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What is complex religion and how does it relate to social inclusion? Complex religion is a theory which posits that religion intersects with inequality, especially class, race, ethnicity and gender. The nine articles in this volume examine a wide array of ways that religion intersects with inequality, and how, as a result, it can create barriers to social inclusion. The issue begins with three articles that examine the role of religion and its intersection with race and racialization processes. It then moves to three articles that examine religion's intersection with socioeconomic inequality. The issue closes with three studies of how religion's relationship with the state creates and maintains various status hierarchies, even as some religious movements seek to combat inequality. Together, these articles enrichen our understanding of the complex task before anyone seeking to think about the role of religion in social inclusion.

Craig Calhoun is Director of the London School of Economics and Political Science. Eduardo Mendieta is an Associate Professor of Philosophy at SUNY Stony Brook. Jonathan VanAntwerpen is Director of the Program on Religion and the Public Sphere at the Social Science Research Council, New York.

Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Dedication -- Preface to the Second Edition -- Changes in Moral and Religious Attitudes -- A Conflict over Sacred Values -- Preface to the First Edition -- Introduction: Gaining Perspective -- Background to Current Debates -- Same-Sex Relationships in Historical Perspective -- Roman Sexual Ethos of Dominance and Submission: Its Relevance to the New Testament -- From Homosexuality to Homosexualities -- Research into Sexual Orientation -- Research into the Origins of Same-Sex Desire -- The Quest for Marriage Equality -- Part One: Religion -- 1. The Non-Affirming Church -- Three Non-Affirming Viewpoints -- I. Prohibition -- Discerning the Ways of God -- The Case for Prohibition -- A. Creation -- B. Reconciliation in Christ -- C. Redemption in the Spirit -- Reflection -- II. Toleration -- Discerning the Ways of God -- The Case for Toleration -- Reading Romans -- A. Creation -- B. Reconciliation in Christ -- C. Redemption in the Spirit -- Reflection -- III. Accommodation -- Discerning the Ways of God -- The Case for Accommodation -- Reading Romans -- A. Creation -- B. Reconciliation in Christ -- C. Redemption in the Spirit -- Reflection -- Summary -- 2. Toward a Welcoming, Affirming Church -- Viewpoint IV. Legitimation -- Discerning the Ways of God -- The Case for Legitimationism -- Reading Romans -- A. Creation -- B. Reconciliation in Christ -- C. Redemption in the Spirit -- Reflection -- V. Celebration -- Discerning the Ways of God -- The Case for Celebration -- Reading Romans -- A. Creation -- B. Reconciliation in Christ -- C. Redemption in the Spirit -- Reflection -- VI. Liberation -- Discerning the Ways of God -- The Case for Liberation -- Reading Romans -- A. Creation -- B. Reconciliation in Christ -- C. Redemption in the Spirit -- Reflection -- VII. Consecration -- Discerning the Ways of God

This symposium brings together three reflections on Lilla's The Stillborn God to which we are privileged to add Lilla's response. For all our differences, Tessitore, Hancock, and I share one overarching concern. None of us denies that modern political philosophy makes possible decent political regimes respecting human rights, freedom of conscience, and the rule of law. The question is whether in so doing, modern Enlighteners do not misinterpret the "theological-political problem" so as to undermine our capacity to consider the problem again at the moment in which clear thinking and sound policy are most needed. To the extent that Lilla takes sides on behalf of Hobbes's wisdom that keeps political science and political theology separate, the three commentators wonder whether Lilla is himself barred from a political philosophy that would quell the fires of religious fanaticism. Adapted from the source document.

The relationship between populism and religion is complex because populists hijack religion but are often more interested in belonging than believing. This is one reason why there is a growing distance between populists and many leaders of mainline churches. To understand this complex field, we have to take social crises seriously and see how a static religion is, according to Henri Bergson, the first response to the precariousness of human life. This type of religion has led to closed societies leaning toward pseudospeciation and parochial altruism. Bergson, however, did not only describe static religion but also recognized dynamic religion leading to an open society. Jesus Christs Sermon on the Mount, with its call to love ones enemy, is his key example. By going beyond Bergson, we can recognize dynamic religion as the mystic core of all world religions. Dynamic religion enables a universal fraternity, which is an essential element of every democracy in overcoming its populist temptations by respecting, internally, the rights of minorities and, externally, the universal human rights. Three examples from different religious backgrounds show how dynamic religion supports democracy through fraternity: the fraternal tradition in modern Catholicism, the Muslim philosopher S.B. Diagne and the Hindu M.K. Gandhi. ; (VLID)5254209 ; Version of record

Scholars have devoted considerable attention to understanding how individuals' political and economic attitudes shape their views toward government policies designed to alleviate growing income inequality in the United States. However, much less attention has been paid to the question of how religion shapes Americans' attitudes toward income inequality and redistributive policies. Using data drawn from the 2013 Economic Values Survey conducted by the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI), we explore the role that religion—including religious affiliation, the degree and nature of religiosity, the nexus of politics and religion, and interpretations of biblical text—plays in structuring individuals' attitudes toward government redistribution policies. We find that religious affiliation and participation do not meaningfully shape attitudes toward redistributive policies; however, identification with the "religious right" and specific interpretations of scripture do influence how Americans think about redistribution. These findings provide evidence that standard treatments of religion focusing primarily on affiliation and religiosity may have somewhat limited explanatory power with regard to attitudes about issues that fall outside of the standard "culture wars" framework, at least relative to the explanatory power of more specific expressions of religious belief.

1. Religion and identity : theoretical considerations -- 2. Bosnian, Croatian, and Slovenian Catholicisms in contemporary Europe -- 3. Bosnian, Croatian, and Slovenian Catholicisms : narratives, legacies, and collective identities -- 4. Collectivistic Christianities in the European context.

"Development and Religion" published on by Oxford University Press.

In the first half of the 17th century, three major Buddhist governments that combined a twofold religious and political structure under a Buddhist ruler were established in the Tibetan cultural area (hereafter: Joint Twofold System of Governance).1 In 1625/26,2 Bhutan was united under the rule of a charismatic Tibetan Buddhist master, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594– ca. 1651; hereafter: Zhabdrung); Tibet and Sikkim followed, both in 1642 – although with significant differences in their respective institutionalisation. The Bhutanese government as a constitutional monarchy with a Buddhist king is the only one among the three still in existence today. Bhutan's transformation into a modern society along the lines of this Joint Twofold System of Governance under the conditions of non-colonialisation but with crucial and intense encounters of its societal elites with Western and Asian forms of modernity and secularity represents, therefore, a unique case in point.