Suchergebnisse

Among the many sectors currently engaged in struggle against the corporate food system, small farmers play a particularly important role—not only do they constitute a legitimate alternative to global agribusiness, but also they are the heirs to long traditions of local knowledge and practice. In defending peasant agriculture, rural social movements defend popular control over seeds and genetic resources, water, land and territory against the onslaught of globalized financial capital. A framework called food sovereignty has been developed by the international peasant movement La Via Campesina (LVC), to encompass the various elements of a food system alternative based on reclaiming popular resource control, defending small-scale agriculture and traditional knowledge, rebuilding local circuits of food and labor, and recovering the ecological processes that can make farming sustainable. Recognizing the need to develop "movement people" capable of integrating many ecological, social, cultural and political criteria into their organizational activities, LVC increasingly has articulated processes of popular education and consciousness-raising as part of the global social movement for agroecology and food sovereignty. Given the enormous diversity of organizations and actors in LVC, an underlying feature known in Spanish as diálogo de saberes (roughly the equivalent of "dialogue between ways of knowing") has characterized LVC processes of education, training, formation and exchange in agroecology. The diálogo de saberes takes place at the level of training centers and schools of the LVC organizations, as well as the larger scale of agricultural landscapes and peasant territories. The interactions between peasant, family or communal farmers, their organizations, their youth and their agroecology create social processes that assume the form and dynamic of a social movement in several countries of Latin America.

The emergence of the Arab Spring in 2010 heralded a deep transformation within Muslim societies as well as the geopolitical arrangement of the region. These movements emerged after a non-Arab movement, the Iranian Green Movement in 2009, with which they shared various characteristics, ranging from its broad use of virtual space to movement without a classic leadership. While a large body of movement literature links the formation of social movement to either the structural opportunities or rational choice theory, the present paper addresses the cultural opportunity as a main facilitator-constraint in the movement formation. Given this fact that mediating between opportunities and mobilization are the shared meanings, the article seeks to empirically investigate cultural factors that construct and drive protests. From this perspective, the present study argues that movements tend to cluster in time and space because they are not independent of one another. Thus, it goes deep down in the way that different movements have had tremendous impacts on each other through examining the presence of the Master of Protest Frame (mpf). Transgressing the geographical borders and chronological phases, this factor has shaped movements strategies. Finally and to place recent events in a generalizable analysis, the paper employs a cross-national analysis, with focusing on Iran in 2009 and Egypt in 2010.

Paths of Innovation in Social Movement Research Theory -- Discourse, Power and Governmentality. Social Movement Research with and beyond Foucault -- Social Movements and the Rationality of Choice -- Bourdieu Meets Social Movement -- Social Movements and Sociological Systems Theory -- Inequality, Inclusion, and Protest. Jeffrey Alexander's Theory of the Civil Sphere -- Social Movements and Neo-Institutionalism. A Fruitful Merger? -- Judith Butler and the Politics of Protest -- Networks, Interaction, and Conflict. A Relational Sociology of Social Movements and Protest.

AbstractThe disciplinary fields of immigration and social movements have largely developed as two distinct subareas of sociology. Scholars contend that immigrant rights, compared to other movements, have been given less attention in social movement research. Studies of immigrant‐based movements in recent decades have reached a stage whereby we can now assess how immigrant movement scholarship informs the general social movement literature in several areas. In this article, we show the contributions of empirical studies of immigrant movements in four primary arenas of social movement scholarship: (a) emergence; (b) participation; (c) framing; and (d) outcomes. Contemporary immigrant struggles offer social movement scholarship opportunities to incorporate these campaigns and enhance current theories and concepts as earlier protest waves advanced studies of collective action.

Collective identity entered the social movements literature as an early recognition of the importance of meaning-making in shaping movement participants and influencing movement actions In this article, we go against the more usual practice of treating movements as unified actors, and instead, take a decentered, dialogic approach that recognizes the difficulties and contentiousness of producing movement identities amidst multiple discourses and practices. We illustrate this framework with three ethnographic cases from Canada, Scotland and Nepal, which highlight collective identity and meaning-making through place-based, contingent cultural processes. The cases use the concepts of figured worlds, alter-versions of identity, and cultural artifacts to show how collective identity develops dialogically in practice both within and outside of movements.

This article challenges the conventional view of veterans' politics in the United States as an "iron triangle" or a "subgovernment," terms that connote a low-profile field dominated by a small number of elite actors operating consensually behind closed doors. It shows instead that veterans' affairs were at the center of a heated national debate to which both grassroots activists and national leaders contributed as part of a larger social movement, as demonstrated by the controversy over the First Hoover Commission. Created by Congress in 1947 to find ways to make the executive branch more efficient, the commission's proposals to reform veterans' affairs were all defeated by the countercampaign of the largest and most influential veterans' group of the era, the American Legion. Former soldiers were not alone (they benefited from the assistance of key state actors such as the heads of the Veterans Administration and of the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs) but their mobilization proved decisive. This episode shows that even veterans of World War II, traditionally seen as the most deserving cohort of former soldiers in US history (the "Greatest Generation"), had to organize to defend their benefits against attacks. The privileged position of veterans in the US welfare state is therefore less the result of their exalted cultural status (as is often presumed) than of their ability to mobilize politically and to override the preferences of significant numbers of public and private actors—just like any other group making claims on the state.

In recent years, there has been a rise in the conflict between the Italian police forces and football fans. This situation is a result of the resurgence of the UltraS (the S capital is a neologism of this study to suggest neo-fascist oriented fans' and to differentiate them from the wider hardcore football supporters -ultra'). However, despite their popularity among the Italian curve (football terraces), the UltraS have been the subject of fairly little ethnographic research. This paper is the result of ethnographic research conducted continuously between 2003-2006 and updated from 2007 to the first part of 2009. The research sought to evaluate the UltraS phenomenon via an examination of the internal and external dynamics of two nationally well-known groups located in the Italian capital of Rome (the Italian centre of the political power). The groups are the Boys Roma and the Irriducibili of Lazio who enact their performances on their respective curve (football terraces) of the city's Olympic stadium. The present paper argues that the ideological alliance between the UltraS of Lazio and Roma (followed as example by other UltraS groups throughout Italy) , the death of Lazio fan Gabriele Sandri in 2007 (and concomitant violent UltraS' reaction against the police) together with the existence of the UltraS Italia (a national organisation which unites the main Italian Ultras groups) are all elements that signify the beginning of a common meaningful opposition to the perceived repressive Italian State. Most importantly these elements appears indicating the UltraS as an emerging social movement.

A historical perspective on women's political involvement & social action in Poland since the late eighteenth century, with comparisons to that of women in other countries, primarily Western Europe & the US. The current lack of a feminist movement in Poland is attributed to social perceptions of women's place in society, as influenced by sociopolitical, structural, & situational factors, & a historically determined value system. It is demonstrated that the processes of women's activation & emancipation are not linear. Creation of a successful women's movement will depend on exciting women's interest in improving their situation & enhancing their political participation, coupled with economic & political stabilization, increased educational opportunities, & decreased social/geographic mobility. 4 Tables. K. Hyatt

The present text serves as an introduction to RIAS Vol. 12, Spring–Summer № 1 /2019, dedicated to Indigenous social movements in the Americas. It outlines the major areas of interest of the Contributors, explaining ways in which the issue explores selected cases of Indigenous resistance to oppressive forms of environmental, socio-economic, linguistic, and cultural colonialism. Looking at both multi-tribal and single-tribal contexts, the authors look at the Dakota Access Pipeline protests, the novels of Lakota/Anishinaabe writer Frances Washburn, the Two-Spirit movement in the U.S., and the Indigenous food sovereignty movement in the U.S. and Peru as sites of creative forms of decolonizing resistance, and analyze the material, discursive, and cultural strategies employed by the Indigenous activists, writers, and farmers involved.

A critique of new social movement (NSM) theories, based on an extensive review of NSM & other literature. It is suggested that NSM theorists have created & maintained a false distinction between pre- & post-WWII social movements by oversimplifying the histories of the movements of women, workers, racial & ethnic minorities, pacifists, & environmentalists. The NSM argument that recent movements were the first to organize around issues of identity is disputed with evidence from such turn-of-the-century leaders as W. E. B. DuBois & Marcus Garvey. Furthermore, the connections between changing post-WWII social conditions & the NSMs are problematic. Important continuities between the historical eras are cited & attention is drawn to movement cycles in an attempt to formulate a theory better oriented toward furthering the goals of social movements. D. Schwartz

Pengajian (religious teaching) is one of the primary programmes at Jogokariyan mosque. It has been held regularly and incidentally using the current issues as a theme. After the 212 demonstration 2016 in Jakarta, pengajian in Jogokariyan always uses the specific themes related to the religious social issues. This article tries to explore how the reception of hadis or the teachings of prophetic tradition live in a social movement in the context of pengajian at Jogokariyan mosque. Employing a social movement approach, this article seeks to explore deeply how the hadis or prophetic traditions are expressed and its relevance to the social movement in pengajian. The social movement has three strategies, namely, (1) political opportunities, (2) mobilizing structures and (3) framing process. This present paper concludes that firstly, religious teaching in Jogokariyanmosque is a model of reception of hadis about seeking knowledge and majlis ilm'. The hadis is used as a basic tool to mobilize the process of social movement in pengajian. Secondly, the social movement in the Jogokariyan mosque is motivated by the injustice feeling caused by the policy of the government today.