inforesources/Reports/Haiti_Report_FINAL.pdf. Adapted from the source document.

Memorializes political scientist Leslie C. Eliason for her contributions to comparative politics & international relations.

Kapitalmarktorientierte Unternehmen in der EU haben ihre Konzernabschlüsse seit 2005 nach den International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) zu erstellen. Ziel ist es, die Rechnungslegungsadressaten mit hochwertigen Informationen über die wirtschaftliche Lage zu versorgen. Fraglich ist jedoch, ob die IFRS-Einführung dies allein erreichen kann. So wird die Rechnungslegungspraxis nicht nur von Normen, sondern auch von institutionellen Faktoren beeinflusst. Anhand ausgewählter Eigenschaften von Ergebnisgrößen untersucht der Autor vor diesem Hintergrund, inwiefern die Umstellung auf die IFRS e

This position paper identifies a range of elements in the international debate on 'Competition Policy' that preceded the 2001 Doha Declaration. It is intended as a 'scene-setter', as the WTO moves towards its pivotal fifth Ministerial meeting in Mexico in September 2003.

It is often claimed that the participation of civil society organisations (CSOs) can mitigate the 'democratic deficit' of international organisations and the European Union. The underlying assumption is that transnational CSOs are, through their advocacy work, voicing citizens' interests, anxieties, hopes and ideals. In this paper we report the first results of an empirical research project in which we investigated if, and in what precise way, transnational CSOs are actually reaching out to citizens. In our interviews with officials from 60 transnational CSOs we found that, in most cases, communication between the CSO offices and members is dense when discussing strategic decisions. However, in tactical matters CSO officials seem to rely more on consultation with peers, and the international secretariats often act autonomously. We were also able to identify two prevailing models of consultation in transnational CSOs. First, there is a 'formal and federal model' of consultation that features representative bodies in which sub-units are represented. The second is an 'informal participatory model', which contains a great deal of ad hoc communication between the office and interested individuals. From the point of view of democratic theory, both models have specific advantages and, thus, it cannot be said that one is generally preferable. Within each category, however, there are CSOs that perform better than others. ; In der Literatur wird oft behauptet, dass das demokratische Defizit internationaler Organisationen und der Europäischen Union durch die Beteiligung zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisationen (ZGOs) gemindert werden könnte. Dem liegt die Annahme zugrunde, dass transnationale ZGOs durch ihre politische Arbeit den Interessen, Ängsten, Idealen und Hoffnungen von Bürgern eine Stimme geben. In diesem Arbeitspapier präsentieren wir die ersten Ergebnisse eines empirischen Forschungsprojekts, in dem wir untersucht haben, ob, und wenn ja, wie, transnationale ZGOs die Bürger in ihre Arbeit einbinden. Unsere Interviews mit Mitarbeitern von 60 transnationalen ZGOs ergaben, dass die Kommunikation zwischen Funktionären und Mitgliedern in ZGOs recht intensiv ist, sofern es um die Vorbereitung strategischer Entscheidungen geht. In den eher taktischen Fragen scheinen sich ZGO-Mitarbeiter dagegen mehr auf Konsultationen mit Kollegen zu stützen, und die Sekretariate agieren oft autonom. Grundsätzlich können wir zudem zwei vorherrschende Konsultationsmodelle in internationalen Organisationen unterscheiden: ein formales und föderales Modell, bei dem untergeordnete organisatorische Einheiten in repräsentativen Organen konsultiert werden, sowie ein informelles und partizipatorisches Modell, welches auf ad-hoc-Kommunikation zwischen dem Sekretariat und Individuen basiert. Beide Modelle haben aus demokratietheoretischer Sicht jeweils spezifische Vorteile, so dass keines der beiden pauschal als besser einzustufen wäre. Vielmehr gibt es in jeder der beiden Kategorien Organisationen, die mehr und bessere Konsultationen ermöglichen als andere.

On March 20, 2008, the Bush School of Government and Public Service and the European Union Center of Excellence of Texas A&M University teamed with the LBJ School of the University of Texas at Austin and with the U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute for a program to examine the choices facing the American voter in foreign and defense policy in the November 2008 elections. This colloquium examined the contemporary international environment and American national security policy for the next presidential administration. Participants examined how threats, policies, and strategies have changed since 2001 and how the U.S., European and other international security systems have responded to changing requirements.--p. 1. ; "Colloquium Report" ; "October 2008" ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Introduction -- Panel: The Post-911 Security Challenges: Humanitarian, Homeland Security, and State-Building Issues - New Tricks and Old Dogs? -- Learning from Failed States / Dr. Robin Dorff -- Building Failed States / Mr. Richard McCall -- European Views on Homeland Security / Mr. John Wilson -- Terrorism and Peacekeeping / Dr. Volker C. Franke -- Keynote Address: Leadership and the National Security reform Agenda / The Honorable James R. Locher III -- Debate: The Next President's National Security Agenda / Moderator, Dr. Joseph R. Cerami -- The 2008 Election : the Republican Party and National Security / Dr. Michael C. Desch -- The 2008 Election : The Democratic Party and National Security / Dr. James M. Lindsay -- Concluding Remarks / Dr. Joseph R. Cerami -- About the Participants -- About the Sponsors. ; On March 20, 2008, the Bush School of Government and Public Service and the European Union Center of Excellence of Texas A&M University teamed with the LBJ School of the University of Texas at Austin and with the U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute for a program to examine the choices facing the American voter in foreign and defense policy in the November 2008 elections. This colloquium examined the contemporary international environment and American national security policy for the next presidential administration. Participants examined how threats, policies, and strategies have changed since 2001 and how the U.S., European and other international security systems have responded to changing requirements.--p. 1. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Contractual knowledge: One hundred years of legal experimentation in global markets', edited by Grégoire Mallard and Jérôme Sgard, extends the scholarship of law and globalization in two important directions. First, it provides a unique genealogy of global economic governance by explaining the transition from English law to one where global exchanges are primarily governed by international, multilateral, and finally, transnational legal orders. Second, rather than focusing on macro-political organizations, like the League of Nations or the International Monetary Fund, the book examines elements of contracts, including how and by whom they were designed and exactly who (experts, courts, arbitrators, and international organizations) interpreted, upheld, and established the legal validity of these contracts. By exploring such micro-level aspects of market exchanges, this collection unveils the contractual knowledge that led to the globalization of markets over the last century

Aus Sicht der DDR