Suchergebnisse

Information Systems (IS) applications have proliferated in Least Developed Countries (LDCs) as organisations in these countries begin to realise the benefits of utilising these technologies to improve business process and enhance productivity. However much IS implementation in LDCs has been unsuccessful. Successful approaches should take account of technological factors, and also heed social context including economic, political, cultural and behavioural influences. As a component of a wider study to identify factors that influence IS success in developing countries, this paper examines factors that have affected IS implementation in two Papua New Guinea (PNG) organisations.

The article begins with a selective outline of social theories of crisis. Such crisis diagnosis is important for general, societal argumentation. The current article positions normative-critical theories and Luhmann's own version of system theory on opposite sides of the societal argument about the future of Europe and, generally, postnational society. The former supports moral and ethical visions of egalitarian pluralism, and the latter emphasizes the need to conform to the functional, communication logics of self-organizing social systems. It is then proposed that if rival social theoretical traditions, the above named and others, are to engage in meaningful normative argument with one another, they must develop a minimal, shared understanding of what should constitute the theory of society. In pursuit of this goal, the article advances a shared, minimal, theoretical framework that addresses both the full spectrum of the normative culture of modernity and its critique, no matter from which social standpoint or theoretical tradition the latter is advanced. In conclusion, asserting its own normative standpoint, it is argued that both a European cultural model and a constitutional order based on cosmopolitan solidarity are needed. Such a model should assert moral principles of justice, equality, responsibility, and legitimacy that would adequately respect and include the full variety of milieus and associational forms in contemporary European society, not just those of the present elite. Such a model should not simply be abstractly asserted, though that is an essential first step, but its conditions of possibility should be supported by appropriate social research that would investigate capacities for transnational democratic innovation and the formation of substantive moral principles among European publics.

Christlich-Demokratische Union/Christlich-Soziale Union (CDU/CSU). Compares the intra-party relations, political aims, and actions of the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union as an opposition party in the 6th and 14th sessions of the German Bundestag (Parliament), respectively 1969-72 and 1998-present. Summary in English p. 929.

1030 1046 66 8 ; Senia ; In this work, a nonlinear finite element three-dimensional model is presented and validated in order to study the behaviour of axially loaded concrete filled tubular (CFT) columns with circular cross-section exposed to fire. A realistic sequentially coupled nonlinear thermal-stress analysis is conducted for a series of columns available in the literature. The model is validated by comparing the simulation results with the real fire resistance tests. By means of this model, and extensive sensitivity analysis is performed over a wide range of aspects concerning the finite element modelling of the problem under study, including new key factors not studied previously. Based on this sensitivity analysis several modelling recommendations are given in this paper, which will be useful for future research work. The validated numerical model is furthermore employed to study and discuss the Eurocode 4 Part 1-2 simple calculation model, which is deeply analysed in this paper. The authors express their sincere gratitude to the Spanish "Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacion" for the help provided through the Project BIA2009-9411 and to the European Union through the FEDER funds. Espinós Capilla, A.; Romero, ML.; Hospitaler Pérez, A. (2010). Advanced model for predicting the fire response of concrete filled tubular columns. Journal of Constructional Steel Research. 66(8):1030-1046. doi:10.1016/j.jcsr.2010.03.002

In international relations, the last three decades have been marked by national and institutional fragmentation. The fate of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, and the regrettable way that events played out (especially in the former case), could befall other federative entities as well. Canada and Belgium come to mind, as do countries like Spain, all of which effectively function as federations. However, while federations usually have dispute settlement and mechanisms for secession embedded in their constitutions, sub-constitutive territories are often excluded from such considerations. What territories such as Kosovo, Sandjak, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, etc. have in common is that they share a desire for independence from their parent country. However, achiveing independence would present risks to the territorial integrity of other countries (what can be termed the domino principle), as well as risks to the endurance of flexible international law. The cases we have alluded to above culminated in the Crimean crisis. The problems between Estonia and the Russian Federation stem from the choice of precedent and founding text on which to base the former's renewed independence. While Estonia was founded on the basis of the 1920 Tartu Peace Treaty that put an end to the country's War of Independence, its experience as a Soviet Republic added another legislative filter in the form of the 1977 Constitution of the Soviet Union. However, the principle of uti possidetis had evolved to apply to more than cases of colonialism. Thus, when Estonia seceded from the USSR with the borders it had been since 1945, it was doing so under the principle of uti possidetis. The current dispute stems from the fact that the Estonian political elite seek to have the 1920 Tartu Peace Treaty recognized as the foundational document for the country's renewed independence. Under the Treaty, Estonian sovereignty applied over a much larger territory. By insisting that any new border arrangement with Russia be based on that Treaty, Estonia is invalidating the principle of uti possidetis and the validity of the Constitution of the Soviet Union as a vehicle for independence. It implies a latent Article 5 situation between NATO and Russia, and threatens the legitimacy of other post-Soviet secessions.

During the last decades, in different places and under different circumstances, some physicians and other health professionals have supported state violence. The Holocaust is a prime example for how doctors can cooperate with the state to plan, give ideological support to and implement violent policies. As a consequence of the Industrial Revolution, people gained access to health promotion and health protection, not as an achievement of the welfare state, but as a tool necessary to maintain healthy and more productive workers. Gradually, all social strata, employees and their relatives gained access to health coverage. Physicians as a group increased in number and changed the structure of their profession by establishing a symbiotic relationship with the state. Between the state and the medical class, different models of cooperation can be distinguished. In general, we can affirm that with the implementation of a public health system, greater interdependence among the state and the medical class was established. In the case of authoritarian or totalitarian regimes, the support of the medical class for violent policies depends on the degree of previous cooperation. National Socialist Germany and the Soviet Union are two striking examples of totalitarian states in which strong public health systems and subsequent close cooperation between the medical class and the state can be observed. In both countries, violent state policies were quickly accepted and integrated into medical practice. Practices such as forced sterilization, murder of patients or experimentation with prisoners were prevalent under National Socialism. The abuse of psychiatry as tool for exerting power was common in the Soviet Union. South American dictatorships constitute examples of totalitarian states with weak previous cooperation between the medical class and the state, as they did not have strong public health systems. In those countries, support for state violence can be found, such as participation of health care professionals in torture or abduction of babies, but cooperation was not as strong as in Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. In other cases in which no strong previous relationship existed between medicine and the state, authoritarian regimes were not accompanied by medical support for violence, such as in the case of the Rwandan genocide or in Cambodia, where doctors were persecuted and murdered based on their membership of the bourgeois class.

During the last decades, in different places and under different circumstances, some physicians and other health professionals have supported state violence. The Holocaust is a prime example for how doctors can cooperate with the state to plan, give ideological support to and implement violent policies. As a consequence of the Industrial Revolution, people gained access to health promotion and health protection, not as an achievement of the welfare state, but as a tool necessary to maintain healthy and more productive workers. Gradually, all social strata, employees and their relatives gained access to health coverage. Physicians as a group increased in number and changed the structure of their profession by establishing a symbiotic relationship with the state. Between the state and the medical class, different models of cooperation can be distinguished. In general, we can affirm that with the implementation of a public health system, greater interdependence among the state and the medical class was established. In the case of authoritarian or totalitarian regimes, the support of the medical class for violent policies depends on the degree of previous cooperation. National Socialist Germany and the Soviet Union are two striking examples of totalitarian states in which strong public health systems and subsequent close cooperation between the medical class and the state can be observed. In both countries, violent state policies were quickly accepted and integrated into medical practice. Practices such as forced sterilization, murder of patients or experimentation with prisoners were prevalent under National Socialism. The abuse of psychiatry as tool for exerting power was common in the Soviet Union. South American dictatorships constitute examples of totalitarian states with weak previous cooperation between the medical class and the state, as they did not have strong public health systems. In those countries, support for state violence can be found, such as participation of health care professionals in torture or abduction of babies, but cooperation was not as strong as in Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. In other cases in which no strong previous relationship existed between medicine and the state, authoritarian regimes were not accompanied by medical support for violence, such as in the case of the Rwandan genocide or in Cambodia, where doctors were persecuted and murdered based on their membership of the bourgeois class.

В статье представлено исследование механизмов внешнеторгового регулирования государств-участников СНГ. Установлено, что страны ТС до унификации таможенных тарифов проводили отличную друг от друга тарифную политику. Тарифная политика Казахстана являлась самой либеральной, в то время как политика Беларуси была максимально жесткой. Введение единого таможенного тарифа потребовало от Казахстана повышения таможенного тарифа на импорт, а для Беларуси - снижения, что может оказаться нежелательным для обеих стран с точки зрения экономической целесообразности. По итогам проведенного исследования отмечено, что рассматривая комплекс решаемых в рамках ТС и ЕЭП возникающих трудностей, можно сделать вывод, что формирование базы в форме устранения административных и тарифных препятствий для последующего развития экономического союза продвигается с переменным успехом. В то же время устранение барьеров экономического характера, в том числе различий в условиях конкуренции (ценообразование, налоги, валютное регулирование, стандартизация), еще только предстоит разработать. На современном этапе развития ТС следует выделить задачу трансформации политически мотивированного интеграционного образования в экономический организм, в рамках которого предстоит преодолевать препятствия на пути создания центростремительного вектора интеграции. ; The article presents a study of the mechanisms of regulation of foreign trade of the States-participants of CIS. It is established that the customs Union countries before the unification of customs tariffs was performed are different from each tariff policy. Tariff policy of Kazakhstan was the most liberal, while the policy of Belarus was the most rigid. The introduction of the common customs tariff demanded from Kazakhstan the increase in the customs tariff on imports, and for Belarus reduction, which may be undesirable for both countries from the point of view of economic feasibility. According to the results of the study noted that considering the complex to be solved in the framework of the CU and SES difficulties, it can be concluded that the formation of the base in the form of elimination of administrative and tariff barriers for further development of the economic Union is moving with varying degrees of success. At the same time, the removal of economic barriers, including differences in conditions of competition (pricing, taxes, currency regulation, standardization), have yet to be designed. At the present stage of development of the customs Union should be allocated the task of transformation of politically motivated integration of education into an economic organism, in which have to overcome obstacles on your way to creating a centripetal vector integration.

In recent years, fiscal performance in Central Europe has steadily deteriorated, in contrast to the improvement in the Baltics. This paper explores the determinants of such differences among countries on the path to EU accession. Regression estimates suggest that economic and institutional fundamentals do not provide a full explanation. An alternative explanation lies in the political economy of the accession process, and a game-theoretic model illustrates why a country with a stronger bargaining position might have an incentive to deviate from convergence to the Maastricht criteria. The model generates alternative fiscal policy regimes - allowing for regime shifts - depending on country characteristics and EU policies.

We evaluate the impact of a major European state aid programme for broadband deployment applied to rural areas in the German state of Bavaria in the years 2010 and 2011. Using matched difference-in-differences estimation strategies, we find that aided municipalities have – depending on broadband quality – between 18.4 and 25.4 percentage points higher broadband coverage than non-aided municipalities. This increase in broadband coverage, closing the digital divide, results in an average increase of six employed individuals living in the respective aid-receiving municipalities while leaving the number of employed (measured at the place of work) or self-employed individuals and wages unaffected. We therefore conclude that an increase in broadband coverage through state aid protects rural areas from depopulation, but does not contribute to a further closing of the economic divide in the form of creating new jobs.

The texts presented here are extended and updated versions of the papers given at a session entitled "Archaeology and the global crisis - multiple impacts, possible solutions", held on the 17th September 2009 at the 15th annual meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists (EAA) in Riva del Garda, Italy. As coorganisers of this session, we were particularly happy to see that over a hundred colleagues attended and took part in some lively discussions, where sober realism was mixed with hope and determination. The session furthermore benefitted from the friendly atmosphere and excellent organisation of the EAA meeting itself, as skilfully orchestrated by Franco Nicolis together with Martina Dalla Riva, their teams and sponsors. Indeed the European Association of Archaeologists as a whole, so we feel, has amply fulfilled its vocation as meeting-ground and think-tank for professional archaeologists from Europe and beyond (http://www.e-a-a.org). We are grateful in any case that our session at Riva del Garda was sponsored – in an intellectual sense – by three EAA committees or working parties. One is the "Committee on archaeological legislation and organisation in Europe", chaired by Christopher Young and Jean-Paul Demoule: the crisis and the structural changes that follow make the critical and comparative work of this committee more important than ever before. Further support was received from the "Committee on professional associations in archaeology", chaired by Kenneth Aitchison, a committee that is acutely concerned with working practices in European archaeology and how they are being affected by the economic situation. The third and most recently created of these EAA groups is the working party on "ACE - Archaeology in contemporary Europe: professional practices and public outreach" (www.ace-archaeology. eu) – a European Commission 'Culture' programme funded network gathering a dozen of partners from across the continent to examine together the fields of practice and social dimensions of contemporary archaeology. In addition to the invaluable material support provided by the ACE network, many of its partners contributed their comments and insights to the preparation of the 'Crisis' session, and also through subsequent meetings in Thessaloniki (with our Aristotle University partner) and in Budapest (with our KÖH partner). In this volume, ACE partners have contributed the chapters on the situations in the Netherlands, Spain, France and Poland. Another relevant European initiative is the "Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe" project (www.discovering-archaeologists.eu), a review of the archaeological labour market in twelve European Union states with the support of the European Commission 'Leonardo da Vinci' programme in 2006-2008. As data for the project were collected in 2007, at the height of the economic cycle, they give us very valuable information and insights for critical comparisons with the ongoing crisis situation. ; European Commission (through the Culture 2007-2013 programme) in the framework of the ACE project – "Archaeology in Contemporary Europe. Professional Practices and Public Outreach" ; Peer reviewed

Данная статья является первой из серии статей, посвященных вопросу развития частного права Европейского Союза. В статье последовательно рассматривается этап зарождения и развития частного права в общем и международного частного права ЕС, в частности. Исследуются вопросы формирования европейского права, в основу которого заложена рецепция римского частного права, и влияние на него церковного и местного права. Выделяются основные политические процессы, между светской и церковной властью, которые оказали принципиальное влияние на развитие частного права. Значительное внимание уделяется деятельности глоссаторов по осмыслению, систематизации и адаптации этих трех разрозненных систем права к потребностям их времени. ; The article is the first one from a series of articles covers development of private law of the European Union. The article has seen the emergence and development phase of private law in general and in particular, private international law of the EU. The article investigate the issues of forming a European law, which is based on the reception of Roman private law and the influence of the church and the local feudal law. There are fundamental political processes, between the secular and ecclesiastical authority, which has had a fundamental influence on the development of private law. Considerable attention is given to activities of glossators apropos of thinking, systematization and adaptation of these three disparate systems of law to the needs of their time.