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The recent financial crisis triggered the greatest recession since the 1930s and had a devastating impact on households' wealth and on their capacity to reduce their indebtedness. In the aftermath, it became clear that there is significant room for improvement in property risk management. While there has been innovation in the management of corporate finance risk, real estate has lagged behind. Now is the time to expand the range of tools available for hedging households' risks and, thus, to advance the democratization of finance. Property equity represents the major asset in households' portfolios in developed and undeveloped countries. The present paper analyzes a set of potential innovations in real estate risk management, such as price level-adjusted mortgages, property derivatives, and home equity value insurance. Financial institutions, households, and governments should work together to improve the performance of the financial instruments available and, thus, to help mitigate the worst impacts of economic cycles. ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (published version)

The recent financial crisis triggered the greatest recession since the 1930s and had a devastating impact on households' wealth and on their capacity to reduce their indebtedness. In the aftermath, it became clear that there is significant room for improvement in property risk management. While there has been innovation in the management of corporate finance risk, real estate has lagged behind. Now is the time to expand the range of tools available for hedging households' risks and, thus, to advance the democratization of finance. Property equity represents the major asset in households' portfolios in developed and undeveloped countries. The present paper analyzes a set of potential innovations in real estate risk management, such as price level-adjusted mortgages, property derivatives, and home equity value insurance. Financial institutions, households, and governments should work together to improve the performance of the financial instruments available and, thus, to help mitigate the worst impacts of economic cycles. ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (published version)

ABSTRACT: Increased attention to the problem of efficiency and equity in the provision of medical equipment and limited people's choice to make health care reform the health sector become an important agenda in many countries. Although health policy implications into the discourse of prominent intensity in the academic literature, however, health policy implications are not commonly found in developing countries. It is difficult because of the exchange balance (trade off) between on the one hand the efficiency and equity on the other side. Decentralization became a kind of necessity, the sine qua non, in connection with the idea of democratization in the administration of state power. Decentralization is one of the pillars of constitutionalism is the idea of power sharing in a vertical / spatial, but on the other hand, decentralization / autonomy turns out to complicate the implementation of the functions and duties of government in general and specifically in health problems (if not based on an institutional Virtue) for the government and the regions. Policy and Health Issues in the Context of Regional Autonomy

The paper shows that US monetary policy has been an important determinant of global equity markets. Analysing 50 equity markets worldwide, we find that returns fall on average around 3.8% in response to a 100 basis point tightening of US monetary policy, ranging from a zero response in some to a reaction of 10% or more in other countries, as well as significant cross-sector heterogeneity. Distinguishing different transmission channels, we find that in particular the transmission via US and foreign short-term interest rates and the exchange rate play an important role. As to the determinants of the strength of transmission to individual countries, we test the relevance of their macroeconomic policies and the degree of real and financial integration, thus linking the strength of asset price transmission to underlying trade and asset holdings, and find that in particular the degree of global integration of countries – and not a country's bilateral integration with the United States – is a key determinant for the transmission process.

In this article I argue that, if civil partnership is to persist and marriage remain unchanged, civil partnership must be extended to include opposite-sex couples. I develop my case through an analysis of Andrews J's decision in the High Court in R (Steinfeld) v Secretary of State for Education. Firstly, I demonstrate why it matters whether any specific discrimination claim is equality-based or liberty-based. Secondly, I suggest the immutability or flexibility in meaning of particular status relationships – both civil partnership and marriage – assumed by each side in Steinfeld. Thirdly, to determine the correctness of the decision in Steinfeld, I examine the ongoing relevance and value of the High Court's earlier decision in Wilkinson v Kitzinger (No 2), particularly in light of the European Convention's developing jurisprudence. Fourthly, given its notable absence from Andrews J's judgment, I consider the significance of the nature and justifiability of the public interest in status relationships. I conclude that, whilst an equality-based discrimination claim demands that entitlement to enter into civil partnership be extended to opposite-sex couples, a liberty-based perspective reveals that revisiting the meaning of civil marriage may yet justify denying demands for extending entitlement to entry into civil partnership. Preferring the equality-based approach depends on seeing it as justifiable for the courts, not Parliament, to pursue reform here. Favouring the liberty-based view turns on believing that the meaning of marriage has been transformed by the modernising role for civil marriage.

In left critiques of globalization, it is often argued that liberal-egalitarian principles are inadequate for thinking about and struggling for global justice; that they are, in fact, part of the problem. For the case of identity politics as a left alternative, the paper points at two fallacies in this notion, regarding two 'liberal' elements: individualism and universalism. The paper examines groupidentity claims in far right conceptions of global injustice, and shows that cultural diversity of groups does not necessitate or even favour equality and democratic participation. It then examines the left group-based claims in the global justice discourse, showing that the aspirations for equality and freedom assume the liberal notions that have been often rejected as inadequate. The paper concludes that this ambivalent position undermines the democratic and egalitarian aspirations of left critiques of the global order. The analysis is based on manifestos and publications of political parties and movements in Western Europe (France, Germany and Austria).

AbstractThe neo-liberal variant of capitalist political economy is a problematic model of the economy no longer in sync with advances in technology, industry, or social science. The solution is institutional and governmental redesign that pays attention to issues of equity, flourishing, democracy, and the power of the relevant participants.

"Sexual/Liberation addresses the paradoxes of sexual freedom in contemporary neoliberal Ireland. It invites readers to imagine a revolutionary form of sexual liberation beyond the present objective of achieving equality within a grossly unequal social order. Centrally, the book offers a critical meditation on images of gay men circulating in post-marriage equality Irish culture. Such images tell us little about the actual lives of gay men but offer us considerable insight into the political imaginary - the values, norms, anxieties and contradictions - of the society in which those images circulate"--

Women entrepreneurs and the AEC -- A profile of women entrepreneurs -- ICT opens new horizons -- Banking on women -- Shaping the policy landscape -- Growth, inclusion and equality

Growing up as the child of former sharecroppers in a segregated Baltimore, Elijah Cummings saw firsthand how injustice could run rampant, even in a democracy that promises fairness and equality. But with a strong support system and fiery self-discipline, Elijah utilized the momentum of the civil rights movement to overcome the obstacles of poverty and racism to effect change at a time when our country so badly needed it. In We're Better Than This, young readers will learn not only that we must be and do better than our oppressors but that it is our shared responsibility as a nation to keep our democracy intact because it is the only way to pursue freedom, justice, and equality for all

This article explores how Canadian philanthropic foundations with social justice mandates responded to the social and economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic by loosening restrictions for grantees; collaborating on new initiatives; elevating grassroots knowledge; and balancing short- and long-term priorities. This response, however, revealed a series of tensions in the dominant pre-COVID-19 philanthropic model—specifically, as a mechanism to address the social, econ- omic, and ecological crises that predate COVID-19. The early pandemic response of grantmaking foundations can there- fore serve as a model for what a more democratic, agile, collaborative, and justice-oriented philanthropic sector can look like. RÉSUMÉ Cet article examine la réponse de fondations philanthropiques canadiennes aux enjeux de justice sociale pendant la pandémie de COVID-19. Elles l'ont fait en assouplissant les exigences exigées aux donataires; en collaborant autour de nouvelles initiatives; en priorisant l'expertise des communautés; et en équilibrant les priorités à long et à court terme. Cette réponse révèle les tensions inhérentes au modèle classique de l'action philanthropique, particulièrement dans les façons de répondre aux crises sociales, économiques et écologiques. La réponse actuelle fournit des bases solides pour repenser le modèle d'action du secteur philanthropique subventionnaire afin qu'il soit plus démocratique, plus collaboratif et plus axé sur la justice. ; Cet article examine comment les fondations philanthropiques canadiennes ont changé leurs politiques, pratiques, et programmes en réponse aux impacts sociaux et économiques de la pandémie du COVID-19. Nous regroupons ces changements en quatre thèmes généraux: (1) l'assouplissement des règles, des modalités de régulations et des contraintes aux bénéficiaires; (2) des collaborations pour de nouveaux programmes et nouvelles initiatives; (3) l'augmentation des connaissances et de l'expertise de base; et (4) l'équilibre entre les priorités et les objectifs à court et à long terme. Nous soutenons que, pendant le processus d'organisation de la réponse philanthropique à la crise sanitaire, le secteur philanthropique a été confronté à des tensions inhérentes au modèle dominant de l'action philanthropique subventionnaire pré-COVID-19. Ces tensions relevaient particulièrement des carences observées et toujours observables dans les façons de répondre aux crises sociales, économiques et écologiques. En fonction des constats que nous avons posés, nous suggérons que la réponse actuelle des fondations à la pandémie fournit des assises solides pour repenser ou refonder le modèle d'action du secteur philanthropique subventionnaire afin qu'il soit le plus démocratique, agile, collaboratif et efficace possible.

Analyses the quarterly share price discount/ premium of Singapore property companies in the period 1980‐94. Further investigations suggest an inverse relationship between the size of average valuation discount of property equity and direct property return even in the presence of a "pure" property factor in both markets. Lends further research evidence to the growing belief that property stocks may be regarded as proxy for direct property investments.