Suchergebnisse

Forms of power on commercial farms and power relations between white farm owners and black farmworkers in Zimbabwe have been explored by scholars such as Clarke (1977), Loewenson (1992), Amanor-Wilks (1995), Tandon (2001) and especially Rutherford (2001a). While most focus on the capitalist exploitation of farmworkers and forms of structural violence, Rutherford has gone beyond political-economy to understand power relations on farms in terms of the histories and complex forms of identity formation among both white farmers and black workers in pre- and post-independence Zimbabwe. However, the subtle and often obscured role of the "farmer's wife" in farm power relations, determined by the dynamics of a system Rutherford (2001a) has called "domestic government", has not been examined much in the literature. In this thesis I address this omission through an examination of the role of welfare initiatives and related activities intimately linked to domesticity and white "farmer's wives" within Rhodesian/Zimbabwean white settler society. I show that this "maternalistic" role was not only important in the colonial civilising and modernising endeavours of white farmers as they "cultivated" African fields, African workers and their own identities, but also became an important foundation on which post-independence welfare endeavours (linked to a new kind of civilising mission: that of neoliberal "civil society") were built. I then trace the impacts of the radical agrarian shifts introduced in 2000 with the "Fast-track Land Reform Programme" (FTLRP) on such interventions and on their beneficiaries, black farmworkers, as well as on the emergent power relations which farmworkers and dwellers now negotiate. Based on nine months of fieldwork, and on archival and library research, this multi-sited study takes a historical-ethnographic approach which pays attention to the longue durée and the entanglement of political-economic and gendered socio-cultural factors shaping power regimes and relations in rural Zimbabwe. The dissertation weaves together several strands of argument relating to the changing dynamics of power, welfare, modernity and belonging and how these changes are affecting white farmers and their wives, NGOs and (former) farmworkers and dwellers in contemporary Zimbabwe. It contributes to a fuller, more nuanced and gendered understanding of the (dynamic) nature of labour relations and the role of welfare and "improvement" endeavours on (former) commercial farms over the course of more than a century.

"Im Artikel wird gezeigt, wie Events mit vorgängigen ähnlichen Events in Beziehung stehen. Das Material stammt von einer teilnehmenden Beobachtung anlässlich einer goldenen Hochzeit im nördlichen Vogelsberg. Events lassen sich formal über gemeinsame Teilnehmer/ innen miteinander verbinden (sog. zweimodale Netzwerke). Im Gegensatz zu Teilnehmer/ innennetzwerken können die Events zeitlich angeordnet werden. Verschiedene Netzwerkmodelle für die Bedeutung vorgängiger Events werden am klassischen Beispiel von Davis, Gardner und Gardners (1941) 'Deep South'-Studie diskutiert. Am Beispiel einer goldenen Hochzeit zeigt sich, dass soziale Formen im Sinne von Simmels 'formaler Soziologie' (1908) eine große Stabilität aufweisen. Im Aufsatz wird argumentiert, dass der Hauptgrund für die Stabilität in der Unsicherheit der Teilnehmer/ innen zu suchen ist. Exemplarisch lässt sich das am Positionswechsel des Gastgebers vom Gast zum Gastgeber zeigen. Der Unsicherheit kann dadurch begegnet werden, dass auf bewährte Formen für das Fest zurückgegriffen wird. Eine weitere wichtige Rolle in der Tradierung von Formelementen spielen die Professionellen, im Beispiel sind es der Wirt und die Musiker, die dafür sorgen, dass solche Events wie in der Vergangenheit ablaufen. Es wird gezeigt, dass sich der Ansatz einer Analyse der zeitlichen Reihenfolge von Event-Netzwerken dazu eignet, eine neue Sicht auf die Untersuchung von kulturellen Formen einzunehmen. Insbesondere eignet sich der vorgeschlagene Ansatz für eine Untersuchung der Entstehung und Tradierung kultureller Formen." (Autorenreferat)

Interviews sind in einigen Disziplinen der qualitativen Sozialforschung nicht gern gesehen, weil sie als "künstlich", aufwändig und "wenig repräsentativ" gelten. Der Artikel erörtert die Möglichkeiten, diese Nachteile mit einem konsequent diskursanalytischen Ansatz zu "Tugenden" zu machen: Wie lassen sich Interviewtexte im Hinblick auf übergeordnete Diskurszusammenhänge analysieren und damit zu über das einzelne Interview hinausweisenden Verallgemeinerungen heranziehen? Eine zentrale Rolle spielen dabei die Konzepte "Prototyp" und "Position", mit deren Hilfe die Repräsentativität des Datenmaterials gewährleistet werden kann. Voraussetzung dafür ist allerdings zunächst ein Blick auf die kommunikativen Aspekte in Interviews: Welchen Einfluss hat die Interviewsituation auf das Diskursverhalten der Interviewten? Wie verhalten sich die situativen Faktoren und die kommunikative Situation im Interview zu den übergeordneten Diskurszusammenhängen? Diese Fragen werden einerseits allgemein theoretisch und methodologisch diskutiert, zum anderen aber anhand von Beispielen aus Interviews zum Thema "deutsche Identität" auch in der praktischen Anwendung illustriert. Diese Interviews wurden 1995/96 im Rahmen einer 20-monatigen ethnologischen Feldforschung in Berlin mit führenden Politiker(inne)n, Journalist(inn)en und Kulturschaffenden durchgeführt.

International audience ; Most of the Mauritian Tamils worship the gods of the Hindu pantheon but paradoxically they do not call themselves "Hindus". In Mauritius indeed, Hindu identity is reserved for the Hindus originating from North India and speaking Bhojpuri, who represent the first Indo-Mauritian community and have dominated the national political scene since Independence. In the same way, the rituals and religious festivals conducted by Tamils, like the great festival of Cavadee dedicated to the god Muruga, are not labeled "Hindu" anymore but only "Tamil". This distinction between "Tamilness" and "Hinduness" in Mauritius is the result of the claim by Tamils to their own ethnic and cultural specificity, which partakes of their symbolic and political resistance towards the Bhojpuri majority. Nevertheless, Tamil Hinduism is a reality that has existed for a long time in the Creole island, and which is currently undergoing a great revival. This contribution deals with the historical, political and ritual dimensions of this ethnicisation of Tamil Hinduism in Mauritius, and shows how this process is influenced both by Dravidian ethnicity, imported from South India, and by the specificity of the Mauritian context. ; La majorité des Mauriciens d'origine tamoule vouent leur culte à des divinités du panthéon hindou mais affirment paradoxalement ne pas être hindous. À Maurice en effet, cette identité est laissée aux seuls hindous originaires du Nord de l'Inde et de langue bhojpurie, qui constituent aujourd'hui la première communauté indo-mauricienne et qui dominent le champ politique de l'île. De même, les rites et festivals religieux conduits par les Tamouls, tels que la grande fête de Cavadee célébrée en l'honneur du dieu Muruga, ne sont plus considérées comme étant hindous mais seulement tamouls. Cette distinction entre tamoulité et hindouité à Maurice est le fruit du déni de l'appartenance hindoue par les Tamouls au profit de la mise en avant de leur spécificité ethnique et culturelle, qui s'inscrit dans leur ...

International audience ; Most of the Mauritian Tamils worship the gods of the Hindu pantheon but paradoxically they do not call themselves "Hindus". In Mauritius indeed, Hindu identity is reserved for the Hindus originating from North India and speaking Bhojpuri, who represent the first Indo-Mauritian community and have dominated the national political scene since Independence. In the same way, the rituals and religious festivals conducted by Tamils, like the great festival of Cavadee dedicated to the god Muruga, are not labeled "Hindu" anymore but only "Tamil". This distinction between "Tamilness" and "Hinduness" in Mauritius is the result of the claim by Tamils to their own ethnic and cultural specificity, which partakes of their symbolic and political resistance towards the Bhojpuri majority. Nevertheless, Tamil Hinduism is a reality that has existed for a long time in the Creole island, and which is currently undergoing a great revival. This contribution deals with the historical, political and ritual dimensions of this ethnicisation of Tamil Hinduism in Mauritius, and shows how this process is influenced both by Dravidian ethnicity, imported from South India, and by the specificity of the Mauritian context. ; La majorité des Mauriciens d'origine tamoule vouent leur culte à des divinités du panthéon hindou mais affirment paradoxalement ne pas être hindous. À Maurice en effet, cette identité est laissée aux seuls hindous originaires du Nord de l'Inde et de langue bhojpurie, qui constituent aujourd'hui la première communauté indo-mauricienne et qui dominent le champ politique de l'île. De même, les rites et festivals religieux conduits par les Tamouls, tels que la grande fête de Cavadee célébrée en l'honneur du dieu Muruga, ne sont plus considérées comme étant hindous mais seulement tamouls. Cette distinction entre tamoulité et hindouité à Maurice est le fruit du déni de l'appartenance hindoue par les Tamouls au profit de la mise en avant de leur spécificité ethnique et culturelle, qui s'inscrit dans leur ...

Este artículo revela el carácter híbrido del movimiento zapatista (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) que salió a la luz el 1 de enero 1994 en protesta en contra del tratado libre de comercio (TLC) entre México, Canadá y EEUU que entró en vigor ese mismo día. El movimiento lanzó la lucha armada en contra del gobierno, bajo el eslogan 'Nunca más un México sin nosotros'. En su declaración de la Selva Lacandona, declara la guerra al ejército federal mexicano. El movimiento hizo todo lo posible para evitar una clasificación fácil por lo cual todas las interpretaciones univocas como un movimiento social nuevo, o un movimiento neo-indígena o pan maya o una guerrilla tradicional resultaron, más bien, ser equívocas. Este articulo dará un repaso a estas interpretaciones y subraya el carácter híbrido del movimiento. Si lo híbrido era parte de una política consciente y intentada, este artículo también señalará una serie de paradojas no intentados pero que salieron a la luz como resultado de un análisis detenido del discurso Zapatista. Las reflecciones finales definen la importancia de este movimiento para el mundo entero y presenta sugerencias para la investigación futura. ; This article reveals the hybrid character of the Zapatista movement (Zapatista Army of National Liberation, EZLN). It was announced on January 1, 1994 in protest against the free trade agreement (NAFTA) between Mexico, Canada and the US and entered into force that very same day. The movement launched an armed struggle against the government, under the slogan "Never again a Mexico without us". In the "Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle", the movement declared a war on the Mexican federal army. The movement did everything possible to avoid an easy classification so that all univocal interpretations such as a new social movement, or a neo-indigenous movement or pan maya or a traditional guerrilla turned out to be, rather, equivocal. This article will review these interpretations and bring forward the hybridity of this movement. If hybridity was part of a conscious and attempted policy, this article will also point to a series of unintended paradoxes that came to light as a result of a careful analysis of the Zapatista discourse. Its final reflections point to the importance of this movement for the world at large and provide a suggestion for future research.

"This new book offers a timely and lively appraisal of the concept of communicative repertoires, resources we use to express who we are when in dialogue with others. Each chapter describes and illustrates the communicative resources humans deploy daily, but rarely think about not only the multiple languages we use, but how we dress or gesture, how we greet each other or tell stories, the nicknames we coin, and the mass media references we make and how these resources combine in infinitely varied performances of identity. Rymes also discusses how our repertoires shift and grow over the course of a lifetime, as well how a repertoire perspective can lead to a rethinking of cultural diversity and human interaction, from categorizing peoples differences to understanding how our repertoires can expand and overlap with other, thereby helping us to find common ground and communicate in increasingly multicultural schools, workplaces, markets, and social spheres. Rymes affirms the importance of the communicative repertoires concept with highly engaging discussions and contemporary examples from mass media, popular culture, and everyday life. The result is a fresh and exciting work that will resonate with students and scholars in sociolinguistics, intercultural communication, applied linguistics, and education. "--

How has the youth climate movement in the US grown since the Climate Strikes began and in what ways did it change as it grew? This article takes advantage of a unique dataset that includes surveys from activists who organized the nationally coordinated climate strikes in the US that began with Fridays for Future in spring 2019. Building on the research on alliance building and strategic coalitions, this article analyzes how the patterns of participation changed over the period of the study. We employ social network analysis to map the affiliation networks among the organizers of these events to assess the coalitions of groups involved and the shifting organizational landscape. Our analysis does not provide evidence that groups spanned the boundaries across movements, nor does it show that identity plays a role in coalition building in this movement. Instead, by mapping out the coalition of organizations within this movement and how connections among them change over time, we see clear evidence that this youth-led movement was reoriented by adult-led organizations. Our article concludes by considering how these findings suggest the future trajectory of the youth climate movement and its role in a 'new climate politics' in America.

Reviews & reconsiders the development of a "Third Left" in Finland after creating a Left-Wing Alliance party in 1990 that stagnated after the March 1995 elections. Still attempting to define its identity, this essays reflects on & proposes a set of basic values from which to develop a more clearly articulated ideological & strategic position. The "First Left" (free & equal citizens acting individually & making decisions democratically) & "Second Left" (proletarian leftist workers & social-democratic party adherents) are described with focus on their successes & losses of political influence followed by a historical review of where the left fits into Finland's political landscape. The concept of the Third Left is then offered & explained with reference to the writings of Anthony Giddens in Beyond Left & Right: The Future of Radical Politics & his six-point framework for a reconstituted radical politics. The basic values of the Third Left are then discussed in detail: real freedom for all, democratic communities, & sustainable development. Discussion of challenges for the Third Left conclude the essay including reviving & elaborating more effectively First & Second Left ideas, engaging the market more effectively, renewing ideas of democratic control & government, & integrating sustainable development into First & Second Left philosophies. R. Rodriguez

Part I. Introduction : Organizational community engagement over time. The Cambridge handbook of organizational community engagement and outreach : Introduction, statement of need and overview of the volume / Joseph A. Allen, Roni Reiter-Palmon, Kelly A. Prange -- Sustaining community engagement in times of leadership transition / Diann Olszowy Jones, Lorilee R. Sandmann -- Part II. University-community partnerships. Volunteer program assessment : a university-community partnership / Sheridan B. Trent, Kelly A. Prange, Joseph A. Allen -- Introducing engaged civic learning : an emerging approach to university-community partnerships / Rasheda L. Weaver -- Service-learning partnerships in secondary education / Rachaela A. Arens -- Integrating foreigners into local communities for mutual benefit : chances, challenges, and best practice / Fabian Klaukel, Annika L. Meinecke, Lena C. Müller-Frommeyer, Simone Kauffeld -- A case study on community and identity in study abroad program / Lisa Slattery Walker, Scott T. Fitzgerald -- Part III. Disciplinary outreach. Faculty and students consulting in the community : the center for applied psychological services / Joseph E. Mroz, Michael Yoerger, Joseph A. Allen, Roni Reiter-Palmon -- Discipline-specific outreach : client projects through graduate classes and university-based consulting centers / Michael B. Hein, Richard G. Moffett III -- Driving workforce readiness : the case for community-based HR initiatives / Joseph Jones, RAchael Johnson-Murray, Valerie Streets, Alexander Alonso, Shonna D. Waters -- Universtiy educators and disciplinary specialists working together to enhance community outreach and deepen K-12 teacher content knowlege / Angie Hodge, Cindy S. York, Janice Rech

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Locating Islamic and Non-Islamic Feminisms in Asia -- Part I. Whose Feminism? Muslim Women Redefining "Empowerment" -- Part II. Contesting Feminisms and Muslim Women's Movements in Contested Spaces -- Part III. Transnational Feminisms: Locating Muslim Women at the Crossroads -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Part I: Whose Feminism? Muslim Women Redefining "Empowerment" -- 1. Muslim Women's Leadership in Uzbekistan: Religion and Emotion -- Leadership and Emotions -- The State, Islam, and Otinchalar in Uzbekistan -- The Self and Identity -- Bibi Gul' -- In and Out of Otincha -- "I do it" -- Muslim Women's Leadership: Islamic and Islamist Feminists -- The Two Women: The Two Leaders -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 2. Feminization of Islam? Agency and Visibility of Women in Southern Thailand's Branch of the Tablighi Jama'at's Missionary Movement -- Introduction -- The Theoretical Context -- The Tablighi Jama'at -- The Tablighi Jama'at in Southern Thailand -- Everyday Politics in Muslim Communities -- Women as Participants in the Da'wa Movement -- Concluding Remarks -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 3. Women's Empowerment in the Xi'an Muslim District -- Introduction -- Comparative Ethnographies of Muslim Women -- Scholarship on Hui Women -- Structure -- Agency -- Collective Sentiment -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 4. The Influence of the National Question on Gender Issues in the Muslim Areas of the Southern Philippines: Maranao Muslim Women between Retraditionalization and Islamic Resurgence -- Introduction -- Retraditionalization -- Women in the Sultanate System -- Islam and the Sultanate System -- Islamic Feminism -- Islamic Parties and the Return of the Traditional Political Elites -- Gender Blind Reward System -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography.

Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center, members of the Sikh-American community have been the subjects of random hate crimes in the United States because of their distinct identity, namely the turban. During and after the 2016 presidential election, many minority groups, including Sikh-Americans, were concerned over the rhetoric the then-candidate Donald Trump had been using. The focus of this research project was to study if the rhetoric used during the presidential campaign had any effect on how Sikh-Americans perceived their safety in a politically conservative state like Texas. The methods used to collect data were both qualitative and quantitative in nature. The qualitative portion was collected from one-on-one interviews with Sikh-Americans, and the quantitative portion was collected from surveys taken in gurdwaras (Sikh religious temples) located in both the Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston metroplexes. From the interviews and surveys, it was concluded that 27.6% of turban wearers felt threatened because of their appearance and felt a general feeling of discomfort from others' lack of knowledge of Sikhism. Despite not having a distinct appearance, 28.6% of the non-turban wearing male respondents felt threatened sometime before and after the presidential election for their religious affiliation. From the results, it can be concluded that many Sikh-Americans feel unsafe living in Texas as Sikhs because of religious misidentification and intolerance.

What do our myths say about us? Why do we choose to believe stories that have been disproven? David M. Krueger takes an in-depth look at a legend that held tremendous power in one corner of Minnesota, helping to define both a community's and a state's identity for decades.In 1898, a Swedish immigrant farmer claimed to have discovered a large rock with writing carved into its surface in a field near Kensington, Minnesota. The writing told a North American origin story, predating Christopher Columbus's exploration, in which Viking missionaries reached what is now Minnesota in 1362 only to be mas

The creation of a Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Co-Development could be seen as the mere 'collateral damage' of an election campaign put by candidate Sarkozy under the traditional themes of the nationalist right. While the effects of competition within the political field may explain the electoral promise, they cannot be sufficient to explain how it could be so easily and quickly put into action. Sylvain Laurens shows here that, in addition to the so-called "hyperpresident", this new ministry is mainly a continuation of forty years of restrictive and reshareholder public immigration policies. ; International audience ; The creation of a Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Co-Development could be seen as the mere 'collateral damage' of an election campaign put by candidate Sarkozy under the traditional themes of the nationalist right. While the effects of competition within the political field may explain the electoral promise, they cannot be sufficient to explain how it could be so easily and quickly put into action. Sylvain Laurens shows here that, in addition to the so-called "hyperpresident", this new ministry is mainly a continuation of forty years of restrictive and reshareholder public immigration policies. ; La création d'un ministère de l'Immigration, de l'intégration, de l'identité nationale et du co-développement pourrait être perçue comme le simple « dommage collatéral » d'une campagne électorale placée par le candidat Sarkozy sous l'étendard des thèmes classiques de la droite nationaliste. Si les effets de concurrence au sein du champ politique peuvent expliquer la promesse électorale, ils ne peuvent suffire à expliquer comment celle-ci a pu être aussi facilement et rapidement mise en actes. Sylvain Laurens montre ici qu'au-delà du soi-disant volontarisme d'un « hyperprésident », ce nouveau ministère s'inscrit surtout dans la continuité de quarante ans de politiques publiques restrictives et réactionnaires en matière d'immigration.