Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis is a survey paper on aid effectiveness in terms of the contribution of development assistance to economic growth and poverty reduction. The article focuses primarily on the most recent generation of cross‐country studies. It concludes that there is a set of broad areas where the evidence reviewed shows signs of convergence that have direct relevance for policy decisions on aid and for aid‐effectiveness discussions. These areas are: aid levels (meaning if the level of aid is too low or too high); domestic political institutions (including political stability and the extent of decentralisation); the composition of aid (including sectors, modalities, objectives and time horizons); and the volatility and fragmentation of aid. We also identify two areas where there is little sign of convergence in the evidence: the importance or otherwise of 'good', meaning orthodox macroeconomic policies and whether grants are more effective than loans.

AbstractThis study examines how immigration policy impacts citizens' trust in politicians and political institutions. The article argues that immigration policy affects political trust through policy congruence. More specifically, it claims that the level of restrictiveness of immigration policy impacts political trust heterogeneously, conditional on whether citizens are anti- or pro-immigration and additionally on how strongly citizens are seeking information about political issues, the latter making it potentially easier for them to identify policy (in-)congruencies. Combining country-level data on immigration policy outputs in European countries with individual-level data to complex multilevel models, the findings reveal that the level of congruence of immigration policy to citizens' immigration preferences alone does not impact political trust. But they show that immigration policy impacts the political trust of citizens who are highly anti-immigration and at the same time very strongly seeking political information. Overall, however, the article concludes that the impact of immigration policy congruence on political trust is moderate at best.

In dieser Arbeit erfolgt die Darstellung, Analyse und Bewertung der Chinapolitik der DDR-Führung in den 1980er-Jahren mit dem Ziel, die Geschichte der diplomatischen Beziehungen zwischen der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik und der Volksrepublik China vor dem Hintergrund der Epoche des Kalten Krieges zu dokumentieren. ; In this work the China policy of the GDR and the development of the relationship between GDR and China will be analyzed and evaluated through documents against the background of cold war.

Editors: E.D. Morel, July 1919-Nov. 1924; Helena M. Swanwick, Jan. 1925- ; "A monthly digest and interpretation" (varies). ; Supplements accompany some numbers. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Continued after 1931 as supplement to: Time and tide.

This article examines the Chinese perception of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration by analysing Beijing's assessment of Russia's foreign policy objectives and its policy towards the U.S., as reflected in the official media and the authoritative publications of China's major security and foreign policy think tanks. Promoting multi-polarity and checks and balances against U.S. unilateralism has been a very significant consideration on the part of the Chinese leadership. Using the concept of the "strategic triangle", the article demonstrates how changes in U.S.-Russian relations have probably become the most important variable in this push for multipolarity. In the past decade and a half, Sino-Russian relations have improved when Russia has become disappointed with the support it received from the U.S. There have also been periods of time when Russia has anticipated closer relations with the U.S. and thus neglected China's vital interests. The Chinese leadership, however, has exercised restraint at such times. There has been greater optimism in Beijing concerning Sino-Russian relations in recent years because of the expanding economic ties, Russia's increasing oil wealth and Putin's authoritarian orientation.

The Republic of Colombia, is organized in the form of a social and democratic state of law which has some implications for foreign policy. This state form of how power is distributed in the territory affects the formulation and practice of foreign policy. In Colombia, is organized as centralized power and is the President of the Republic in whom that power is concentrated. Also, the international human rights standards, limited to governments in developing its foreign policy which has to be made democratically. However, the more concentrated the government, less democracy will in foreign policy. This paper aims to identify how the Colombian foreign policy, necessarily limits set by the International Law of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law affecting even domestic politics. In the social and democratic state of law, politics has limits, and the foreign policy of a state can not escape these limits and must follow them. However, foreign policy in Colombia, has a glaring weakness: its exclusive centralism, which is made evident with the decision of the Court of Justice in The Hague in which is affected the population of San Andres and Providencia in the Caribbean region, was not heard in the international process. ; La República de Colombia, está organizada bajo la forma de un Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho lo cual tiene unas implicaciones en su política exterior. Esta forma estatal de cómo se distribuye el poder en el territorio incide en la formulación y práctica de la política exterior. En Colombia, se ha organizado el poder en forma centralista y es el Presidente de la República en quien se concentra ese poder. Asimismo, las normas internacionales de Derechos Humanos, limitan a los gobiernos en la elaboración de su política exterior la cual, tiene que ser elaborada en forma democrática. Sin embargo, entre más concentrado esté el poder público, menos democracia habrá en política exterior. Este trabajo persigue identificar cómo la política exterior colombiana, necesariamente tiene límites establecidos por el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y por el Derecho Internacional Humanitario que afectan, incluso, la política interna. En el Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho, la política tiene límites, y la política exterior de un Estado no puede escapar a estos límites y debe ajustarse a ellos. No obstante, la política exterior en Colombia, tiene una debilidad manifiesta: su centralismo excluyente, que se patentiza con la decisión adoptada por el Tribunal de Justicia de La Haya en la que se afecta a la población sanandresana y de Providencia de la región Caribe, que no fue oida en el proceso internacional.

Die Verfasser entwickeln ein mittelfristiges monetäres und finanzielles Gleichgewichtsmodell für eine offene Volkswirtschaft auf der Basis eines regulationistischen Ansatzes und berechnen es für kanadische Zeitreihendaten aus den Jahren 1947 bis 1999. Ein wichtiger Aspekt dabei ist die Endogenität des Zinssatzes. Weitere Elemente des Modells sind Gleichungen für Geldangebot und -nachfrage, Reallöhne, Preise, finanzielle Profitabilität, die Durchschnittsprofitrate, Produktivität und zahlungsfähige Nachfrage. Das Modell passt gut auf die Daten für Kanada und erbringt deutliche empirische Hinweise darauf, dass die Geldpolitik in einem mittelfristigen Wachstumsmodell endogen ist. Aus dem Strukturmodell lässt sich eine implizite Regel für die Geldpolitik ableiten, die sich auf Grund der Komplexität der Output-Parameter jedoch deutlich von anderen bereits von J. B. Taylor behandelten Regeln unterscheidet. ; A monetary and financial mid-term equilibrium model for an open economy is developed from the regulationist approach and estimated from Canadian quarterly time series over a long period of time (1947-1999). One important aspect is to make the interest rate endogenous through the balance of payment constraint. The other features of the model are a money supply-demand equation, a real wage price equation, a financial profitability constraint, an average profit rate, a final demand equation, and a productivity equation. The different estimated specifications of the model show strong empirical evidence that a regulationist structural model fits well the Canadian data and that monetary policy, whether or not based on a policy rule, is endogenous in a mid-term growth model. An implicit monetary rule is deducted from the structural model. The complexity of the output parameter in such a rule makes it very different from other policy rules already surveyed by J.B. Taylor.

From 1990 to 2018, Danish policy-makers committed Danish troops to 76 military operations in Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Asia spanning from small observer missions to the wars following from the break-up of Yugoslavia and the war in Afghanistan. This article zooms in on the decision-making processes leading up to the Danish policy-makers' decisions to engage Denmark military in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq, each an important step in the development of Denmark's military engagement. Focusing on the interplay between international developments and domestic constraints, we identify the decision-making patterns and discuss the implications for Denmark's military engagement now and in the future. We conclude that Denmark's military engagement was driven primarily by the willingness of Danish policy-makers to accommodate US requests for military contributions, typically even before they were communicated as concrete US preferences or demands.

AbstractThis essay discusses a forward‐looking integrated policy concept of foreign aid in a globalizing world with climate change. First, it opts for an integrated treatment of short‐term aid, striving for the urgent fulfillment of basic human needs, and long‐term aid, striving for socioeconomic development and self‐dependence. It opts for an integrated treatment of the human‐society‐economy dimension and the biodiversity‐nature‐earth dimension as well. Second, it proposes a "global insurance for survival" fulfilling basic needs. Besides, it advocates a strong role of (multinational) enterprises and foreign direct investment in socioeconomic development to promote investment and technology diffusion. Firms' activities should be backed up and regulated by a reliable global legal framework. Third, it suggests financing foreign aid via a globally unified tax to foster global justice. As a novel suggestion, the allocation of aid project funding occurs on a market base with the help of a certificate trading scheme to foster efficiency.

This book integrates the study of presidential politics and foreign policy-making from the Vietnam aftermath to the events following September 11 and the Iraqi War.