Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена одной из главных тем в политико-правовом наследии профессора Л.С. Мамута рассмотрению государства как организованного народа, субстратом, основой которого выступают люди. К такому выводу приводит осмысление идей великих государствоведов и правоведов прошлого, в ряду которых достойное место занимает мыслитель эпохи раннего немецкого Просвещения С. Пуфендорф. В развитие идеи человекоразмерности государства предлагается обратиться к опыту других наук в постановке вопроса о «качестве» человеческого субстрата с правовой точки зрения. Перспективной представляется разработка категории деятельных способностей людей как субъектов государственно-правового общения. ; The article deals with one of the principle topics in the political and legal heritage of professor L.S.Mamut views on the state as an organized society, a substratum, the basis of which are human beings. Such a conclusion could be made on conceptualizing the ideas of the great political scientists and legal scholars of the past, among those in particular Samuel Pufendorf, a thinker of the early German Enlightenment. Considering the idea of human measure of the state the author of the article refers to the experience of other social sciences, which state the problem of the human substratum "quality" in a legal perspective. Developing active abilities of people as the subjects of state-legal communication look promising as an area of research.

During the past decades, a number of studies have explored personality group differences in the Big Five personality traits among students in different academic majors. To date, though, this research has not been reviewed systematically. This was the aim of the present review. A systematic literature search identified twelve eligible studies yielding an aggregated sample size of 13,389. Eleven studies reported significant group differences in one or multiple Big Five personality traits. Consistent findings across studies were that students of arts/humanities and psychology scored high on Neuroticism and Openness; students of political sc. scored high on Openness; students of economics, law, political sc., andmedicine scored high on Extraversion; students ofmedicine, psychology, arts/humanities, and sciences scored high on Agreeableness; and students of arts/humanities scored low on Conscientiousness. Effect sizes were calculated to estimate the magnitude of the personality group differences. These effect sizes were consistent across studies comparing similar pairs of academic majors. For all Big Five personality traits medium effect sizes were found frequently, and for Openness even large effect sizes were found regularly. The results from the present review indicate that substantial personality group differences across academic majors exist. Implications for research and practice are discussed.

The objectives of this study are to explore Islamic Idea about the concept of power and model of the international political system as Realist central theme, in order to guide Moslem International Relations Scholar knowing the meaning of their existence as Allah servant. This study also as the first step to constructing the practice of international relations based on Islamic Idea. The method of this study is "the revelation guide science" by interpreted Al Quran and Hadist, dialectic it with the mainstream theories and the reality of international relations, and then from the propositions of Islamic Idea, which are: power is the central concept of Islam Religion. Allah is the owner of absolute power on the universe. Human in every level of the social institution has the relative power. Human relative power is limited by space, time and relational. Human relative power comes from Allah as His delegation on the earth. The sources of human relative power are Wisdom, strength, wealth, and beautiful. Every human being who hold the relative power role as Allah agent for the merciful of the universe. The relative power will be audited by Allah S.W.T. The model of the international political system in Islamic Idea is World Society.

AbstractChristina Merchant made an important contribution to the field of dispute resolution through her teaching, writing, and training on dispute system design. Using principles of organization development, she brought a new organizational lens to thinking about dispute system design (DSD) beyond collective bargaining and grievance procedures; she looked at the whole organization, its many sources of, causes for, and ways to address conflict. With Cathy Costantino, her 1996 book provided a unique and influential resource for a field that has continued to grow. The field would benefit from broadening the academic literature that informs systems for managing conflict. Zooming out to the organization's nested institutional contexts, the work of Elinor Ostrom in political science and political economy provides the tools of institutional analysis for DSD. She also laid the groundwork for thinking about DSD in relation to governance, not only at the local but also at the state, regional, national, and international levels. By applying a more comprehensive analytic framework to DSD, conflict resolvers with DSD skills and expertise are poised to make important differences in emerging global systems for addressing conflict upstream in policy development, midstream in its implementation, and downstream in enforcement.

V. O. Key's Southern Politics in State and Nation continues to be a central text in political science, the single most important work in understanding the role of the South in American politics. This article returns to, replicates, and seeks to advance Key's analysis of southern politics in Congress, reanalyzing and extending his account of southern strategies and actions in the House of Representatives. Where Key's text was characterized by an episodic attention to issue substance, we focus directly on how southern representation varied across discrete issue areas. We generate temporally fine-grained issue-specific ideal points for members of Congress that allow us to determine how congressional preferences changed across time, generating a more refined portrait of the process by which southern Democratic members diverged from their northern counterparts. We also thicken and extend Key's account along regional and temporal dimensions, assessing how his findings change when we employ a legal-institutional definition of the South, and include the whole period from the beginning of the New Deal to the close of the Truman administration. The article concludes by detailing the significance of our finding to the study of American politics, particularly American political development.

AbstractA major programme of research on cognition has been built around the idea that human beings are frequently intuitive thinkers and that human intuition is imperfect. The modern marketing of politics and the time‐poor position of many citizens suggests that 'fast', intuitive, thinking in many contemporary democracies is ubiquitous. This article explores the consequences that such fast thinking might have for the democratic practice of contemporary politics. Using focus groups with a range of demographic profiles, fast thinking about how politics works is stimulated and followed by a more reflective and collectively deliberative form of slow thinking among the same participants. A strong trajectory emerges consistently in all groups in that in fast thinking mode participants are noticeably more negative and dismissive about the workings of politics than when in slow thinking mode. A fast thinking focus among citizens may be good enough to underwrite mainstream political exchange, but at the cost of supporting a general negativity about politics and the way it works. Yet breaking the cycle of fast thinking – as advocated by deliberation theorists – might not be straightforward because of the grip of fast thinking. The fast/slow thinking distinction, if carefully used, offers valuable new insight into political science.

In recent years, criminologists have devoted growing attention to the extent to which 'punitiveness' is emerging as a central feature of many criminal justice systems. In gauging punitiveness, these studies typically rely either on attitudinal data derived from surveys that measure individual support for punitive sentences or on the size of the prison population. We take a different approach, exploring the aims, content and outcomes of various Acts of Parliament passed between 1982 and 1998 in England and Wales. Our argument is that while a trend towards punitiveness is detectable, this was, in the case of England and Wales, attributable to wider discourses stemming from the New Right of the 1980s. This in turn promoted a new conception of how best to tackle rising crime. We show that while the year 1993 stands out as a key point in the growing trajectory of punitiveness in England and Wales, the ideas and rhetoric around 'toughness' in the criminal justice system can be traced back much further than this. Our article brings these matters to the attention of political scientists and demonstrates how historical institutionalist thinking can guide and inform interdisciplinary work at the interface between political science and criminology.

¿Por qué la cuestión latinoamericana puede constituir un problema relevante para la filosofía políticay las ciencias sociales? Una primera respuesta señala el conflictivo lugar que ocupa América Latinadentro del discurso universal construido por la modernidad capitalista en términos económicos ypolíticos. En el seno de ese gran relato, la región y sus procesos aparecen como un exceso quecuestiona y niega aquella universalidad, lo que exige un pensamiento que dé cuenta de las razonesde dicha negación. Para tal objetivo se analizan momentos de la historia política y económicaregional y de las reflexiones teóricas formuladas sobre las tendencias al subdesarrollo y a la actualidadde la revolución. ; Why does the Latin American issue is a relevant subject in political theory as well as in the field ofsocial sciences? A first response points out Latin America's awkward position within a universaldiscourse shaped by capitalist modernity. Within this great discourse, the region and its processesare highlighted as excesses that question and deny such universality. In this sense, it is imperative tocome up with a thoughtful strategy to lay out the reasons for such denial. Thus, this paper analyzesperiods of the region's political and economic history and also looks into the contributions made bythe studies on underdevelopment and revolution.

This article discusses the origins and evolution of the concept the making decision in its connection with social and value aspects of policy practice in the past and future. There is analyzed the system of value containing of the "political decision" concept that reflects its modification, the historic transformation in the process of designing an ideal definition. There is made attempts to systematize the approaches to vision the decision-making process in the frames of periodisation the political sciences. ; В статье рассматриваются истоки и эволюция понимания понятия "политическое решение" в связи с общественно-ценностными аспектами практики осуществления политики в прошлом и будущем. Проанализировано систему ценностной нагрузки понятия "политическое решение", которое отражает его видоизменения, исторические преобразования в процессе конструирования идеального понятия. Предприняты попытки систематизировать подходы к рассмотрению процесса принятия политических решений в рамках периодизации развития политической науки. ; У статті розглядаються витоки та еволюція розуміння поняття "політичне рішення" в пов'язаності з суспільно-ціннісними аспектами практики здійснення політики в минулому та майбутньому. Проаналізовано систему ціннісного навантаження поняття "політичне рішення", яка відображає його видозміну, історичне перетворення в процесі конструювання ідеального поняття. Здійснено спроби систематизувати підходи до розгляду процесу прийняття політичних рішень в рамках періодизації розвитку політичної науки.

This article discusses the origins and evolution of the concept the making decision in its connection with social and value aspects of policy practice in the past and future. There is analyzed the system of value containing of the "political decision" concept that reflects its modification, the historic transformation in the process of designing an ideal definition. There is made attempts to systematize the approaches to vision the decision-making process in the frames of periodisation the political sciences. ; В статье рассматриваются истоки и эволюция понимания понятия "политическое решение" в связи с общественно-ценностными аспектами практики осуществления политики в прошлом и будущем. Проанализировано систему ценностной нагрузки понятия "политическое решение", которое отражает его видоизменения, исторические преобразования в процессе конструирования идеального понятия. Предприняты попытки систематизировать подходы к рассмотрению процесса принятия политических решений в рамках периодизации развития политической науки. ; У статті розглядаються витоки та еволюція розуміння поняття "політичне рішення" в пов'язаності з суспільно-ціннісними аспектами практики здійснення політики в минулому та майбутньому. Проаналізовано систему ціннісного навантаження поняття "політичне рішення", яка відображає його видозміну, історичне перетворення в процесі конструювання ідеального поняття. Здійснено спроби систематизувати підходи до розгляду процесу прийняття політичних рішень в рамках періодизації розвитку політичної науки.

Every human experience can be conceptually represented in terms of semantic frames. Frames set the major cognitive general aspects of any concept, as well as the contextual variants of such a concept. Being a universal concept, NATIONALISM is central to the human cognition. However, political scientists and dictionary makers differently view it. This study makes use of semantic frame in understanding NATIONALISM as expressed in English and Egyptian national anthems. It aims at capturing the similarities and differences between the anthems in order to render the basic constituents of the frame. It is evident that despite the different scenes represented in each anthem's frame, NATIONALISM typically actives the frame of people, place, power and principles. The eight national anthems, subject to the analysis, along with a number of political science definitions of NATIONALISM can be contained under this general conceptual frame. The frame interacts with the basics of sociology. Being developed over time and place, NATIONALISM still summons the same frame of a society of people gathered in one place sharing the same principles and governed by the same power. However, the kind of power, place, and principles varies according to the physical scene.

Environmental problems are often complex and it is widely recognized that they cannot be satisfactorily addressed by single disciplines. The review of forest cover change studies points to the need to carry out research integrating economic, political, social and environmental aspects. Existing interdisciplinary study areas, namely ecological economics, political ecology, sustainability science and Earth system governance do not yet fully integrate all the required aspects. This paper points out that the establishment of greater synergies between those study areas would be beneficial in developing the broader study area of environmental governance. A definition of environmental governance as a subject of study is developed. Lack of an all encompassing theory of environmental governance is highlighted, while the improbability of such a theory is acknowledged. In relation to normative work, the refinement of principles of good environmental governance could support the design and prioritization of policies. Empirical research needs to include the testing of hypotheses arising from theoretical developments, assessment of policy uptake and new exploratory research. Methodologically, environmental governance might start from an interdisciplinary approach followed by further integration leading to a transdisciplinary study area that uses a mixed methods research approach.

Environmental problems are often complex and it is widely recognized that they cannot be satisfactorily addressed by single disciplines. The review of forest cover change studies points to the need to carry out research integrating economic, political, social and environmental aspects. Existing interdisciplinary study areas, namely ecological economics, political ecology, sustainability science and Earth system governance do not yet fully integrate all the required aspects. This paper points out that the establishment of greater synergies between those study areas would be beneficial in developing the broader study area of environmental governance. A definition of environmental governance as a subject of study is developed. Lack of an all encompassing theory of environmental governance is highlighted, while the improbability of such a theory is acknowledged. In relation to normative work, the refinement of principles of good environmental governance could support the design and prioritization of policies. Empirical research needs to include the testing of hypotheses arising from theoretical developments, assessment of policy uptake and new exploratory research. Methodologically, environmental governance might start from an interdisciplinary approach followed by further integration leading to a transdisciplinary study area that uses a mixed methods research approach.

This article describes how a group of students from the Spanish, English and French Language Programs of the Science of Education Department at Universidad de La Salle (Bogotá-Colombia), found the moral, ethical and political sense of their practices as citizens. A qualitative research was developed by following the ethnographic focus. Systematized and analyzed data was collected during five pedagogical workshops in order to interpret and comprehend the moral, ethical and political senses. This study is based on theoretical approaches about recognition and reification developed by Taylor (1994, 1996, 1997, 2004, 2006), Fraser and Honneth (2006), and Honneth (1997, 2007, 2009). Some results e inferences show the emptiness of sense, tedium and weariness that young people feel when there are not faire condition about equity and redistributive justice from administrative and institutional frameworks. Findings of this research show that young people require to be recognized by the State not only in conditions of impairment of dignity, but also on the effects of public policies on a subjective citizen. In a similar way, the State must reflect on the kind of moral motivations and intentions that young people may have to participate actively in the constitutional regulatory agreement.

Diese ausführliche Sammlung von 17 Aufsätzen untersucht die Ereignisse in Kiew und auf der Krim in den Jahren 2013/2014. Das Buch stellt deren historischen, sozialen, politischen, kulturellen und juristischen Kontexte dar. Die multidisziplinären Beiträge – u.a. aus der Soziologie, Geschichte, Jura, Medien- und Politikwissenschaften – stammen von Wissenschaftler_innen und Nicht-Wissenschaftler_innen, wie z.B. Journalist_innen, Aktivist_innen, juristischen Experten und politischen Entscheidungsträger_innen. Das Polnische Nationale Forschungzentrum (NCN) unterstützte das Buch, dementsprechend sind die meisten Autor_Innen mit polnischen Institutionen verbunden. Die Herausgeber Bachmann und Lyubashenko editierten die Aufsätze bis August 2014, während die meisten Essays sich mit der Zeit bis zu der Wahl des ukrainischen Präsidenten Poroschenko am 25. Mai 2014 befassen. Den Herausgebern nach, soll das Buch "eine Intervention während der Krise" darstellen (S. 17). ; This collection of essays explores events in Kyiv (Kiev) and Crimea in 2013/14 and their historical, social, political, cultural, and legal contexts. The seventeen multi-disciplinary contributions, covering sociology, history, media studies, international relations, political science, and law, are by academics and non-academics, including journalists, activists, legal experts, and policymakers. The Polish National Research Centre (NCN) sponsored the publication, thus most authors are Polish-based, although scholars from the US, UK, Sweden, and Germany also contribute. Bachmann and Lyubashenko edited the volume into August 2014, while the texts reach President Petro Poroshenko's election on 25 May 2014. The editors claim they "wanted the book to be an intervention during the crisis" (p. 17).