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Global intellectual history has attracted traction in the past decade, but the field remains focused on the modern period and the diffusion of Western political concepts, ideologies, and methodologies. This paper suggests that juxtaposing political texts from the medieval Islamic world with their Christian counterparts will allow for a better understanding of the contours of the debate on the space for politics, framed in primary sources as the perennial tug of war between religious and lay authority. The implications of this line of inquiry for the history of European political thought are significant as well. Many of the premises and characteristics that are considered singularly European, such as continuity between past and present, as well as a strong performative regard to political thought, are equally present in non-European (in this instance Islamic) debates. It is more a matter of perspective than essence that distinguishes the history of European political thought, and a wider perspective through juxtaposition of texts and concepts would enhance the global debate by introducing new questions from rarely visited quarters.

Global intellectual history has attracted traction in the past decade, but the field remains focused on the modern period and the diffusion of Western political concepts, ideologies, and methodologies. This paper suggests that juxtaposing political texts from the medieval Islamic world with their Christian counterparts will allow for a better understanding of the contours of the debate on the space for politics, framed in primary sources as the perennial tug of war between religious and lay authority. The implications of this line of inquiry for the history of European political thought are significant as well. Many of the premises and characteristics that are considered singularly European, such as continuity between past and present, as well as a strong performative regard to political thought, are equally present in non-European (in this instance Islamic) debates. It is more a matter of perspective than essence that distinguishes the history of European political thought, and a wider perspective through juxtaposition of texts and concepts would enhance the global debate by introducing new questions from rarely visited quarters.

Abstract:What, if anything, can constitutions do to resist democratic backsliding? The collapse of the Weimar Republic has led scholars of comparative politics to conclude that constitutional forms and institutions can do little to resist the breakdown of democracy and the rise of autocracy. This paper offers a constitutionalist response. The outlines of that answer can be found in decades-old policy documents produced by a set of German émigré scholars during and in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War: Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer. The secret reports root constitutional stability in the creation of a framework for bounded partisan pluralist contestation among political parties that track the principal social and economic cleavages, and that is rooted within, and does not seek to overthrow, the underlying political economy. Second, the secret reports highlight the importance of constitutional design in creating a constitutional infrastructure for bounded pluralistic political contestation, especially with respect to the role of political parties. Third, the secret reports suggest a counter-narrative of the German Basic Law as creating a framework for political contestation that reinforces constitutional stability instead of undermining it.

This article explains the emergence of civil society movements around deforestation issue in Indonesia as contestation over knowledge claims that defines 'deforestation' as a political term. The term 'deforestation', which is translated into 'perusakan hutan' in Indonesian forestry laws and regulation, is a product of political epistemology that serve the needs to sustain state-reinforced developmentalism. It is imposed by valorization of modern scientific and technocratic values as well as bureaucratization of the forestry sector. Engaging with critical political ecology literatures, this study unpacks the constitutive interactions among various ways of seeing that redefine state forestry and its implications to the reproduction of political order. 'Perusakan hutan' is continuously re-negotiated in the relations between the state and its formative societal elements. Knowledge on addressing deforestation is organized around three contesting epistemologies: conservation, redistribution, and indigeneity. Each epistemology seeks to claim political space in the institutionalization of knowledge that fortifies state's policies in the forestry sector. Politics of knowledge co-production operates at two levels: between hegemonic knowledge construct and its counter knowledge formation, and within the formation of counter-knowledge through alternative epistemologies.

In an era in which scholars have become increasingly skeptical about the concept of exceptionalism, this article argues that instead of rejecting it, we should rework it: moving beyond seeing it primarily as a security practice by recognizing the crucial role of political economic exceptionalism. Drawing on Foucault's later lectures on security, population, and biopolitics, this article suggests that we can understand exceptionalist moves in both security and economic contexts as efforts to manage and secure a population. Focusing on three key moments in the production of exceptional politics – defining the limit of normal politics, suspending the norm, and putting the exception into practice – I examine the parallels, intersections, and tensions between political economic and security exceptionalism, using the concept of economic exceptionalism to make sense of the 2008 global financial crisis. Taking seriously Foucault's insights into the political economic character of liberal government holds out the promise of providing scholars in the fields of both critical security studies and cultural political economy with a richer understanding of the complex dynamics of exceptionalist politics – a promise that is particularly valuable at the present political juncture.

<p>Villagers have practiced democracy since colonial era. They have lurah election. Government still keep it, although national politics got some regim change. Now, it is called as Village head election (Pilkades). Pilkades has a distinctive character than other election form in Indonesia. No political party in Pilkades. That asked candidates to build political machine for mobilizing voters. This article talk about how the political machine was built, what shape of the political machine is, and how it work. I conducted observation and some interviews to peoples who involved in 2016 Mranggen Village Head Election. The result, Mranggen villagers call the political machine as gapit. Gapit was constructed by prestige, social relationship, and material. Their consolidation can be distinguished in two process, transformating and creating. Gapit is a network, which has structure with three level; coordinator gapit, RW gapit, and RT gapit. They have tasks: mapping voter, developing issue, organizing meeting, distributing goods, and monitoring presence of voters in polling station. This article will contribute to discussing about extending meaning of vote broker, not only as intermediary between candidate and voters in distributing money.</p>

The article is devoted to a philosophical analysis of the fundamental ontological principles of the political world. The author pays attention to the three main manifestations of the political: (i) antagonistic, which is presented through relations between friend and enemy; (ii) agonistic, which demonstrantes politics as a competition between different ideologies and positions; and (iii) imaginary and symbolic, which appears as strong connection between politics and socio-cultural situation. These manifestations of the political are often intertwined and realized as a network of relationships and political actions that create a three-dimensional model of the political world. ; Straipsnyje pateikiama fundamentalių ontologinių politinio pasaulio principų filosofinė analizė. Autorius susitelkia į tris pagrindinius politiškumo raiškos būdus: (i) antagonistinį, kuris pateikiamas per draugo ir priešo santykius; (ii) agonistinį, kuriuo politika atsiskleidžia kaip varžybos tarp skirtingų ideologijų ir pozicijų; ir (iii) įsivaiduojamą ir simbolinį, kuris pasirodo kaip tvirtas politikos ir socialinių kultūrinių aplinkybių ryšys. Šie politiškumo pasireiškimai dažnai būna susipynę ir įkūnija trimatį politinio pasaulio modelį, grindžiantį santykių ir politinių veiksmų tinklą.

The need for politics to use conflicts of interest with journalistic means in the public media often leads to the use of fixed expressions, idioms and phrases. These are used by the different social groups and parties in the public discussion, in the current dispute of opinions, and especially in the struggle for political power with different contents, interests and intentions. Starting from the fact that the political language is increasingly determined by formulaic phrases, this article presents an exemplary study of political speeches in the newspapers to explain the frequency and nature of the use of phraseologisms. Exemplary texts are the newspaper texts of the 1990s. At the center of the linguistic investigation are the changes of phrases in the text - modifications as well as obvious "violations" against the phraseological norm. Through an extensive corpus with examples from the Albanian and German daily press, the question of the role of the media in the political transformation processes is problematized and examined to what extent a crystallization of political processes takes place in phraseologisms, especially as such fixed expressions focus the specific discourses of a time.

This dissertation includes three independent studies that jointly consider the role of non-material factors, such as ideology and religion, in operational decisions of individuals and groups. It seeks to contribute to the vast scholarship on political contestation, which this dissertation conceptualizes broadly to include various forms of peaceful and violent political activism. The first two articles focus on terrorism as a violent form of political contestation. In the first study, I introduce a new dataset that includes over 25,000 observations and categorizes terrorist groups based on their ideology. I examine the impact of ideology on the terrorist groups' tactic choices controlling for group age and the waves of terrorism, as theorized by Rapoport (2002). Using the same dataset, the second study examines the role of ideology on the terrorist groups' target choice. Finally, the third study focuses on the role of religion and religiosity on various forms of peaceful political contestation. This dissertation finds evidence that tactic and target choices do vary by the ideology of the perpetrating group. It also finds that religions vary in their influence on the forms of political participation considered.

Villagers have practiced democracy since colonial era. They have lurah election. Government still keep it, although national politics got some regim change. Now, it is called as Village head election (Pilkades). Pilkades has a distinctive character than other election form in Indonesia. No political party in Pilkades. That asked candidates to build political machine for mobilizing voters. This article talk about how the political machine was built, what shape of the political machine is, and how it work. I conducted observation and some interviews to peoples who involved in 2016 Mranggen Village Head Election. The result, Mranggen villagers call the political machine as gapit. Gapit was constructed by prestige, social relationship, and material. Their consolidation can be distinguished in two process, transformating and creating. Gapit is a network, which has structure with three level; coordinator gapit, RW gapit, and RT gapit. They have tasks: mapping voter, developing issue, organizing meeting, distributing goods, and monitoring presence of voters in polling station. This article will contribute to discussing about extending meaning of vote broker, not only as intermediary between candidate and voters in distributing money.

This paper proposes a comparative reading of Stephen Mennell's book The American Civilizing Process (2007) and of some major texts from the Norbert Elias's political sociology. It is based on personal teaching experience of using this corpus with students in the humanities and law since 2013 in the framework of a course entitled 'Historical Sociology of European Integration'. The author aims to highlight three dimensions that are innovatively explored in Stephen Mennell's book and which help to improve the understanding of European political development. The first point concerns the benefits of comparison in a long-term comprehensive approach. The second is related to the sociological treatment of political theories and ideas that is proposed by Stephen Mennell in his book and which should be transposed into the political sociology of the European Union, which too often counterposes apologetics and Eurosceptic perspectives about the European project. Finally, The American Civilizing Process proposes and explicitly assumes a critical perspective on the politics of the United States that also may inspire political reflections on contemporary European politics.

Анализируется феномен лоббизма как форма политических коммуникаций органов государствен-ной власти, бизнеса и общественно-политических акторов. На основе ре-зультатов социологического опроса представлена обобщенная картина информационного обеспечения лоб-бизма в европейском политическом ландшафте, раскрыта специфика ис-пользования информационного ре-сурса лоббистами на национальном и наднациональном уровнях в стра-нах Восточной и Центральной Европы. Анализируются данные социологиче-ского исследования влияния лоббизма на эффективность принятия управлен-ческих решений в странах ЕС и исполь-зования современных политических технологий ведущими лоббистами - политическими деятелями, эксперта-ми и представителями парламентского корпуса. ; The article highlights the lobbying as a type of political communications of public authorities, business and social and political actors. Based on the results of a public opinion survey, the study describes the lobbying informa-tion resources in the European political landscape and their specifics at national and supranational level in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe. The pa-per provides analysis of the survey data concerning the lobbying, the efficiency of European decision-making and the use of modern political communications by the leading lobbyists, such as political figures, experts and lawmakers.

This paper proposes a comparative reading of Stephen Mennell's book The American Civilizing Process (2007) and of some major texts from the Norbert Elias's political sociology. It is based on personal teaching experience of using this corpus with students in the humanities and law since 2013 in the framework of a course entitled 'Historical Sociology of European Integration'. The author aims to highlight three dimensions that are innovatively explored in Stephen Mennell's book and which help to improve the understanding of European political development. The first point concerns the benefits of comparison in a long-term comprehensive approach. The second is related to the sociological treatment of political theories and ideas that is proposed by Stephen Mennell in his book and which should be transposed into the political sociology of the European Union, which too often counterposes apologetics and Eurosceptic perspectives about the European project. Finally, The American Civilizing Process proposes and explicitly assumes a critical perspective on the politics of the United States that also may inspire political reflections on contemporary European politics.

This paper proposes a comparative reading of Stephen Mennell's book The American Civilizing Process (2007) and of some major texts from the Norbert Elias's political sociology. It is based on personal teaching experience of using this corpus with students in the humanities and law since 2013 in the framework of a course entitled 'Historical Sociology of European Integration'. The author aims to highlight three dimensions that are innovatively explored in Stephen Mennell's book and which help to improve the understanding of European political development. The first point concerns the benefits of comparison in a long-term comprehensive approach. The second is related to the sociological treatment of political theories and ideas that is proposed by Stephen Mennell in his book and which should be transposed into the political sociology of the European Union, which too often counterposes apologetics and Eurosceptic perspectives about the European project. Finally, The American Civilizing Process proposes and explicitly assumes a critical perspective on the politics of the United States that also may inspire political reflections on contemporary European politics.

The 2014 election results and the maturity displayed by principle political parties, especially Nidaa Tounes and Ennahda, bodes well for democratization in Tunisia. It remains the only successful story of the Arab Spring but is threatened by terrorist strikes by Islamic State and political violence by local terrorist groups, such as, Ansar al-Sharia. Economic instability too has been a cause of concern. Amidst these challenges that threatened to derail the transition process, the adoption of a new constitution and conduct of free and fair polling for presidential and parliamentary elections have been major achievements. The election results threw a surprise with the secular nationalist Nidaa Tounes emerging as the leading party. Significantly, all the political actors accepted the results, the winners avoided triumphalism while those who lost conceded defeat which indicates the level of faith in the institutionalized process of political transition. Formation of a national unity government after the election indicates the recognition on part of the major political parties of their responsibility in strengthening democratic institutions and to provide good governance.