Suchergebnisse

Einschätzung der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Situation
des Landes. Einstellung zur Europäischen Union.

Themen: Beurteilung der allgemeinen Entwicklung des Landes;
Beurteilung der finanziellen Entwicklung des individuellen
Haushalts im letzten Jahr und Erwartungen hierzu für das
nächste Jahr; Einstellung zur freien Marktwirtschaft;
Beurteilung der Geschwindigkeit der Wirtschaftsreformen sowie
der Privatisierung staatlicher Unternehmen; Zufriedenheit mit
der Demokratieentwicklung im Lande; Einschätzung des Ausmaßes
der Beachtung der Menschenrechte im eigenen Land; Einstellung
zu den Zielen und Aktivitäten der Europäischen Union;
Bezeichnung des Landes, mit dem die Zukunft des eigenen Landes
am ehesten verbunden sein wird; Bekanntheitsgrad der PHARE und
TACIS genannten Hilfsprogramme für die Länder des ehemaligen
Ostblocks; Kenntnis des Geldgebers für die beiden Programme;
mehr Vorteile für das Land oder die EU durch die gegenseitigen
Beziehungen; Parteipräferenz; nationale oder ethnische
Herkunft; Muttersprache; Fremdsprachenkenntnisse.

Außer in Rußland wurde zusätzlich gefragt: Hauptsächlich
genutzte Informationsquelle über die Politik der EU.

In den Ländern, die das europäische Agreement unterzeichnet
hatten, wurde zusätzlich gefragt: Einstellung gegenüber einer
Mitgliedschaft in der EU und der NATO; Gruppen, die durch die
Bindung mit der EU besonders bevorteilt oder benachteiligt
werden.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurden: Region; Ortsgröße;
Interviewdatum; Zeitpunkt des Interviewbeginns; Anwesenheit
anderer Personen während der Befragung;
Kooperationsbereitschaft des Befragten.

There is a question mark over the future of the nation-state in Europe. National monetary policy has been transferred to the European level in most European Union member States. Over the next ten years the EU will have a stronger role in defence and foreign policy, immigration and law enforcement. The very policies that supposedly define the concept of national sovereignty are no longer the exclusive domain of national governments.

The interest in the topic 'Immigration and Gypsyism' was bigger than expected. 130 interested people from diverse working and research areas came together on April 4, 2014 at the University of Applied Sciences in Dusseldorf, to learn and share about current challenges and perspectives. The research focus of 'right-wing and neo-Nazism' (FORENA) as organizers wanted from the EU and also the local elections with this expert conference highlight different aspects and effects of a centuries-old Gypsyism. Central to this was the question which had political and pedagogical strategies are developed to counteract the current discrimination and racism and Gypsyism. Adapted from the source document

This article sheds light on the salient and far-reaching pattern of association-forming among Jewish immigrants from Muslim countries in Israel during the 1950s and 1960s. They were formally established associations that operated by means of representatives and spokespersons and strove to mediate between the population group that they represented and the state authorities that dealt with immigration and its integration. Interestingly, although few of the members or leaders of these entities have lived under democratic regimes, they established organizations that operated on the basis of democratic principles: election of representatives, holding members' assemblies, and freedom of expression. They articulated their positions publicly and openly and were not deterred from criticizing policymakers, even those in the highest of echelons.The extent of the phenomenon challenges the conventional image in research on immigration to Israel from the Islamic countries—that of a passive, dependent population that has no voice of its own. Additionally, it suggests that the volunteer organizations' pressure and contacts with the authorities paid off and influenced policymakers' agendas—leading to an additional assumption that immigrant absorption policy was crafted via exchange and interaction and not solely in a "top-down" manner.

This article illuminates the unanticipated but intense waves of xenophobia that have swept through Western Europe over the last decade. The author makes use of a unique dataset and diffusion models to simultaneously investigate the geographical and temporal development of waves of racist violence in the Netherlands during the turbulent period 2001–03, when the country lost its reputation as a multicultural paradise. The results provide evidence for the fact that previous riots enhance the legitimacy of violence elsewhere, especially if they are visible in the mass media, resonate with public debates on immigration and take place in nearby regions. Opposing previous research on mobilization, the analysis suggests that proxies for ethnic competition, deprivation and political opportunity structures are not significantly related to the outbreak of violence; only population size adequately predicts where violence starts. Together these findings suggest that waves of xenophobia develop in two steps: they start in large cities and subsequently spread to nearby places through geographically clustered networks and to more distant counties once they become visible and resonate in the mass media, turning violence from local deviance into a supra-local phenomenon. This process sheds light on how scales of protest shift and explains why seemingly tolerant regions can suddenly become xenophobic hotbeds.

Inhaltsverzeichnis: The Unbroken Thread: British Fascism during World War II -- 'Wir kommen wieder': The Re-emergence of Fascism 1945- -- A Jewish Invention?: The Birth of Holocaust Denial -- Europe-a-Nation: Transnational Ideologies -- King, Country and Empire: Traditional Nationalist Ideologies -- Windrush to Notting Hill: Race and Reactions to Non-White Immigration -- A Relationship in Hate: Postwar Transatlantic Fascist Networks.

The refugee crisis in 2015 revealed the lack of solidarity and the divergent migration policies of the EU Member States. It showed clearly that when faced with the problem of migration, the EU countries fail to cooperate and support one another. The EU Member States with more experience with migration coped better and were more open to migrants. The South European countries took in a huge inflow of migrants and expected (in vain) support from other EU members. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe were unwilling to receive refugees. These diverging approaches to refugees presented by particular Member States resulted in the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, which was adopted by the European Commission in September 2020. The purpose of the pact was to provide humanitarian aid to migrants, since one of the human rights is the right to migrate, but it was not its only objective. The New Pact on Migration and Asylum was supposed to be a guarantee of solidarity and efficient management of the migration process. ; Elżbieta Kużelewska - University of Bialystok, Poland ; Agnieszka Piekutowska - University of Bialystok, Poland ; Elżbieta Kużelewska – Associate Professor at the Faculty of Law, University of Białystok (Poland), where since October 2019 she holds the position of Vice -Dean for Science. ; Agnieszka Piekutowska – Doctor of Law, Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Economics and Finance, University of Białystok (Poland), where since October 2019 she holds the position of Vice -Dean for Institutional Cooperation and Internationalization. ; Elżbieta Kużelewska: e.kuzelewska@uwb.edu.pl ; Agnieszka Piekutowska: piekutowska@uwb.edu.pl ; 23 ; 36 ; 1 ; Brzozowski J., Polityka migracyjna w Unii Europejskiej: stan obecny i perspektywy, "Studia Europejskie" 2011, no. 3. ; Chodubski A., Możliwości i bariery imigracyjne w Europie, (in:) J. Balicki, M. Chamarczuk (eds.), Wokół problematyki migracyjnej. Kultura przyjęcia, Ministerstwo Rozwoju Regionalnego, Warszawa 2013. ; EU Parliament, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/pl/press-ro om/20200918IPR87422/meps-question-whether-the-new-migration-pact-will-bring-about-real -change. ; Fiałkowska K., J. Wiśniewski, Polityka integracyjna Wielkiej Brytanii wobec uchodźców, Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Warszawa 2009. ; Gibki B., Zmiany w polityce imigracyjnej Niemiec na przełomie XX i XXI wieku i ich znaczenie dla sytuacji imigrantów, "Prace geograficzne" 2008, no. 120. ; Hammar T., 'Craddle of Freedom on Earth': Refugee Immigration and Ethnic Pluralism, (in:) J.-E. Lane (ed.), Understanding the Swedish Model, Routledge, New York and London1991. ; Hárs A., Immigration countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Th e Case of Hungary, IDEA Working Papers 2009, http://www.idea6fp.uw.edu.pl/pliki/WP12_Hungary.pdf. ; http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/data/database ; http://www.mipex.eu/sweden-s-migration ; https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/PL/TXT/?qid=1601287338054&uri=COM%3A2020%3A609%3AFIN. ; https://eur-lex.europa.eu/resource.html?uri=cellar:85ff 8b4f-ff 13–11ea-b44f-01aa75ed71a1.0002.02/DOC_3&format=PDF. ; https://www.visegradgroup.eu/download.php?docID=457. ; Jaczewska B., Zarządzanie migracją w Niemczech i Wielkiej Brytanii. Polityka integracyjna na poziomie ponadnarodowym narodowym i lokalnym, Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydział Geografii i Studiów Regionalnych, Warszawa 2015. ; Jakimowicz -Ostrowska I., Imigracje do Europy wyzwaniem XXI wieku – przypadek Grecji, "Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego" 2010/2011. ; Jaroszewicz M., M. Lesińska, Introductory Remarks, (in:) M. Jaroszewicz, M. Lesińska (eds.), Forecasting Migration between the EU, V4 and Eastern Europe. Impact of Visa Abolition, Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich, Warsaw 2014. ; John B., German Immigration Policy – Past, Present, and Future, (in:) T. Herzog, S.L. Gilman (eds.), A New Germany in A New Europe, Routledge, New York and London 2001. ; Juhász A., B. Hunyadi, E. Zgut, Focus on Hungary: Refugees, Asylum and Migration, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, Prague 2015. ; Kamali M., Integration beyond Multiculturalism: Social Cohesion and Structural Discrimination in Sweden, (in:) P. van Aerschot, P. Daenzer (eds.), The Integration and Protection of Immigrants. Canadian and Scandinavian Critiques, Routledge, New York and London 2016. ; Kużelewska E., A. Weatherburn, D. Kloza (eds.), Irregular Migration as a Challenge for Democracy, Intersentia: Cambridge, Antwerp, Portland 2018. ; Kwiecień M., Polityka imigracyjna Niemiec, "Studia Ekonomiczne. Zeszyty Naukowe" 2015, no. 211. ; Lonardo L., The 'Migrant Crisis': Member States' or EU's Responsibility, (in:) E. Kużelewska, A. Weatherburn and D. Kloza (eds.), Irregular Migration as a Challenge for Democracy, Cambridge/Antwerp/Portland 2018. ; Manchón F., The Pact on Migration and Asylum, a new opportunity for Europe?, Opinion Paper 2020, no. 152. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fi chero/docs_opinion/2020/DIEEEO152_2020FELMAN_migraciones-ENG.pdf. ; Marie C.-V., Immigration and the French Experience, "Contemporary European Aff airs" 1990, vol. 3(3). ; Mazur -Rafał M., Zmiana paradygmatu w niemieckiej polityce imigracyjnej w latach 1998–2004? Wnioski dla Polski, "Środkowoeuropejskie Centrum Badań Migracyjnych" 2006, no. 2. ; Mazur -Cieślik E., Polityka migracyjna państw europejskich a wyzwania dla Polski, "Bezpieczeństwo narodowe" 2011, no. 20 IV. ; Miglio A., Solidarity in EU Asylum and Migration Law: A Crisis `management Tool or a Structural Principle? (in:) E. Kużelewska, A. Weatherburn, D. Kloza (eds.), Irregular Migration as a Challenge for Democracy, Intersentia: Cambridge, Antwerp, Portland 2018. ; Odmalm P., Migration Policies and Political Participation. Inclusion or Intrusion in Western Europe?, Palgrave, Basingstoke 2005. ; Pacek M., M. Bonikowska, Unijna droga do wspólnej polityki migracyjnej w kontekście debaty o przyszłości Wspólnot, "Studia Europejskie" 2007, no. 1. ; Pogodzińska P., Integracja i przeciwdziałanie dyskryminacji imigrantów na szwedzkim rynku pracy, Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Warszawa 2011. ; R. Stevens, Immigration Policy from 1970 to the Present, Routledge, New York and London 2016. ; Schmidt Ch.M., Immigration Countries and Migration Research: The Case of Germany, (in:) G. Steinmann, R.E. Ulrich (eds.), The Economic Consequences of Immigration to Germany, Springer-Physica-Verlag, Heidelberg 1994. ; Seges Frelak J., Solidarity in European Migration Policy: The Perspective of the Visegrad States, (in:) A. Grimmel, S. My Giang (eds.), Solidarity in the European Union. A Fundamental Value in Crisis, Springer 2017. ; Stempin A., Niemiecki model polityki imigracyjnej, "Kultura i polityka" 2013, no. 13. ; Villa M. (ed.), The Future of Migration to Europe, Milano 2020. ; Vollmer B., Policy Discourses on Irregular Migration in Germany and the United Kingdom, Palgrave, Basingstoke 2014. ; Washington Post, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2015/09/07/denmark-places-an-advertisement-in-lebanese-newspapers-dear-refugees-dont-come-here/. ; Watts J.R., Immigration Policy and the Challenge of Globalization. Unions and Employers in Unlikely Alliance, Cornell University Press, New York 2002. ; Wiesbrock A., Th e Integration of Immigrants in Sweden: a Model for the European Union?, "International Migration" 2011, vol. 49(4). ; Withol de Wenden C., Actual Patterns on Migration Flows: The Challenge of Migration and Asylum in Contemporary Europe, (in:) A. Grimmel, S. 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The mobilization of culturally rooted issues has altered political competition throughout Western Europe. This article analyzes to what extent the mobilization of immigration issues has affected how people identify with politics. Specifically, it analyzes whether voters' left/right self-identifications over the past 30 years increasingly correspond to cultural rather than economic attitudes. This study uses longitudinal data from the Netherlands between 1980 and 2006 to demonstrate that as time progresses, voters' left/right self-placements are indeed more strongly determined by anti-immigrant attitudes than by attitudes towards redistribution. These findings show that the issue basis of left/right identification is dynamic in nature and responsive to changes in the political environment. Adapted from the source document.

Russian Orthodox; Roman Catholics; Jews; Bentecostals; Initsiativniki; Baptists; Underground periodical publication Express-Information. Bulletin "V." Issue 94-95. Retyped from Samizdat Archive № 4905 ; Reports about arrests, incarcerations and interrogations of dissidents; use of psychiatric facilities, labor camps; censorship of publications and culture; ban on immigration;

ABSTRACTObjectivesThe Social Data Linkage Environment (SDLE) at Statistics Canada promotes the innovative use of existing administrative and survey data to address important research questions and inform socio-economic policy through record linkage. It expands the potential of data integration across multiple domains, such as health, justice, education and income, through the creation of linked analytical data files without the need to collect additional data from Canadians.ApproachAt the core of the SDLE is a Derived Record Depository (DRD), essentially a national dynamic relational data base containing only basic personal identifiers. The DRD is created by linking selected Statistics Canada source index files for the purpose of producing a list of unique individuals. These files are brought into the environment, processed and linked only once to the DRD. Each individual in the DRD is assigned an SDLE identifier. Some of the source index files used to build the DRD include tax records, vital statistics registration records (births and deaths), and immigrant data. Updates to these data files are linked to the DRD on an ongoing basis. Only basic personal identifiers are stored in the DRD. Examples of personal identifiers stored in the DRD include surnames, given names, date of birth, sex, insurance numbers, parents' names, marital status, addresses (including postal codes), telephone numbers, immigration date, emigration date and date of death. The paired SDLE identifiers and source index file record IDs resulting from the record linkage are stored in a Key Registry. To reduce the risk of privacy intrusiveness and to minimize the risk of disclosure, source files are separated into source index files and source data files. Employees performing the record linkages in SDLE have access to only the basic personal identifiers needed for linkage. Employees who build the analytical files for research have access only to the data stripped of personal identifiers.ResultsThe SDLE is a highly secure environment that facilitates the creation of linked population data files for social analysis. It is not a large integrated data base.ConclusionThe SDLE program facilitates pan-Canadian social and economic statistical research. It is a record linkage environment that: increases the relevance of existing surveys without collecting new data; substantially increases the use of administrative data; generates new information without additional data collection; maintains the highest privacy and data security standards; and promotes a standardized approach to record linkage processes and methods.

THE U.S. SUPREME COURT'S DECISION IN IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION SERVICE V. CHADHA PROVIDES A RARE INSIGHT INTO THE CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES OF BUREAUCRATIC CONTROL. ON THE SURFACE, THE CHADHA DECISION DEALT WITH A NARROW LEGAL QUESTION: WAS THE IMMIGRATION ACT'S PROVISION OF A SINGLE-HOUSE LEGISLATIVE VETO CONSTITUTIONAL? THE SUPREME COURT HELD THIS PROVISION CONTRARY TO THE U.S. CONSTITUTION ON THE GROUNDS THAT THE VETO WAS TANTAMOUNT TO AN ACT OF LEGISLATION THAT WAS NEITHER PASSED UPON BY BOTH HOUSES NOR PRESENTED FOR APPROVAL TO THE PRESIDENT. ALTHOUGH THIS DECISION MAY SEEM NARROW, CHADHA EXPOSED THE ROOTS OF THE CONTEMPORARY U.S. REGIME BECAUSE IT RAISED FUNDAMENTAL QUESTIONS ABOUT AMERICAN FREE GOVERNMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF BUREAUCRACY. CHADHA MADE IT OBVIOUS THAT CONTROL OF THE FEDERAL BUREAUCRACY HAD BECOME A PRESSING CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEM.

This publication presents the current situation with regard to the magnitude and economic impact of migrants remittances to their countries of origin. In 2004, remittances exceeded official development aid in several emigration countries: they totalled USD 126 billion according to IMF estimates. The book surveys the channels used to collect these funds; the role of banking systems and other financial institutions; the introduction of new technologies and their impact on fund collection; how the funds are transferred; and how to reduce the costs. Focus is also placed on the different ways in which migrants themselves participate -- together with non-governmental organizations, host countries and sending countries -- to open up new avenues for policies on development aid and co-development. The direct role that migrants can play at the local level is highlighted. Several countries and regions are illustrated: Southern European countries, Mexico, Turkey, North African and sub-Saharan African countries, the Philippines and some Latin American countries.--Publisher summary