Suchergebnisse

Blut und Sand ? Die Amphitheater in der römischen Provinz NoricumGladiatorenkämpfe, Tierhetzen und Hinrichtungen waren ein fester Bestanteil des römischen Lebens. Bereits im 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. zogen die Veranstaltungen eine breite Menschenmasse in ihren Bann. Das Amphitheater diente dabei als Schauplatz der meist blutigen Darbietungen. Eigens von den Römern entwickelt, tat es sich mit seiner charakteristischen Architektur, aus zentraler Arena und umlaufender Cavea, zu den größten Bauformen der Antike hervor. Die Ausmaße sowie die Gestaltung der Amphitheater waren allerdings nicht überall identisch sondern konnten je nach Bedarf und Region stark variieren. In der römischen Provinz Noricum lassen sich derzeit Amphitheater in Flavia Solva, Gleisdorf und Virunum lokalisieren, die allesamt einen außergewöhnlich langgestreckten Grundriss aufweisen. Möglicherweise kann dieser sogar als ein norisches Charakteristikum angeführt werden, wobei es diesbezüglich aber noch viele Fragen zu klären gilt. Aufgrund des begrenzten Forschungsstandes können derzeit noch keine sicheren Angaben gemacht werden. Weitere archäologische Untersuchungen auf diesem Gebiet könnten wichtige Ergebnisse liefern und unseren Kenntnisstand über jene faszinierenden und geschichtsträchtigen Monumente noch ausdehnen. Denn möglicherweise fanden auch andere Veranstaltungen in den norischen Amphitheatern statt: athletische Wettbewerbe, Reitervorführungen und militärische Übungen; das Amphitheater als ein multifunktionaler Bau. Die drei bisher dokumentierten Anlagen in Noricum werden allerdings kaum die einzigen Bauten für derartige Massenveranstaltungen in der Provinz gewesen sein. Indizien auf unentdeckte Anlage finden sich in Teurnia (bei Spittal a. d. Trau), Ovilavis (Wels) und Cetium (St. Pölten). Heute erinnern uns nur noch die archäologischen Überreste, der ehemals prachtvollen Amphitheater, an die glorreichen Kämpfe in den Arenen. ; Blood and Sand ? Amphitheatres in the Roman province NoricumGladiator fights, animal hunts and executions were inherent parts of Roman life. Already in the first century B.C., these bloody events attracted large crowds of people to the amphitheatres that served as a location for them. Developed by the Romans, the amphitheatre became one of the most famous construction forms of the ancient times due to its characteristic architecture consisting of a central arena and the surrounding cavea. However it has to be noted that size and design of amphitheatres were not the same everywhere, they strongly varied depending on the purpose they were mainly used for and the region they were located in.In the Roman province Noricum, amphitheatres can be found in Flavia Solva, Gleisdorf and Virunum. They all have an extraordinarily elongated layout which could possibly be considered a typically Noric characteristic. However in order to be definitely able to say whether this is the case, further research in this area has to be done since the current state of research is too limited to do so. Further archaeological research in this area could reveal important results and increase the knowledge about these fascinating and historically important monuments. It is possible that in addition to the afore mentioned bloody events, also other events like athletic competitions, cavalry demonstrations and military exercises took place in the Noric amphitheatres ? they were multifunctional. It is to be assumed that the three up to now documented amphitheatres in Noricum were not the only ones in the province. In Teurnia (near Spittal/Drau), Ovilavis (Wels) and Cetium (St. Pölten), there is evidence for yet undiscovered amphitheatres. At present, only the archaeological remains of the formerly magnificent amphitheatres remind us of the fights that took place in the arenas. ; vorgelegt von Nina Scheucher ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2013 ; (VLID)232295

This thesis offers a critical analysis of the intellectual and institutional transformations in late Qing China. The Western invasion of China in the second half of the nineteenth century contributed to the making of modern China. Focusing on the late Qing reforms in the fields of law, public rituals, education, and economy, this thesis investigates China's efforts and strategies to negotiate with British imperialism in its search for modernity. Situating the late Qing reforms in a semicolonial context, it questions the established view that Chinese modernity is either a mimicked version of Euro-American modernity or an instance of "colonial modernity." With special reference to the British imperialist practices in China, the thesis seeks to show how the diffused and fragmented presence of Western imperialism produced a distinctive form of semicolonial modernity, and how it allowed China to recognize the West both as a source of oppression and as an instrument of resistance. The thesis is conceptually organized. Each chapter focuses on a major aspect of the late Qing reforms and investigates a specific institutional change. The thesis not only shows how semicolonialism helped produce Western knowledge about legal liberty, social equality, scientific inquiry, and corporate capital, but also provides a critical analysis of semicolonial institutions, such as modern colleges, state-sponsored enterprises, and extraterritorial courts, in which alternative models of social governance could be envisioned, compared, and practiced. Chapter 1 investigates the Lady Hughes dispute and explores the connections between the British discourse on legal liberty and the creation of judicial extraterritoriality in China. It argues that British legal liberalism and Qing legal pluralism failed to understand each other but they collaborated to establish British extraterritoriality in China. Chapter 2 examines how the British critique of koutou produced a revolutionary discourse on human dignity and social equality in China. It shows how the Chinese reformers accepted the Orientalist interpretations of koutou and discusses the role of Orientalism in the formation of Chinese modernity. Chapter 3 explores the historical continuity between British liberal education and the rise of scientific education in late Qing China. Focusing on the role of the Western Protestant missionaries in the curricular reforms and the abolition of the imperial civil service examinations, it shows how the idea of liberal education challenged Confucian meritocracy and helped create the modern Chinese subject. In reference to Zheng Guanying and the state-sponsored enterprises, Chapter 4 investigates the role of corporate capital and comprador entrepreneurs in the creation of the modern Chinese state. It demonstrates that the joint-stock corporation allowed the self-reforming Qing government to collaborate with and make use of private capital. Finally, tracing the historical legacy of the late Qing reforms, the thesis attempts to show that Chinese modernity is an unfinished project that compels us to examine its semicolonial origins. ; published_or_final_version ; English ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

The arrival of the modern matron into the NHS acute setting in 2001 was in response to increased public and political concern regarding standards of nursing care and the quality of patient care. As a politically motivated initiative, the modern matron role and its relationship with the concept of the traditional matron has been extensively debated. The aims of this study were to explore: 1. How far the modern matron represents continuity between the traditional matrons of the mid 20th century and the present day. 2. What socio-political forces led to the development and establishment of the modern matron? 3. From the perspective of health professionals, what impact has the modern matron had on the quality of patient care? Adopting a case study design underpinned by realistic evaluation, the study involved interviewing patients and a carer, a focus group and interviews with staff and national policy leads. Documentary analysis was undertaken on a set of traditional matron archives. A number of key themes emerged from the research, including: the importance of uniform and visibility, patient expectations, the impact of policy processes and the political rationale for national policy change. Conflict between ensuring nursing quality and operational demands, which acts as a barrier to the modern matron role, was also found. Long-held assumptions about the functions and the positioning of the traditional matron are explored, with continuity and divergence between the traditional and modern matron roles revealed. Using a realistic evaluation approach, the findings were framed whilst considering the structural and generative elements, which resulted in social interplay or visible phenomena and provided an explanation for the predicament of the modern matron. The key conclusions were that national policy decisions appeared to be diluted once locally implemented. Modern matrons in part did positively impact on care quality. The introduction of modern matrons and the quality agenda may have been the start of a national discussion about how to continually improve patient care in an arena where intermittent care quality challenges which give concern. The effect of previous national policies that impacted on senior nurses may have diverted them away from their core purpose – patient care. The modern matron guidance may have been limited before publication by the inference within it about limiting the authority of the new post-holders. There was limited evidence of the modern matrons' visibility to patients and this was reflected by the traditional matron's accounts. The expectation of modern matrons' physical presence may have been drawn from assumptions embedded in nostalgia and media portrayal of the traditional matron. The thesis concludes with implications for strategic nurse leaders and national policy leads to consider how the organisational arrangements for secondary care can best support and secure the ultimate aim of consistent provision of good quality nursing care.

Tradicionalni koncept romanizacije umnogome je uticao na formiranje metodologije istraživanja rimskih spomenika u Evropi. Za formiranje osnovnih načela koncepta zaslužan je nemački istoričar i epigrafičar Teodor Momzen koji u svojoj knjizi Istorija Rima po prvi put definiše odnose između rimske 'civilizacije' i lokalnih zajednica. Momzen pretpostavlja proces u kojem prilikom sudara različitih, kulturno politički i ekonomski asimetričnih zajednica neminovno dolazi do asimilovanja one strane koja je inferiorna u svakom smislu, a to su po pravilu lokalne zajednice. Kroz usvajanje jezika, pisma, običaja i materijalne kulture, lokalne zajednice postaju više rimske, odnosno romanizuju se. Ovakva postavka paradigme iz osnova je izmenila način na koji su se do tada istraživači bavili rimskom prošlošću. Sve do Momzena i njegovih akademskih naslednika, rimska materijalna kultura sagledavana je kroz njenu umetničku vrednost ili kroz značaj za rekonstrukciju važnih istorijskih događaja. Uvođenjem koncepta romanizacije, istraživači su po prvi put mogli da materijalnu kulturu posmatraju u kontekstima svakodnevnih društvenih događaja. Iako prilično rudimentaran i ograničen, ovakav koncept je obeležio istraživanja rimske arheologije kroz čitav 20. vek. U vreme kada se Momzenove ideje prihvataju i razrađuju u Zapadnoj Evropi, na Balkanu se formiraju arheološke discipline, školuju se prvi arheolozi i započinju prva moderna arheološka istraživanja. Ovaj rad se bavi ispitivanjem uticaja koje su te ideje mogle imati na formiranje rimske arheologije u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji, koje se u tom trenutku nalaze u prilično različitim političkim kontekstima. ; The traditional concept of Romanization has heavily influenced the methodology of research of the Roman monuments in Europe. The basic principles of the concept have been laid out by Theodor Mommsen, the German historian and an expert in epigraphy, who was the first to define the relationships between the Roman 'civilization' and the local populations in his book The History of Rome. Mommsen presents a process in which two different political, economic and technological communities meet, and the inferior one is inevitably assimilated. Through the adoption of language, script, customs and material culture, the local communities become more Roman, i.e. they are romanized. This paradigm framework has fundamentally changed the way in which the researchers approach the Roman past. This was the first time that the material culture was explained inside archaeology as the discipline associated to history. The introduction of the concept of Romanization enabled the scholars to analyze the material culture in the context of everyday activities, regardless of their artistic value. Although this concept is a largely simplified view of the past, it has marked the Roman archaeology throughout the 20th century. At the moment when Mommsen's ideas are accepted and elaborated in Western Europe, the discipline of archaeology is formed in the Balkans, the first researchers are trained and the first modern archaeological researches are launched. The paper analyses the influence of his ideas upon the formation of Classical archaeology in Croatia and Serbia, two significantly different political contexts.

[ES]En los albores de este siglo XXI se está produciendo en las sociedades democráticas más avanzadas un nuevo paso en el desarrollo de los Estados de base constitucional que tratan de —una vez que parece consolidada la existencia de una suficiente participación democrática, con unas garantías sociales básicas y un aceptable marco jurídico-institucional— optimizar estos regímenes a través de ideas que buscan la mejora de la gestión pública y que se enmarcan dentro de las teorías del Buen Gobierno o las democracias de calidad. A este nuevo régimen de Buen Gobierno están contribuyendo decisivamente las propuestas de las instituciones internaciones (ONU, IFI's y otras organizaciones políticas internacionales), aunque muchas de ellas se dirigen, casi en exclusividad, al gobierno de las sociedades democráticamente menos avanzadas bajo el parámetro de la llamada Gobernabilidad. Además, se está produciendo una importante aportación doctrinal a través de la evolución de las teorías de la Nueva Gestión Pública y los modelos gerencialistas públicos de raíz económico-empresarial hacia modelos de naturaleza cívico-social como la Gobernanza. Este trabajo pretende situarse en el actual contexto histórico de cambio o avance hacia una democracia de calidad aportando la perspectiva jurídica que, en opinión de quien suscribe, está quedando paulatinamente postergada de este último estadio evolutivo de la gestión pública, tanto por el 'rechazo' a lo jurídico de las aportaciones económico-sociales como por los 'prejuicios' de los juristas de lo público ante todo lo que excede de la seguridad del procedimiento administrativo clásico. ; [EN]At the dawn of the XXI century is taking place in societies advanced democratic another step in the development of basic states constitutional try, once it seems the existence of a consolidated sufficient democratic participation, with basic social guarantees and acceptable legal framework, institutional arrangements optimize these ideas through seeking to improve governance and which fall within the theories Good Government or quality democracies. In this new regime of good government are contributing decisively proposals from international institutions (UN, IFIs and other organizations international policy), although many of them are directed almost exclusively at government less advanced democratic societies under the parameter Governance call. In addition, there has been an important contribution through the doctrinal evolution of the theories of New Public Management and public management models root to economic and business models civic-social nature of governance. This paper aims to be at the current historical context of change or progress towards democracy by providing quality legal perspective, in opinion of the undersigned, is being postponed to the latter gradually developmental stage of governance, both for the 'rejection' to the legal economic and social contributions as the 'bias' of the jurists of the public to everything that goes beyond the classic security administrative procedure.

Este artículo estudiará las relaciones entre el capital cultural, la carrera profesional y la trayectoria política de cuatro personajes de creciente relevancia pública en el contexto de la crisis de la Restauración en España. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que a principios del siglo XX se comienza a gestar un cambio en el modo de generación de las élites españolas –y no una simple sucesión generacional–, las variables señaladas anteriormente permiten aproximarse a algunos de los rasgos más significativos de este proceso de transformación, mediante un análisis comparativo de las biografías de José Ortega y Gasset, Ramiro de Maeztu, Manuel Azaña y Luis Araquistáin. Respecto a las variables, se postula que existe, por un lado, una relación entre las diferencias en la acumulación de capital cultural y la trayectoria política. Y, por otra parte, que el estudio de la carrera profesional de los sujetos elegidos es importante para reconstruir sus interlocutores –reales o imaginarios– y el público al que se dirigen en su producción cultural y en sus intervenciones públicas; de manera que ciertas características de la ocupación profesional se convierten también en factores determinantes en la acumulación de capital cultural y en la trayectoria política. Que ambas relaciones forman parte de una tendencia generacional más amplia es algo que sólo se aventura aquí como hipótesis. Se intentarán desarrollar los rasgos característicos de esta tendencia generacional a través de las biografías comparadas, dejando su comprobación general para un trabajo posterior. ; ABSTRACT This article studies the connection between the cultural capital, the professional career and the political trajectory in four subjects of increasing public importance during the crisis of the "Restoration" in Spain. At the beginning of the 20th century, it is started a change in the "mode of generation" of the Spanish elites –and not a mere generational succession–. The selected variables allows the approach to some of the most significant features of this process of transformation, through a comparative analysis of José Ortega y Gasset, Ramiro de Maeztu, Manuel Azaña and Luis Araquistáin's biographies. In relation to the variables, it is set out that there is, one the one hand, a connection between the differences in cultural capital accumulation and the political trajectory. On the other hand, the study of the selected subjects' professional career is important to establish their –real or imaginary– interlocutors and the readers they address in their cultural production and in their public performances; so certain characteristics of the professional occupation become also determinant factors in the accumulation of cultural capital and in the political trajectory. If both relations are part of a broader generational tendency, it is set out here only as a hypothesis. We will try to develop the characteristic features of this generational tendency through comparative biographies, leaving its general verification aside for a later study.

The children's songs of the poet and singer María Elena Walsh (Argentina 1930-2011) are a milestone in the repertoire of the Spanish song in Argentina and Latin America. With simple metaphors and original melodies she dared to approach and incorporate the concept of cultural identity into children's songs, and songs for students, who make up an especially sensitive sector of the population, in the decade of the seventies. Until then the themes of children's or student's songs, which had always interested Argentinian musicians since the end of the XIXth century, were based on poetry which celebrated flora, fauna, customs and inhabitants, amongst other things, in Argentina, with music related to national folklore and popular tradition, all of which was aimed at provoking a feeling of belonging to the homeland.Maria Elena Walsh belongs to the generation which aimed to renew the traditional view of children's songs. She incorporates the vision of Panamerica like Guillermo Graetzer (1914-1993) or Violeta Hemsy de Gainza, both pedagogues, did before her. These songs were released by Pro-Music de Rosario and continued by outstanding authors such as Sivia Malbran (Argentina) or Susana Bosch (Uruguay).This paper studies the text and the cultural context which M.E. Walsh expresses in her songs when social and political changes were happening at the end of the XXth and the beginning of the XXIst centuries. ; La aportación de la poetisa e intérprete argentina María Elena Walsh (1930-2011), supone un hito en el repertorio de canciones infantiles al que se tiene acceso en Argentina y Latinoamérica. Ella se atreve a plantear, bien entrada la década de los setenta, la realidad social en metáforas sencillas y melodías originales, incorporando la idea de identidad intercultural a partir del conocimiento de la entorno y ofreciéndola a un sector de población especialmente sensible como es el de los estudiantes. Hasta entonces el cancionero infantil o estudiantil, tema que preocupó permanentemente a los músicos argentinos desde finales del XIX, estaba basado en poseías en las que se reivindican la flora, la fauna, las costumbres, los habitantes del extenso suelo argentino, entre otros temas, musicalizados con variadas alusiones a ritmos y melodías folclórico-tradicionales y con la intención de provocar sentimientos de pertenencia a la tierra. María Elena Walsh pertenece a la generación que intenta renovar esta visión tradicional del repertorio infantil, incorporando la mirada panamericana iniciada años atrás por otros pedagogos como Guillermo Graetzer (1914-1993) o Violeta Hemsy de Gainza, difundidos por el inconfundible grupo Pro-Música de Rosario, y seguida por destacadas autoras como Silvia Malbrán en Argentina o Susana Bosch en Uruguay, entre otro/as. El trabajo que se presenta ofrece un estudio del texto y los contextos culturales que la autora M. E. Walsh plasma en sus cancioneros, en momentos donde los cambios políticos y sociales se suman al final del s. XX y comienzos del XXI.

Stemming from an issue concerning the creation of the observatory of the working conditions within the French National Employment Agency (ANPE) that we participated in as beneficiary of an industrial research grant (CIFRE), the thesis retraces the conceptual genealogies that led to the current views on the concept of " working conditions ", which was institutionalized in France around 1970 but remain undefined. Initially structured according to a factorial understanding based on the division of labour, then extended using sequential design derived from taylorism, its meaning is progressively built during the nineteenth century through dialectics between rights-freedom and authority-domination which refers to a political understanding of the working conditions, subsumed from the early twentieth century's rationalization movement by an organizational design of fully standardized or standardizable conditions. These conditions then tend to be exploited within institutional negotiations, being disconnected from continuously renewed dialectics between normative and normed in activity. This gap between the concept and real life is an epistemological usurpation which we propose to surpass using an ergological way of modeling the concept that brings visibility to multiple groups of debates regarding standards, and therefore values, from micro to macro in the social space. This renewed way of addressing the concept which benefits to those who work, could promote the emergence of alternatives left in the semi-darkness of the activity, potential sources of performance for productive groups. ; A partir d'une problématique suscitée par l'élaboration de l'Observatoire des Conditions de Travail de l'Agence Nationale pour l'Emploi (ANPE) auquel nous avons participé en Convention Industrielle de Formation par la Recherche (CIFRE), la thèse retrace les généalogies conceptuelles qui ont amené aux visions actuelles du concept de " conditions de travail ", qui s'est institutionnalisé en France vers 1970 en restant sans définition. Marqué au niveau de sa structure par une conception factorielle issue de la division du travail, et par une conception séquentielle issue du taylorisme qui s'y est superposée, il se constitue progressivement au niveau de son sens dans les débats du XIXe siècle dans une dialectique entre droit-liberté et pouvoir-domination qui s'apparente à une conception politique des conditions pour le travail, subsumée à partir du mouvement de rationalisation du début du XXe siècle par une conception organisationnelle de conditions entièrement normées ou normables. Ces conditions tendent alors à être traitées dans des négociations institutionnelles, en désadhérence de la dialectique permanente et sans cesse renouvelée du normatif et du normé dans l'activité. Cette distance entre le concept et la vie est une usurpation épistémologique dont nous proposons le dépassement par une modélisation ergologique du concept mettant en visibilité les multiples entités de débats de normes, et donc de valeurs, du micro au macro dans l'espace social. Ce mode de traitement renouvelé du concept au profit de ceux qui travaillent, favoriserait l'émergence d'alternatives laissées en pénombre dans l'activité, sources potentielles de performance pour les entités productives.

Abstract. The paper starts with arguments against forming causative links between crisis phenomena in theeconomy, both in its real and regulatory sphere, and the crisis of the economic science as such, in terms of itscognitive and predictive values. According to the author, it is also true with respect to the current economicfinancialcrisis.The second part of the paper is an attempt of explaining what should be considered a 'normal' way ofdevelopment of economic science. The author puts and justifies a thesis that this development is a journey ofideas being brought about by numerous causes, with a significant role played by inspirations related not toobservation of the real world but to the 'world of economists' (ideas shared by academic communities) and thephenomena appearing in the external environment of economics as a science: new political and social ideologies,cultural and technological trends, as well as geopolitical changes.In the subsequent part of the paper, starting with the recognition of the so-called logical and historicalfactors in the development of economic science or, following the distinction made by D. Ross (2005), the distinctionof philosophical and historical-sociological strategies in this development, the author tries to prove thatover the last half-century the development of economic science has been heavily influenced by the broadeningacceptance of the criterion of instrumental effectiveness (Laudan–Mongin) in the appraisal of its scientific progress.It is argued in the paper that this has the effect of diminishing the ability of economic science to recognizeand explain some major contemporary civilizational and technological trends (a kind of crisis in terms of thecognitive realism criterion). However, with respect to the emergence of new and cognitively valuable schoolsand currents (e.g., New Institutional Economy), this should not be considered a common feature of today'seconomics. Secondly, the increasing role attributed to the instrumental effectiveness criterion in the evaluationof progress in economic science, has resulted in some crisis phenomena with respect to the predictive strengthof economic models and theories.The paper ends with some more general reflections attempting to identifiy the civilization and technologicaltrends and structural changes in modern economies that are not sufficiently addressed and analyzed in themainstream economics, thus leading to some crisis phenomena (but not a general crisis) in its developmentin terms of the cognitive, predictive, and utilitarian value. With regard to the latter (perceived from the pointof view of various economic policies), the author postulates the need for a more eclectic approach. It is understoodas a postulate to look for the nature, manifestations of and reasons for both growth and crisis processesin contemporary economies, as well as for the instruments of growth state policy, in various (sometimes evencompeting) theories and schools in today's economics.Key words: economic crisis, crisis of economics as a science, criteria of scientific progress in economics, migrationof economic ideas, logical and historical factors in the development of economic science, instrumental andcognitive realism, civilizational and technological trends

Lleida, una ciudad media de España en el XIX que tiene como particularidad ser una capital de provincia con una economía tradicional a medio camino entre las actividades del campo y las incipientes urbanas, es nuestro marco de estudio para analizar el comportamiento de los grupos sociales de su comunidad ante los cambios políticos operados en España durante el siglo XIX para consolidar el liberalismo como sistema de gobierno. Las fuentes consultadas fueron los archivos locales mediante el contraste de los censos de población, sus rentas y la lista de políticos y milicianos implicados en el proceso político para establecer pautas y analogías entre ellos según su filiación política. Con estas pautas nos acercamos a la sociología de su población y sus concreciones políticas durante este período. De esta manera, descubrimos los mecanismos de resistencia del grupo dominante del antiguo régimen para mantener el poder y las tácticas de los liberales para conseguir desbancarlos y conseguir mayor representación política en el municipio. La conclusión de este estudio es que mediante el acomodo de los grupos privilegiados del antiguo régimen al liberalismo moderado, estos consiguieron su espacio político en la comunidad para mantener la mayor parte del tiempo su cuota de poder, mientras que los liberales, mediante su identificación al progresismo, tenían enormes dificultades para conseguir el control y poner en práctica su proyecto político. ; Lleida, an average city of Spain in the XIX that it has as particularity to be a provincial capital with a traditional economy to half a way among the activities of the field and the incipient urban ones, is our mark of study for politicians operated on in Spain during the 19th century to consolidate the liberalism as system of government to analyze the behavior of the social groups of its community in the face of the changes. The sources consulted were the local files through the contrast of the censuses of population, their rents and the list of politicians and militia implicated in the political process to establish guidelines and analogies among them according to their political affiliation. With these initial guidelines we approach the sociology of its population and its political concretions during this period, discovering the mechanisms of resistance of the dominant group of the old regime to maintain the power and the tactics of the liberals to manage to overtake them. The conclusion of this study is that through the accommodation of the privileged groups of the old regime to the moderate liberalism, these obtained their political space in the community to maintain most of the time their share of power, whereas the liberals, through their identification to the progressivism, had enormous difficulties to obtain the control and to put their political project into practice.

In National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, one of the most controversial decisions of this young century, an intensely divided Supreme Court upheld the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act's most provocative feature-—the Individual Mandate-—under Congress's taxing power. In so doing, the Court rejected what appeared to be the Individual Mandate's more applicable constitutional premise-—Congress's authority to regulate interstate commerce. Yet, neither the Constitution's Taxing Clause nor its Commerce Clause provide the ultimate answer as to whether Congress may regulate the multi-billion dollar healthcare market by compelling unwilling persons to buy private health insurance. The final determination of the Individual Mandate's constitutionality lies within the profound and pivotal tenets of liberty secured by the Due Process Clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments. Indeed, the prime criticism against the Individual Mandate is that Government exceeds its legitimate authority—-i.e., infringes liberty—-when it compels individuals to purchase unwanted products, even for the greater public good. As the popular cliché goes, if today Congress can make us buy health insurance, tomorrow it could be cars or broccoli. This Article argues that, to the contrary, the Individual Mandate fully comports with vital liberty interests without opening a "floodgate" whereby Congress can force persons to buy any commodity to promote any purported societal benefit. Specifically, due process protects the innate dignity of every person from even well-meaning impositions by any level of government. In this crucial regard, although courts do not so acknowledge, modern due process jurisprudence has intuited and applied the "metaphysics of morals" espoused by the highly respected Enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant. Kantian morality explains modern substantive and procedural due process of law. Among his essential tenets, Kant famously argued that although there is no general duty to aid the poor, Government cannot enact laws that create supplicants; that is, persons who, due to dependence on charity for minimal sustenance, become virtual slaves. When the law itself causes poverty, Government, as the author of that law, has an absolute duty to restore the poor from quasi-slavery to independence. Kant sensibly suggested a tax for the benefit of the indigent, enabling them to regain liberty sufficient to stop begging. The Individual Mandate is the very type of tax that Kant anticipated to prevent individuals from becoming vagabonds—-effectively slaves-—pleading for the vital healthcare that they cannot afford but eventually will need. Thus, the Individual Mandate comports with liberty as vouchsafed by due process. Moreover, Congress cannot exercise such power merely to safeguard even significant commercial markets because unlike acquiring health insurance, consumers who now refuse to buy cars and broccoli will not suddenly need these products to survive but be unable to purchase them absent insurance.

Over the last century, the Red Rea State (RSS) has experienced severe erosion of its traditional rural livelihood systems. The environmental as well as political unrest had combined to create a recurrent food security situation. The objectives of this study were:- To define the magnitude of rural as well as urban food consumption needs from stable crops. To assess the preparedness of RSS institutions to cope with food and nutritional needs of rural areas. To help decision makers in adopting monitoring techniques for poverty and food gap situations. A combination of data collection procedures were used to verify the stated hypotheses. A quantitative market survey was carried at different agro-ecological zones for establishing the prices of food commodities used at rural areas. Other indices such as water, charcoal, goats etc. were recorded at selected sites. Secondary data was also collected on food crop production levels and nutritional situation of population living in the survey area. Data on food assistance interventions in the area were also recorded. Food insecurity and population vulnerability profiles were also obtained. Based on the above methodology, the following results were evident. The food gap between total consumption and the current production is expected to rise beyond 2005-2006 levels. Local food production capabilities may only be sufficient for less than 4% of total requirements. Sorghum prices situation, as stable food and feed has sharply increased in the last two seasons. The food reserve situation needs were not parallel with actual needs especially in rural areas. The geographic coverage of the early warning system in the state is limited and needs to be extended to all localities of the state and be based following the hazard poverty mapping system with links to malnutrition and other food security indicators.The research came up with the following recommendations:- - The capacity of RSS in the area of monitoring weather data and obtaining closer GIS is highly needed to make available essential data for forecasting the food situation. - Proxy – indicators of poverty for e.g. education need to be addressed to create opportunities for alternative lively hoods. - Food safety nets need to be created and co-ordinated within rural and urban areas of the state. - A food and lively hood monitoring system need to be put in place to track all the efforts of food aid. There are currently eight channels through which food is being distributed. - It is recommended the strategic grain reserves available in the state to be monitored regularly for quantity and common losses due insects. Locality head quarters need strong base of storage facilities so that food can be closure to the needy. - Frequent base line surveys for supplementary and therapeutic following the international norms need to be regularly monitored. - In the RSS, more investments should focus on improving the livestock, fishery and pertinent marketing channels are critical to reduce vulnerability to food insecurity. ; Unpublished ; Poverty ; Food security

Deleuze's works on cinema established a parallel between the evolution of cinematographic narrative spaces and the development of non-Euclidean geometries, and contributed to the overcoming of the structuralistic approach to the analysis of cinematographic narrative. From that point onwards, one starts to understand audiovisual narrative spaces as topologic spaces, namely, as spaces without a center in which the objects are highly flexible. In other words, in Deleuzian theory, the space is no longer understood as a holder or container of objects, but rather as an entity created by links, interactions, relations and proximities between objects. This centerless system also offers a new instrument for analyzing space, structures and nature, an instrument that establishes a new relationship between object and subject in which the object represents "un point de vue sur un site" in constant becoming. This parallel established by Deleuze represents an interesting convergent point of many different phenomena that characterize the postmodern condition. Consider, for instance, the phenomenon of traduisibilité highlighted by Lyotard in La condition postmoderne. In addition, Deleuze's study offers an instrument of analysis able to generate a new understanding of the phenomenon of reification, which was analyzed in two different phases. The first is the Marxist theory of reification, which is similar to and converges with the concept of alienation. The second focuses on the phenomenon of convention that allows us to treat extra-linguistic objects, non-computable objects, aiming at producing a shared reality; in other words, to produce simulacra through mass media. This second phase of the understanding of the concept of reification converges also to the existentialist and phenomenological positions that started an interesting debate in the middle of the Marxist thought during the 60's. This paper will investigate both phases taking into account the role played by technology, mainly the technology of visual media, in the alienation of reality through the production of simulacra. I will deal in particular with the transformation of the understanding of the concept of reification. I will analyze how during the second half of the last century, mass media, in order to defend the established reality, accentuated their focus on the creation of illusion, that in a successive stage, due to technological improvements, mainly the digital technology, became a media reification. This analysis will be developed by means of the study of some fundamental works such as Horkheimer's Zur Kritik der instrumentellen Vernunft, Horkheimer-Adorno's Dialektik der Aufklärung and Marcuse's One Dimensional Man, among others, in order to go into Baudrillar's theories of illusion in depth aiming at analyzing the production of social illusion in our digital era. Having this analysis as framework, it will be possible to develop a new understanding of the concept of reification able to recognize some phenomena that characterize our infoproduction era – (e.g. the immateriality). In addition, through this concept of media reification it can be possible to re-elaborate and adapt some Deleuze's thoughts about the construction of space, narratives spaces, rhizomatic structures and the state of becoming of both object and subject.

Resumen:El uso masivo de las máquinas de la tercera generación ha abierto, desde mediados del siglo XX, la posibilidad de establecer relaciones sociales a distancia que aceleran los procesos productivos e incluso crean otros a nivel global, justamente en cuanto tales máquinas operan una reducción de las distancias, pero esta expansión social de los instrumentos científicos y técnicos también ha patentado el fracaso del proyecto de la modernidad, ha vuelto irrisoria la tarea de realizar la libertad de todos los hombres en condiciones de igualdad, por cuanto señala el advenimiento de un régimen de dominación que tiende a desmembrar las formas institucionales a nivel local, convirtiéndolas en piezas de circuitos integrados según la: política del monopolio, y opuestos según las leyes de la competencia, política y leyes homologables en el plano internacional. Se trata de lo que Jean F. Lyotard ha llamado, al final de los años 70, «la condición postrnoderna». Siguiendo los análisis de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze ha pensado el acontecimiento político provocado por las transformaciones científicas y técnicas de las últimas décadas como el paso de las sociedades disciplinarias a las sociedades de control. A la luz de estos planteamientos, aquí ofrecemos un diagnóstico de la situación en que se encuentran actualmente el saber y la educación, teniendo en cuenta la función técnica y social que cumplen los procesos de acreditación de las actividades académicas.Palabras clave: saber, educación, enunciados, relaciones de fuerza, estrategias de poder, régimen disciplinario, régimen de control. Abstract « Knowledge and education in control societies »The massive use of third generation machinery has, since the middle of the 20th century, opened the possibility to establish long distance relationships that accelerate productive processes and even create others at a global level, for indeed such machines operate a reduction of distances. But this social expansion of scientific and technical instruments has also patented the failure of modernity, it has made the task of achieving all men's freedom under conditions of equality ludicrous, because it signals the fore-coming of a domination regime that tends to dismember institutional forms at local levels, turning them pieces into integrated circuits according to the monopoly policy and opposed according to the laws of competition, policy and laws homologated in the international field. lt is what Jean F. Lyotard has called, at the end of the 70's, «the post modern condition», Following Michel Foucault' s analysis, Gilles Deleuze has thought of the political occurrence caused by the scientifical and technical transformations of the last decades as the step from disciplinary societies to control societies. In light of this postulates, we here offer a diagnose of the situation in which knowledge and education currently stand, taking into account the social and technical role played by accreditation processes of academic activities.

This dissertation is an intellectual biography of American political philosopher John Rawls [1921-2002] from his early years to the publication of his classic work, A Theory of Justice [1971]. I focus the historical narrative on Rawls's changing conceptions of philosophy: his ways of raising ethical and political questions and justifying answers to them. I pay particular attention to two aspects of the conception of philosophy found in A Theory of Justice : its claim that ethical and political positions are defended by showing that all reasonable persons endorse them in their political judgments, and its aspiration to explicate all of these political judgments in terms of principles of justice.This conception of philosophy was very influential for Anglophone political thought, contributing to the resurgence of analytic political theory in the 1950s and 1960s. I aim to understand the intellectual origins of this influential philosophical approach and thereby shed light on A Theory of Justice and contemporary political thought. Taking this historical approach, I follow the development of Rawls's thought, contextualizing him in contemporary traditions and analyzing his numerous private papers recently deposited in the Harvard University Archives.I argue that, much to our surprise, Rawls's conception of philosophy originated in logical positivism, the very tradition that is thought to have foreclosed the possibility of political thought in the 1940s. Inspired by logical positivists, Rawls modeled ethics on the "method of science," and, taking ethical judgment as "data," tried to formulate principles, or laws, to explicate them. This analogy between reasoning in ethics and reasoning in science provided Rawls with a conception of objectivity: principles of justice were objective if they explicated the considered political judgments of all reasonable persons. This notion of objectivity made possible reasoned discussion on ethical and political issues and required attention to actual political questions. Yet it also committed Rawls to a contestable view that all reasonable persons agree on a sufficient number of political judgments to yield a conception of justice.This conception of philosophy changed over the following two decades, but, I argue, it remained positivist. In the early 1950s, Rawls drew on linguistic philosophy's conception of ethical reasoning as a practice, and in the late 1950s he was led on the Wittgensteinian path of considering political questions against the background of seeing morality as a form of life. Nevertheless, the influence of his Harvard colleague W.V.O. Quine in the 1960s brought to light Rawls's positivist conception of philosophy. Rawls continued to justify political principles by the fact that all reasonable persons endorse them in their political judgments.My historical narrative contests and supplements the traditional interpretations of Rawls as a Kantian or a theorist in the social contract and rational choice theory traditions. It therefore paints a different picture of 20th century Anglophone political thought. But, as I argue in Epilogue, my narrative also helps to illuminate Rawls's shift to Political Liberalism . Doing so, I hope it opens new questions about contemporary attempts to define shared political reasons.