Suchergebnisse

Inconvenient truths about Greece's current economic predicament are not often heard in today's Greece, especially if they conflict with the picture presented by the Greek government. When they are heard, they are usually put down to adverse propaganda or positions of vested interests from abroad. This lack of meaningful dialogue is the product of an environment of disrespect for objective reporting, a surrender to cultural stereotyping, and a sense of hopelessness among the population, all of which are made more destructive by the overwhelming burden of debt. The roots of Greece's current ills lie also in the political abuses of its past, for which many of the present leaders have a share of responsibility. This essay presents a detailed picture of today's Greece with special emphasis on sociopolitical issues that are likely to lead to one of three possible outcomes. A clear consideration of these can enable Greece to choose its destiny—instead of having it being thrust upon the country—and in the process succeed in achieving real reform.

THE AUTHOR EXAMINES THE CONTEMPORARY PARTY SYSTEM AND THE RESULTS OF THE 1981 ELECTIONS WHICH BROUGHT A SWEEPING VICTORY TO THE SOCIALISTS. HE CONSIDERS THE LEADERSHIP AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE 2 MAIN PARTIES: THE PANHELLENIC SOCIALISTS MOVEMENT FOUNDED BY PAPANDREOU IN 1974, AND THE NEW DEMOCRACY PARTY FOUNDED BY KARAMANLIS IN 1955. ELECTION RESULTS FOR ALL PARTIES ARE PRESENTED.

There have been almost 40 years after the restoration of democracy in Greece and a peculiar prosperity, which was consciously cultivated by the leaders of political and economic elites, was promoted before the onset of the financial crisis. However, from the beginning of the financial recession, the temporal illusions have been revealed and the need of a complete transformation of the financial policies has been expressed, while a significant transformation of the entire political culture has started. Parties such as SYRIZA, Independent Greeks(ANEL) and Golden Dawn took advantage of the growing social discontent by propagating their selves as exponents of ordinary people and of their concerns or their fears, as the expression of resistance against an avoidable sellout of public values. However, crisis has exposed a number of successive truths which were elaborately hiding in the underbelly of the detaining political and socioeconomic system. These truths were exteriorized once it became clear that the foundations on which the Greek society was based after the restoration of democracy, were weak and insufficient to guide the country's way towards a modern future.

HRM in Greece is in a state of rapid development, as well as
fundamental change. With the end of 1992, and the Single European Market
approaching, larger firms are upgrading their personnel practices, and
personnel managers currently enjoy an increasingly high status. More
sophistication is being added to recruitment and selection methods;
training is being offered to a considerable number of employees;
employee relations are improving and moving towards a stage of consensus
and co‐operation. Meanwhile, smaller companies, realizing the importance
of HRM, are turning to consultancy firms for advice. Efforts are also
being made in the public sector to introduce measures for improving
productivity and employee morale. The overall picture appears very
favourable for an increase in the significance of HRM in Greece and for
the strengthening of its practice.

AbstractThe sovereign debt crisis in Greece and other periphery countries is a yardstick for the viability of the European project: if Greece defaults and exits the Euro‐zone, then the entire European architecture will be questioned. This article examines the origins of the Greek debt crisis and argues that the key sources of the debt are the economic and political factions that have dominated Greek politics since the fall of the Colonels in summer 1974 amidst the Cyprus calamity. These factions (political parties, comprador economic interests etc.), whose policy actions and preferences are amalgamated with the interests of Euro‐Atlantic elites, are now being severely undermined, both politically and economically, as the prosperity of the Greek middle classes is eroded following two years of harsh austerity measures imposed on the Greek ruling factions by those Euro‐Atlantic elites. Furthermore, this article outlines ways out of the Greek debt crisis, putting into test some reasonable policy proposals that are being widely discussed in Greece and abroad.

ON 17 JUNE 1984, THE GREEK VOTERS WENT TO THE POLLS TO ELECT THEIR 24 REPRESENTATIVES TO THE STRASBOURG ASSEMBLY. IT WAS THE SECOND ELECTION OF THAT KIND IN A 32-MONTH PERIOD, AS THE FIRST DELEGATION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT WAS CHOSEN AFTER GREECE'S ENTRY TO THE EEC (ON 1 JANUARY 1981), ON 18 OCTOBER 1981, IN AN ELECTION HELD SIMULTANEOUSLY WITH THE NATIONAL ELECTION. BECAUSE OF THAT TIMING, THE FIRST EUROELECTIONS WENT ALMOST UNNOTICED: THE INTEREST OF THE PARTIES, THE MEDIA, THE POLLSTERS, THE VOTERS, AND THE INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS WAS CONCENTRATED IN THE NATIONAL CONTEST THAT WAS EXPECTED TO BE AND, INDEED, WAS VERY CRUCIAL.1

Περιέχει τη περίληψη ; Shares the trials and tribulations in addressing the problems with the online catalog in the Library of the Greek Parliament in Athens, Greece. Library as a showplace; Reaction of the administration of the Library of Parliament and the lawmakers to the introduction of electronic reference service.

Περιέχει τη περίληψη ; Shares the trials and tribulations in addressing the problems with the online catalog in the Library of the Greek Parliament in Athens, Greece. Library as a showplace; Reaction of the administration of the Library of Parliament and the lawmakers to the introduction of electronic reference service.

AbstractThe financial crisis has paradoxically protected many sectors of the Greek economy from collapse. The ownership structure of companies in Greece was dominated by state and local government companies. Private companies have not only contributed capital and protected employees from unemployment, but have also given a new organisational culture to companies.