Suchergebnisse

Romania will become a member of the European Union in 2007 or 2008. This paper explores the potential impacts of this step on Austria in three major fields foreign trade, FDI and labour market. Romania is a more backward country than those which joined the EU in 2004, but it has been on a path of rapid economic growth since 2001. The medium-term prospects of its economy depend of two main factors restructuring and improving international competitiveness, and the capacity to absorb EU funds after accession. If progress is slow in both respects, economic growth will be around 4% annually in the coming years, while under favourable conditions it may climb to 5-6%. Romania will remain a rapidly growing market for investment goods, consumer goods and services alike providing good opportunities for Austrian companies. Trade flows between the two countries are modest in 2004 Romania ranked 16th regarding Austrian exports and 21st regarding imports but is has been increasing rapidly in recent years and one may expect further strong growth. Austria enjoys a current account surplus vis-à-vis Romania. The bulk of the surplus is generated by trade in goods, most recently also through the incomes earned by Austrian subsidiaries. Migrants' transfers from Austria to Romania are of a low magnitude, which indicates the lack of substantial migration. The recent huge investments of OMV and Erste Bank result in an Austrian FDI stock of about EUR 6 billion by the end of 2006, some 10% of the Austrian outward FDI stock. This is a similar amount as invested in the Czech Republic or Hungary, which had been the main targets in earlier years. But compared with those countries, Austrian FDI in Romania is more concentrated in a few companies and industries, and the subsidiaries in Romania are less export-oriented. We conducted a questionnaire survey in February 2006 among Austrian companies with subsidiaries in Romania in order to find out the impact of investments in Romania on Austrian mother companies. The most important impact was that the firms' turnover increased. In the majority of cases, also employment increased in Austria, particularly in the field of management and services. The survey results confirmed that for Austria the internationalization of activities and the penetration of the Romanian market bring more benefits for employment than job losses due to relocation. Austrian companies plan further investments in Romania after that country's accession to the EU. All respondents mention some advantage of enlargement, at least in the form of easier border crossing and more EU-financed projects. Only few companies expect a negative impact in the form of increasing labour costs in Romania. Immigration of Romanians to Austria amounted to around 39,000 persons (legal, net) during the 15 years from 1990 to 2004. In 2004, about 5500 entries of Romanian immigrants were registered, while 3500 Romanians left Austria. The difference of about 2000 persons accounted for 3.3% of net immigration to Austria in that year. Most of the Romanian nationals who immigrated to Austria in the past 15 years have established a long-term living here. Romanian employees in Austria face a slightly higher probability of unemployment and receive lower earnings than Austrian nationals. To assess the expected size of immigration from Romania to Austria in the case of free labour mobility, we discuss existing studies based on both econometric analysis and survey findings. We find that a total number of around 43,500 Romanian nationals can be realistically expected to move to Austria in the first ten years after the introduction of free labour mobility. This is 1.3% of Austria's 2004 labour force (without the self-employed). But, EU accession will by far not mean free labour mobility. Transitional arrangements will restrict Romanian citizens' right to assume employment in most incumbent EU member states including Austria. The main mode for Romanian citizens to legally enter the Austrian labour market will remain to be via work permits that are issued for sectors with excess labour demand only.

Pastāv grūtības definēt ES gan no politiskā, gan no akadēmiskā viedokļa. Līdz šim ES pētniecībā galvenokārt izmantota politikas (policy) analīzes teorijas vai arī īpaši radītas integrācijas teorijas. Manuprāt, ES pētniecībai tomēr vispiemērotākā ir starptautisko attiecību teorija. Līdz šim gadījumos, kad ES analizēta no starptautisko attiecību teorijas viedokļa, dominējušas pieejas, kuras kopumā var raksturot kā ideālistiskas. Taču savā darbā esmu izmantojis reālisma pieeju. Darbā izvirzītas divas hipotēzes: (1) vēsturiski kontekstuālā – Eiropas Savienība spēja pastāvēt tās nedefinētajā formā tikai kā kara produkts un tikai kara apstākļos; (2) futūristiskā – Eiropas Savienības ilgstoša pastāvēšana, nesākoties tās dezintegrācijas procesam, iespējama tikai valsts formā. Darbs iedalīts četras nodaļās. Pirmajā nodaļā (I) īsumā pamatota starptautisko attiecību teorijas reālisma skolas atziņu piemērotība ES fenomena pētniecībai. Otrā nodaļa (II) atvēlēta starptautisko attiecību teorijas reālisma paradigmas būtiskāko konceptu un principu apskatam. Šajā nodaļā pamatots, ka Aukstā kara bipolaritāte nav unikāla, kodolieroču pastāvēšanas izraisīta parādība, bet gan stāvoklis, kas tradicionāli novērojams plaša mēroga konflikta apstākļos. Trešajā (III) nodaļā ES analizēta kā starptautisko attiecību aktieris. Šīs nodaļas pirmajā (1.) daļā ES analizēta kā tradicionāls starptautisko attiecību aktieris, bet otrajā (2.) – kā sui generis parādība. Šajā nodaļā secināts, ka, saglabājoties starptautiskās sistēmas līdzšinējai – anarhiskajai – struktūrai, ES nevar pastāvēt kā sui generis aktieris un tai jāpieņem tradicionālā valsts forma. Pēdējā (IV) nodaļā piedāvāts iespējamais Eiropas pašdefinēšanās scenārijs. Darba būtiskākais secinājumi ir, ka (1) Beidzoties Aukstajam karam, izzuda līdzšinējais ES pastāvēšanas raison d'étre; (2) Nepastāvot kopīgam apdraudējumam un nepastāvot kopīgām interesēm, katra no ES dalībvalstīm realizēs savām partikulārajām interesēm atbilstošu politiku, kas neizbēgami novedīs pie anarhiskās sistēmas atgriešanās ES iekšienē; (3) Nepastāvot kādiem sui generis apstākļiem, ES jākļūst par tradicionālu aktieri, tas ir, valsti un jāīsteno tradicionālas stratēģijas. ; From the political as well as from the academic point of view, it is difficult to define the EU. Until recently, political analysis or a particular integration theory were mainly used in EU research. I think that the most appropriate theory for EU research is the theory of international relations. Until now, when the EU was analysed from the viewpoint of the theory of international relations, the dominating approach was what can be called idealistic. But in my thesis I have used the realism approach. In the theses there are two main hypothesis: (1) the historical-contextual – the European Union could exist in its non-defined form only as a product of war or in war circumstances; (2) the futuristic – the long-term existence of the European Union without the beginning of the process of disintegration is only possible in the form of a state. The thesis is divided into four parts. In the first (I) part I demonstrate the appropriateness to use the Realism School of the international relations theory for the study of the EU phenomenon. The second (II) part is dedicated to the overview of the main concepts and principles of the paradigm of realism in the theory of international relations. In this part it is proven that the bipolarity of the Cold War was not a unique phenomenon, caused by the existence of nuclear weapons, but a situation, which can be traditionally seen in the circumstances of extensive conflicts. The third (III) part analyses the EU as an actor on the international relations system. Firstly (1) the EU is analysed as a traditional actor in international relations, secondly (2) – as a sui generis phenomenon. It concludes that, if the present – anarchic – structure of the international system persists, the EU cannot stay a sui generis actor, it has to achieve a traditional stately form. The last (IV) part provides a scenario for a possible self-definition of Europe. The main conclusions of the thesis are that (1) with the end of the Cold War the raison d'être of the existence of the EU disappeared; (2) without a common threat and common interests each member state of the EU will develop independent policies according to its particular interests, which inevitably will lead to the return of the anarchic system within the EU; (3) without sui generis circumstances, the EU has to become a traditional actor, that is, a state and has to realise traditional strategies.

Pastāv grūtības definēt ES gan no politiskā, gan no akadēmiskā viedokļa. Līdz šim ES pētniecībā galvenokārt izmantota politikas (policy) analīzes teorijas vai arī īpaši radītas integrācijas teorijas. Manuprāt, ES pētniecībai tomēr vispiemērotākā ir starptautisko attiecību teorija. Līdz šim gadījumos, kad ES analizēta no starptautisko attiecību teorijas viedokļa, dominējušas pieejas, kuras kopumā var raksturot kā ideālistiskas. Taču savā darbā esmu izmantojis reālisma pieeju. Darbā izvirzītas divas hipotēzes: (1) vēsturiski kontekstuālā – Eiropas Savienība spēja pastāvēt tās nedefinētajā formā tikai kā kara produkts un tikai kara apstākļos; (2) futūristiskā – Eiropas Savienības ilgstoša pastāvēšana, nesākoties tās dezintegrācijas procesam, iespējama tikai valsts formā. Darbs iedalīts četras nodaļās. Pirmajā nodaļā (I) īsumā pamatota starptautisko attiecību teorijas reālisma skolas atziņu piemērotība ES fenomena pētniecībai. Otrā nodaļa (II) atvēlēta starptautisko attiecību teorijas reālisma paradigmas būtiskāko konceptu un principu apskatam. Šajā nodaļā pamatots, ka Aukstā kara bipolaritāte nav unikāla, kodolieroču pastāvēšanas izraisīta parādība, bet gan stāvoklis, kas tradicionāli novērojams plaša mēroga konflikta apstākļos. Trešajā (III) nodaļā ES analizēta kā starptautisko attiecību aktieris. Šīs nodaļas pirmajā (1.) daļā ES analizēta kā tradicionāls starptautisko attiecību aktieris, bet otrajā (2.) – kā sui generis parādība. Šajā nodaļā secināts, ka, saglabājoties starptautiskās sistēmas līdzšinējai – anarhiskajai – struktūrai, ES nevar pastāvēt kā sui generis aktieris un tai jāpieņem tradicionālā valsts forma. Pēdējā (IV) nodaļā piedāvāts iespējamais Eiropas pašdefinēšanās scenārijs. Darba būtiskākais secinājumi ir, ka (1) Beidzoties Aukstajam karam, izzuda līdzšinējais ES pastāvēšanas raison d'étre; (2) Nepastāvot kopīgam apdraudējumam un nepastāvot kopīgām interesēm, katra no ES dalībvalstīm realizēs savām partikulārajām interesēm atbilstošu politiku, kas neizbēgami novedīs pie anarhiskās sistēmas atgriešanās ES iekšienē; (3) Nepastāvot kādiem sui generis apstākļiem, ES jākļūst par tradicionālu aktieri, tas ir, valsti un jāīsteno tradicionālas stratēģijas. ; From the political as well as from the academic point of view, it is difficult to define the EU. Until recently, political analysis or a particular integration theory were mainly used in EU research. I think that the most appropriate theory for EU research is the theory of international relations. Until now, when the EU was analysed from the viewpoint of the theory of international relations, the dominating approach was what can be called idealistic. But in my thesis I have used the realism approach. In the theses there are two main hypothesis: (1) the historical-contextual – the European Union could exist in its non-defined form only as a product of war or in war circumstances; (2) the futuristic – the long-term existence of the European Union without the beginning of the process of disintegration is only possible in the form of a state. The thesis is divided into four parts. In the first (I) part I demonstrate the appropriateness to use the Realism School of the international relations theory for the study of the EU phenomenon. The second (II) part is dedicated to the overview of the main concepts and principles of the paradigm of realism in the theory of international relations. In this part it is proven that the bipolarity of the Cold War was not a unique phenomenon, caused by the existence of nuclear weapons, but a situation, which can be traditionally seen in the circumstances of extensive conflicts. The third (III) part analyses the EU as an actor on the international relations system. Firstly (1) the EU is analysed as a traditional actor in international relations, secondly (2) – as a sui generis phenomenon. It concludes that, if the present – anarchic – structure of the international system persists, the EU cannot stay a sui generis actor, it has to achieve a traditional stately form. The last (IV) part provides a scenario for a possible self-definition of Europe. The main conclusions of the thesis are that (1) with the end of the Cold War the raison d'être of the existence of the EU disappeared; (2) without a common threat and common interests each member state of the EU will develop independent policies according to its particular interests, which inevitably will lead to the return of the anarchic system within the EU; (3) without sui generis circumstances, the EU has to become a traditional actor, that is, a state and has to realise traditional strategies.

Pastāv grūtības definēt ES gan no politiskā, gan no akadēmiskā viedokļa. Līdz šim ES pētniecībā galvenokārt izmantota politikas (policy) analīzes teorijas vai arī īpaši radītas integrācijas teorijas. Manuprāt, ES pētniecībai tomēr vispiemērotākā ir starptautisko attiecību teorija. Līdz šim gadījumos, kad ES analizēta no starptautisko attiecību teorijas viedokļa, dominējušas pieejas, kuras kopumā var raksturot kā ideālistiskas. Taču savā darbā esmu izmantojis reālisma pieeju. Darbā izvirzītas divas hipotēzes: (1) vēsturiski kontekstuālā – Eiropas Savienība spēja pastāvēt tās nedefinētajā formā tikai kā kara produkts un tikai kara apstākļos; (2) futūristiskā – Eiropas Savienības ilgstoša pastāvēšana, nesākoties tās dezintegrācijas procesam, iespējama tikai valsts formā. Darbs iedalīts četras nodaļās. Pirmajā nodaļā (I) īsumā pamatota starptautisko attiecību teorijas reālisma skolas atziņu piemērotība ES fenomena pētniecībai. Otrā nodaļa (II) atvēlēta starptautisko attiecību teorijas reālisma paradigmas būtiskāko konceptu un principu apskatam. Šajā nodaļā pamatots, ka Aukstā kara bipolaritāte nav unikāla, kodolieroču pastāvēšanas izraisīta parādība, bet gan stāvoklis, kas tradicionāli novērojams plaša mēroga konflikta apstākļos. Trešajā (III) nodaļā ES analizēta kā starptautisko attiecību aktieris. Šīs nodaļas pirmajā (1.) daļā ES analizēta kā tradicionāls starptautisko attiecību aktieris, bet otrajā (2.) – kā sui generis parādība. Šajā nodaļā secināts, ka, saglabājoties starptautiskās sistēmas līdzšinējai – anarhiskajai – struktūrai, ES nevar pastāvēt kā sui generis aktieris un tai jāpieņem tradicionālā valsts forma. Pēdējā (IV) nodaļā piedāvāts iespējamais Eiropas pašdefinēšanās scenārijs. Darba būtiskākais secinājumi ir, ka (1) Beidzoties Aukstajam karam, izzuda līdzšinējais ES pastāvēšanas raison d'étre; (2) Nepastāvot kopīgam apdraudējumam un nepastāvot kopīgām interesēm, katra no ES dalībvalstīm realizēs savām partikulārajām interesēm atbilstošu politiku, kas neizbēgami novedīs pie anarhiskās sistēmas atgriešanās ES iekšienē; (3) Nepastāvot kādiem sui generis apstākļiem, ES jākļūst par tradicionālu aktieri, tas ir, valsti un jāīsteno tradicionālas stratēģijas. ; From the political as well as from the academic point of view, it is difficult to define the EU. Until recently, political analysis or a particular integration theory were mainly used in EU research. I think that the most appropriate theory for EU research is the theory of international relations. Until now, when the EU was analysed from the viewpoint of the theory of international relations, the dominating approach was what can be called idealistic. But in my thesis I have used the realism approach. In the theses there are two main hypothesis: (1) the historical-contextual – the European Union could exist in its non-defined form only as a product of war or in war circumstances; (2) the futuristic – the long-term existence of the European Union without the beginning of the process of disintegration is only possible in the form of a state. The thesis is divided into four parts. In the first (I) part I demonstrate the appropriateness to use the Realism School of the international relations theory for the study of the EU phenomenon. The second (II) part is dedicated to the overview of the main concepts and principles of the paradigm of realism in the theory of international relations. In this part it is proven that the bipolarity of the Cold War was not a unique phenomenon, caused by the existence of nuclear weapons, but a situation, which can be traditionally seen in the circumstances of extensive conflicts. The third (III) part analyses the EU as an actor on the international relations system. Firstly (1) the EU is analysed as a traditional actor in international relations, secondly (2) – as a sui generis phenomenon. It concludes that, if the present – anarchic – structure of the international system persists, the EU cannot stay a sui generis actor, it has to achieve a traditional stately form. The last (IV) part provides a scenario for a possible self-definition of Europe. The main conclusions of the thesis are that (1) with the end of the Cold War the raison d'être of the existence of the EU disappeared; (2) without a common threat and common interests each member state of the EU will develop independent policies according to its particular interests, which inevitably will lead to the return of the anarchic system within the EU; (3) without sui generis circumstances, the EU has to become a traditional actor, that is, a state and has to realise traditional strategies.

In this study, it was established that internal environment factors that seemed to have constrained the attempts by most Research and Technology Organizations (RTOs) in the developing countries to implement and internalise a best management practices (BMP) model (i.e. as an instrument of change) towards commercialisation were rather unidentified contradictions caused by conflicts and disturbances which served, not only as sources of troubles, but also sources of innovation in the RTOs' organizational activity systems. This observation provided an insight into the phenomenon that; despite the successful use of the BMP model by companies in the developed countries, especially in Europe, the efforts of most RTOs in the developing countries to implement and internalise the model were constrained by some undetermined environmental factors. The question of how factors internal to the RTOs' operating environments impacted on their attempts to implement and internalise the BMP model was explored, based on the proposition that; existing tensions in the RTOs activity system serve as internal environment constraints which influence the extent to which external environment factors negatively affect their efforts to implement and internalise the BMP model in their attempts to commercialise. Thus the goal of the study was to create an understanding with both practical and academic values (i.e. from the perspectives of organizational learning) on how the RTOs in developing countries can learn to deal with factors constraining the attempts by most of them to implement and internalise the BMP model (i.e. as an instrument of change) in their efforts to commercialise. The aim was to use organizational activity theory as a platform to provide an understanding of the possible internal factors preventing the RTOs from being successful in their implementation and internalisation efforts, with the objective of developing the requisite tools to guide future remedial actions. A multiple-case study was carried out with four RTOs in four countries (i.e. South Africa, Trinidad, and Botswana) as cases. Qualitative data on how each case's commercialisation process impacted on the sub-activity systems of its agents and/or groups (i.e. either as management teams or staff members, or collectively as workforce) were collected through structured interviews with key actors, problem-identification workshops, and surveys (using closed-ended self-completion questionnaires). Both historical and actual-empirical analyses were carried out for each case using the "analysis of contradiction" approach, with the actions of identified groups in each case (i.e. management team, senior staff, and junior staff) as the sub-unit of analysis, and the actions of the collective group (i.e. workforce) as the main unit of analysis. The contradictions that existed within the organizational activity system of each case were identified, and the findings interpreted at the single-case level. Results from these analyses showed that the case in South Africa was able to manage the contradictions that emerged in its organizational activity system, and hence was successful with its implementation efforts. The case in Trinidad was found to have experienced some constraints in its institutional rules and communities which generated some contradictions in its activity. Though not significant, the inability of the organization to fully manage it affected its implementation efforts, resulting in a moderate success. The case in Ghana was found to have been constrained in its institutional rule, community and division of labour. Due to its inability to manage the contradictions that emerged in its activity system, its commercialisation effort yielded a relatively poor outcome. The case in Botswana was found to have been highly constrained in its institutional rule, community and division of labour. Contradiction was thus high in its activity system, resulting in relatively failed implementation efforts. These analytic outcomes from the individual cases (i.e. analysis of contradiction) were then crossed analysed using the pattern-matching approach. Based on the analyses outcome, an understanding was made on factors internal to the organizations' operating environments which impacted on their implementation of the best management practices. This understanding provided the premise upon which the conclusion stated in the opening paragraph was derived. ; Godkänd; 2006; 20061206 (haneit)

This dissertation analyses the Ukrainian community in Germany and Canada after the Second World War in the context of diaspora theories. For the time period of this study, Ukrainians can be labeled a diaspora group because they fulfilled the main criteria of a diaspora existence. They were scattered across the globe and determined to maintain their heritage outside the borders of Ukraine. Furthermore, they employed lobbying on behalf of the homeland and developed a collective subject in the diaspora, namely the independence of Ukraine. However, this study has also shown that the attitude of the host country and the size of the group influence whether a diaspora group turns out to be active or passive. Although critical mass stands out as one of the most important issues, the subject is complex and can not be reduced entirely to this aspect. Recapping the particularities in both countries, it becomes obvious that different factors were intertwined and interacted. The group of Ukrainians in Germany consisted mostly of old, very young, or sick people, it was very small and had no roots in the country, all facts that hampered institutional development. Furthermore, its members were part of a 'negative selection' and not welcomed by the host society. And the strong Ukrainian anti-Soviet attitude and ensuing political activities could also lead to strained relations with the German government, especially once the latter became more interested in its Ostpolitik during the early 1970s. The origin of the group as forced laborers and the government's disinterest in drawing the community closer into German society further prevented an identification with the country. In contrast, by 1951 Ukrainians in Canada looked back on 60 years of settlement in the country that had resulted in a numerically strong group and an extensive network of Ukrainian institutions and organizations. Already during the Second World War, Ukrainian Canadians discovered lobbying as a way of communicating their concerns to the government, a trend that they continued in the postwar period. All those Ukrainians who immigrated to the country after the Second World War were part of a labor migration. They were young, active, and capable of finding work in their fields, thereby quickly becoming self-sufficient. The attitude of the Canadian government, the history of Ukrainian settlement in the country, and the developing multiculturalism discussion of the 1960s allowed for an incorporation of Ukrainian as well as Canadian features into their overall discourse, thereby making an identification with the country possible and easing their activities in the country. Both aspects of critical mass as well as government policy worked in favor of the group in Canada and hampered the group in Germany. The process of building a new home abroad turned out to be more complicated for Ukrainians in Germany than for Ukrainians in Canada. ; Diese Dissertation untersucht die ukrainische Gemeinschaft in Deutschland und Kanada nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg im Kontext von Diasporatheorien. Für den Zeitraum dieser Studie können Ukrainer als Diasporagruppe definiert werden, da sie vier der Hauptkriterien einer Diasporaexistenz erfüllen. Sie lebten geographisch verstreut und waren entschlossen, ihr kulturelles Erbe auch außerhalb der Grenzen der Ukraine aufrecht zu erhalten; sie betrieben Lobbyarbeit und entwickelten ein kollektives Ziel, nämlich die Unabhängigkeit der Ukraine. Allerdings hat diese Studie auch gezeigt, dass die Einstellung des Gastlandes und die Größe der Gruppe einen Einfluß darauf hat, ob eine Diasporagruppe aktiv oder passiv ist. Obwohl die kritische Masse der Gruppe als einer der wichtigsten Aspekte heraussticht, ist das Thema komplex und kann nicht allein auf dieses Kriterium reduziert werden. Wenn man die Besonderheiten in Kanada und Deutschland betrachtet wird deutlich, dass verschiedene Faktoren zusammenwirkten. Die zahlenmäßig kleine Gruppe der Ukrainer in Deutschland bestand meist aus alten, sehr jungen, oder aber kranken Mitgliedern, die keine Wurzeln im Land hatten. Ferner waren Ukrainer Teil einer "Negativauslese" und im Land selbst nicht willkommen. Und besonders während der Phase der Ostpolitik führten ihre starke anti-sowjetische Haltung und politischen Aktivitäten teilweise zu Spannungen mit der deutschen Regierung. Der Ursprung der Gruppe als Zwangsarbeiter und das Desinteresse der Regierung an einer Integration der heimatlosen Ausländer verhinderten zudem eine Identifikation mit dem Land. Im Gegensatz dazu waren die Ukrainer in Kanada eine zahlenmäßig starke, etablierte Gruppe die 1951 auf 60 Jahre Siedlungsgeschichte und ein breites Netzwerk von Organisationen zurückblicken konnte. Bereits während des zweiten Weltkrieges hatte die Gemeinschaft Lobbyarbeit betrieben, um die kanadische Regierung auf Probleme aufmerksam zu machen, ein Trend, den sie auch in der Nachkriegszeit fortsetzte. Die sogenannte dritte Welle, die nach dem Krieg nach Kanada emigrierte, bestand zum größten Teil aus Arbeitsmigranten, also jungen, aktiven Menschen die in der Lage waren, sich im Land zu etablieren und Arbeit zu finden. Die Einstellung der kanadischen Regierung, die ukrainische Siedlungsgeschichte im Land und die sich entwickelnde Multikulturalismusdiskussion der 60er Jahre gaben Impulse für Aktivitäten der Gemeinschaft und trugen dazu bei, dass sich Ukrainer in Kanada mit dem Land identifizierten. Sowohl der Aspekt der kritischen Masse als auch die Einstellung der Regierung begünstigten die Entwicklung der Gruppe in Kanada und erschwerten den Prozess für die Gruppe in Deutschland. So fiel es Ukrainern in Kanada leichter, sich eine neue Heimat in der Fremde aufzubauen.

Die Dissertation beschäftigt sich mit der imperialen Propaganda in den USA zwischen 1889 und 1914. Im Zentrum steht dabei ein besonderer Aspekt der Propaganda: das Thema Zivilisierung sowie die damit verbundenen Begriffe Erziehung und Bildung. Ausgehend von der Annahme, dass diesem Thema innerhalb des imperialen Diskurses der damaligen Zeit eine zentrale Bedeutung zukam, versucht die Verfasserin, die amerikanische Zivilisierungspropaganda in ihrer Fremdheit zu erfassen, zu beschreiben und in ihren historischen Kontext einzuordnen. Um die Ergebnisse besser bewerten und in den transnationalen Diskurs einordnen zu können, wird in die Analyse das Deutsche Kaiserreich einbezogen. Es soll als Referenzebene und damit der Verortung des amerikanischen Diskurses auf internationaler Ebene dienen. Die Arbeit hebt punktuelle Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede hinsichtlich der imperialen Zivilisierungspropaganda in den beiden Ländern hervor. Mit Hilfe eines interdisziplinären Ansatzes untersucht die Verfasserin sowohl die sprachliche wie die visuelle Ausgestaltung der amerikanischen Zivilisierungspropaganda. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse steht die Rhetorik der politischen Entscheidungsträger, ergänzend werden aber auch Fotografien und die großen Weltausstellungen der damaligen Zeit betrachtet. Die Verfasserin geht zunächst auf die Hintergründe und Zusammenhänge der imperialen Zivilisierungspropaganda ein. Nach einem kurzen Abriss der amerikanischen und deutschen Expansionsgeschichte folgen eine Hinführung zur Ideologie der Zivilisierung und eine genauere Klärung der Begrifflichkeiten. Daran schließt sich die Analyse des sprachlichen und visuellen Diskurses an. Der Hauptteil geht ausführlich auf die zentralen Elemente der Propaganda ein: die Einordnung der Fremden in das eigene Weltbild, amerikanische und deutsche Legitimierungs- und Selbstbestätigungsversuche, die Beweise der geglückten Zivilisierung sowie die Inszenierung des Aufeinandertreffens der Kulturen. Ein kurzer Überblick über die Reaktionen der Bevölkerung in den beiden Ländern rundet das Bild ab. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass die amerikanische Zivilisierungspropaganda inhaltlich einem moralisch-religiös determinierten Plot folgte, welcher die Amerikaner zu philanthropischen Rettern der vermeintlich unzivilisierten und vom Niedergang bedrohten Völker der Erde stilisierte und in der erfolgreichen Erfüllung dieser Aufgabe mündete. Auf der rhetorischen Ebene kombiniert die Propaganda Tropen der imperialen Rhetorik mit spezifisch amerikanischen Tropen. Hinsichtlich ihres sprachlichen Stils und Vokabulars beziehungsweise ihrer Form und multimedialen Umsetzung zeichnet sie sich durch einen hohen Grad an Abstraktion und Stereotypisierung aus. Der Vergleich mit dem Deutschen Kaiserreich verdeutlicht, dass die deutsche Propaganda zwar einerseits einem ähnlichen moralisch-religiös bestimmten Plot folgte, aber andererseits stärker von Motiven der Wirtschaftlichkeit und Machtpolitik determiniert war, was zu einer deutlicheren und zielgerichteteren Rhetorik beziehungsweise visuellen Darstellung führte. Die Zivilisierungspropaganda der USA stellt somit eine spezifisch amerikanische Variante der so genannten "colonial narrative" des allgemeinen Imperialismusdiskurses Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts dar. Sie sollte die Politik legitimieren und entstand in einem sich ständig verändernden Spannungsverhältnis zwischen den politischen Zielen, der wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und politischen Realität (im In- und Ausland) und den tradierten Mustern und Systemen der eigenen Kultur. ; On a Civilizing Mission - Imperial Propaganda and Education in the United States and the German Kaiserreich, 1889-1914 This dissertation deals with the U.S. imperial propaganda between 1889 and 1914. It describes the characteristics of this propaganda and reflects them against the historical and ideological background. Specifically, the analysis focuses on one aspect of the propaganda, namely education and its inherent civilizing mission. In order to accomplish a critical appraisal of the results and to place the findings regarding the American propaganda in an international perspective, the author also draws a line to the propaganda of the German Kaiserreich. This comparison shall point out some of the most important similarities and differences regarding the imperial propaganda and education in the United States. Following an interdisciplinary approach the author analyses textual as well as visual expressions of the so-called rhetoric of empire. She examines different media such as official documents, articles, photographs and documents from the world exhibitions. After an introduction into the colonial history of both countries and an overview over the ideology of civilization follows the analysis of the textual and visual discourse. This part focuses on the major elements of the propaganda, namely the classification of the colonized people, American and German self-affirming and legitimizing attempts, the production of evidence for a successful civilizing process and the staging of the cultural confrontation. Finally, the author outlines the reactions of the population in each country to the propaganda. The analysis shows that the American propaganda followed an ethically and religiously determined plot which saw the Americans as philanthropic saviors of the allegedly uncivilized and doomed peoples of the world and resulted in the fulfillment of this role. The rhetoric of this plot combined tropes of imperialism with particular American tropes. The style and vocabulary of the propaganda as well as its expression in different media was characterised by a high level of abstraction and a large number of stereotypes. The German Kaiserreich followed a similar ethical and religious plot but at the same time its propaganda was more determined by economical motives and power politics. This aspect was reflected in a more explicit and purposive rhetoric. In sum the American propaganda of assimilation and civilization represents a specific variety of the so-called "colonial narrative" of the general imperial discourse at the end of the nineteenth century. It was supposed to legitimize the American policy and originated from the ever-changing relation between political goals, the economical and social reality and traditions and patterns of the American culture.

AbstractThe self-understanding of a national community as a culturally homogeneous and spatiotemporally delimited entity provided the model for a distinct sphere of the social. It was this new understanding of the social as a theoretical category that made sociology possible. The modern nation-state and sociology are intimately linked. But even as social science requires the resources of the nation-state, it is equally dependent on a vigorous civil culture distinct from the state. Society is the ultimate source for the state's legitimacy. Society arises out of an association of which the nation-state, however important, is but one expression.Technological and economic development is now often used as justifications for the nation-state. But in the present global context, the nation-state is no longer the primary source for knowledge or investment, at least for countries such as the Philippines. The boundaries between nation-states have become porous as center and periphery are increasingly intertwined. Under these conditions, identities no longer represent cores but rather intersections of experience.No longer grounded in a local routine of everyday life with its corresponding set of collective images, culture increasingly becomes merely representation or the domain of signifying practices rather than the arena of practical significations. Under these conditions, where culture is not necessarily collectively shared but only synchronically networked, it becomes almost a personal quest rather than a communal affair. The expression of such a diasporal and subjective identity is manifested in the rise of new forms of ethnicities. In these contexts, culture can be visualized as landscapes and experienced as representations.Cartesian space-time assumes the homogeneous nature of extension/duration, such that any point in the system of coordinates can be expressed as a value of a given function. For modernity, the social can be plotted or imagined as one such function, all of whose members are linked to one another spatio-temporally. A nation-state is a collectivity whose functional representation assumes that all its members share a simultaneous present, and hence, a commonly anticipated future. Any point on this set of spatio-temporal coordinates is functionally linked to other points through membership in a common order called the nation-state.Nation-states see themselves as culturally homogeneous to facilitate the rational negotiation of difference. This view of culture is possible (but not necessary) because modernity is based on a sense of simultaneous presentness generating a commonly anticipated future. Modern society is an association of individuals functionally coordinating their actions to this simultaneous present. However, globality is making other presents possible, resulting in a world with an excess of meaning but a lack of sense.A feature of modernity is the crucial role of knowledge for the expression, maintenance and reproduction of power. While knowledge represents a form of power in all societies, certain modes of power can only be expressed through their relationship with knowledge. Hence, the functionalization of society is a pre-condition for power to be exercised through its control of knowledge. Power requires new forms of knowledge, such as social science, for its effectiveness in modern society. A critical social science is necessary to counterbalance modern society's functional goals if social science is also to play an emancipatory role.he indigenization of social science is an attempt to formalize this distinct perspective but its insistence on unproblematically using the nation as its referent limits its usefulness. In the present condition, the nation-state is no longer the primary site for knowledge-production or identity-formation. These practices now involve personal, local, global and other choices, following their increasingly polyvalent nature. In its attempts to imagine the nation through indigenous concepts, a Philippine social science risks essentializing Filipinohood by reducing its differences. Instead, a Philippine social science should explore the rich sources of difference within civil and global society, as well as point out the contingent and narrow interests of nation-states, thereby helping to establish a universal basis for understanding. This understanding sees social science as part of the human quest for emancipation.

The April 21, 2005 issue of the LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS carried a lead article titled 'Blood for Oil?' The paper is attributed to a group of writers and activists – Iain Boal, T.J. Clark, Joseph Matthews and Michael Watts – who identify themselves by the collective name 'Retort.' In their article, the authors advance a supposedly new explanation for the wars in the Middle East. Much of their explanation – including both theory and fact – is plagiarized. It is cut and pasted, almost 'as is,' from our own work. The primary source is 'The Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition,' a 71 page chapter in our book THE GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ISRAEL (Pluto 2002). The authors also seem inspired, incognito, by our more recent papers, including 'It's All About Oil' (2003), 'Clash of Civilization or Capital Accumulation?' (2004), 'Beyond Neoliberalism' (2004) and 'Dominant Capital and the New Wars' (2004). In their paper, the Retort group credits us for having coined the term 'Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition' – but dismiss our 'precise calibration of the oil/war nexus' as 'perfunctory.' This dismissal does not prevent them from freely appropriating, wholesale fashion, our concepts, ideas and theories – including, among others, the 'era of free flow,' the 'era of limited flow,' 'energy conflicts,' the 'commercialization of arms exports,' the 'politicization of oil' and the critique of the 'scarcity thesis.' Nowhere in their article do the authors mention the source of these concepts, ideas and theories; occasionally, they even introduce them with the prefix 'Our view is. . . .' Their treatment of facts is not very different. They freely use (sometimes without understanding) research methods, statistics and data that took us years to conceive, estimate and measure – again, never mentioning the source. These concepts, theories and facts are far from trivial. Until recently, they were greeted with strategic silence, from both right and left. Their publication has been repeatedly denied and censored by mainstream as well as progressive journals (including, it must be said, by the LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS, that turned down our paper on the subject). They cannot be found anywhere else in the literature, conservative or radical. To treat them as 'common knowledge' is deceitful. To cut and paste them without due attribution is blatant plagiarism. The first part of our paper illustrates this process of 'intellectual accumulation-by-dispossession' with selected examples. The issue, though, goes well beyond personal vanity and self-aggrandizement. At the core, we are dealing here with the clash of science and church, with the constant attempt of organized faith – whether religious or academic – to disable, block and, if necessary, appropriate creativity and novelty. Creativity and novelty are dangerous. They defy dogma and undermine the conventional creed; they challenge the dominant ideology and threaten those in power; occasionally, they cause the entire edifice of power to crumble. For these reasons, the latent purpose of intellectual accumulation-by-dispossession – like the accumulation of private property – is primarily negative. The word 'private' comes from the Latin 'privatus,' meaning 'restricted,' and from 'privare,' which means 'to deprive.' And, indeed, the most important feature of private ownership is not to enable those who own, but to disable those who do not. It is only through the threat of prevention – or 'strategic sabotage' as Thorsein Veblen called it – that accumulation can take place. It is only by restricting the free creativity of society that society itself can be controlled. The second section of the paper explains how the appropriators of 'Blood for Oil?' fit this pattern. The final section of the paper is an epilogue. It describes our failed attempts to get this paper published with The LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS; Retort's efforts to mislead us; and some additional insight from their AFFLICTED POWERS, a 2005 Verso book that contains the same plagiarism and more. The epilogue concludes with a few observations on the nature of academic dialectics.

The April 21, 2005 issue of the LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS carried a lead article titled 'Blood for Oil?' The paper is attributed to a group of writers and activists – Iain Boal, T.J. Clark, Joseph Matthews and Michael Watts – who identify themselves by the collective name 'Retort.' In their article, the authors advance a supposedly new explanation for the wars in the Middle East. Much of their explanation – including both theory and fact – is plagiarized. It is cut and pasted, almost 'as is,' from our own work. The primary source is 'The Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition,' a 71 page chapter in our book THE GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ISRAEL (Pluto 2002). The authors also seem inspired, incognito, by our more recent papers, including 'It's All About Oil' (2003), 'Clash of Civilization or Capital Accumulation?' (2004), 'Beyond Neoliberalism' (2004) and 'Dominant Capital and the New Wars' (2004). In their paper, the Retort group credits us for having coined the term 'Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition' – but dismiss our 'precise calibration of the oil/war nexus' as 'perfunctory.' This dismissal does not prevent them from freely appropriating, wholesale fashion, our concepts, ideas and theories – including, among others, the 'era of free flow,' the 'era of limited flow,' 'energy conflicts,' the 'commercialization of arms exports,' the 'politicization of oil' and the critique of the 'scarcity thesis.' Nowhere in their article do the authors mention the source of these concepts, ideas and theories; occasionally, they even introduce them with the prefix 'Our view is. . . .' Their treatment of facts is not very different. They freely use (sometimes without understanding) research methods, statistics and data that took us years to conceive, estimate and measure – again, never mentioning the source. These concepts, theories and facts are far from trivial. Until recently, they were greeted with strategic silence, from both right and left. Their publication has been repeatedly denied and censored by mainstream as well as progressive journals (including, it must be said, by the LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS, that turned down our paper on the subject). They cannot be found anywhere else in the literature, conservative or radical. To treat them as 'common knowledge' is deceitful. To cut and paste them without due attribution is blatant plagiarism. The first part of our paper illustrates this process of 'intellectual accumulation-by-dispossession' with selected examples. The issue, though, goes well beyond personal vanity and self-aggrandizement. At the core, we are dealing here with the clash of science and church, with the constant attempt of organized faith – whether religious or academic – to disable, block and, if necessary, appropriate creativity and novelty. Creativity and novelty are dangerous. They defy dogma and undermine the conventional creed; they challenge the dominant ideology and threaten those in power; occasionally, they cause the entire edifice of power to crumble. For these reasons, the latent purpose of intellectual accumulation-by-dispossession – like the accumulation of private property – is primarily negative. The word 'private' comes from the Latin 'privatus,' meaning 'restricted,' and from 'privare,' which means 'to deprive.' And, indeed, the most important feature of private ownership is not to enable those who own, but to disable those who do not. It is only through the threat of prevention – or 'strategic sabotage' as Thorsein Veblen called it – that accumulation can take place. It is only by restricting the free creativity of society that society itself can be controlled. The second section of the paper explains how the appropriators of 'Blood for Oil?' fit this pattern. The final section of the paper is an epilogue. It describes our failed attempts to get this paper published with The LONDON REVIEW OF BOOKS; Retort's efforts to mislead us; and some additional insight from their AFFLICTED POWERS, a 2005 Verso book that contains the same plagiarism and more. The epilogue concludes with a few observations on the nature of academic dialectics.

Die Rolle und Wahrnehmung des World Wide Web in seinen unterschiedlichen Nutzungskontexten ändert sich zunehmend – von einem frühen Fokus auf reine Web-Interaktion mit Kunden, Informationssuchern und anderen Nutzern hin zum Web als eine Komponente in einer mehrkanaligen Informations- und Kommunikationsstrategie. Diese zentrale Entwicklung ermöglicht Firmen, eine wachsende Menge digitaler Konsumenteninformationen zu sammeln, zu analysieren und zu verwerten. Während Firmen von diesen Daten profitieren (z.B. für Marketingzwecke und zur Verbesserung der Bedienungsfreundlichkeit), hat die Analyse und Nutzung von Onlinedaten zu einem signifikanten Anstieg der Datenschutzbedenken bei Konsumenten geführt, was wiederum ein Haupthindernis für erfolgreichen E-Commerce ist. Die Implikationen für eine Firma sind, dass Datenschutzerfordernisse bei der Datenanalyse und -nutzung berücksichtigt und Datenschutzpraktiken effizient nach außen kommuniziert werden müssen. Diese Dissertation erforscht den Grenzbereich zwischen den scheinbar konkurrierenden Interessen von Onlinekonsumenten und Firmen. Datenschutz im Internet wird aus einer Konsumentenperspektive untersucht und Datenschutzanforderungen werden spezifiziert. Eine Gruppe von Geschäftsanalytiken für Webseiten wird präsentiert und es wird verdeutlicht, wie Datenschutzanforderungen in den Analyseprozess integriert werden können. Ein Design zur besseren Kommunikation von Datenschutz wird vorgestellt, um damit eine effizientere Kommunikation der Datenschutzpraktiken einer Firma gegenüber Konsumenten zu ermöglichen. Die vorgeschlagenen Lösungsansätze gestatten den beiden Gegenparteien, widerstreitende Interessen zwischen Datennutzung und Datenschutz auszugleichen. Ein besonderer Fokus dieser Forschungsarbeit liegt auf Mehrkanalhändlern, die den E-Commerce Markt derzeit dominieren. Die Beiträge dieser Arbeit sind im Einzelnen: * Messung von Vorbedingungen für Vertrauen im Mehrkanalhandel Der Erfolg des Mehrkanalhandels und die Bedeutung von Datenschutz werden aus einer Konsumentenperspektive dargestellt. Ein Strukturgleichungsmodell zur Erklärung von Konsumentenvertrauen in einen Mehrkanalhändler wird präsentiert. Vertrauen ist eine zentrale Vorbedingung für die Kaufbereitschaft. Ein signifikanter Einfluss der wahrgenommenen Reputation und Größe physischer Filialen auf das Vertrauen in einen Onlineshop wurde festgestellt. Dieses Resultat bestätigt unsere Hypothese, dass kanalübergreifende Effekte zwischen dem physischen Filialnetzwerk und einem Onlineshop existieren. Der wahrgenommene Datenschutz hat im Vergleich den stärksten Einfluss auf das Vertrauen. Die Resultate legen nahe, Distributionskanäle weiter zu integrieren und die Kommunikation des Datenschutzes zu verbessern. * Design und Test eines Web-Analyse-Systems Der Forschungsbeitrag zu Konsumentenwahrnehmungen im Mehrkanalhandel motiviert die weitere Untersuchung der Erfolgsfaktoren im Internet. Wir präsentieren ein Kennzahlensystem mit 82 Kennzahlen zur Messung des Onlineerfolges von Webseiten. Neue Konversionsmetriken und Kundensegmentierungsansätze werden vorgestellt. Ein Schwerpunkt liegt auf der Entwicklung von Kennzahlen für Mehrkanalhändler. Das Kennzahlensystem wird auf Daten eines Mehrkanalhändlers und einer Informationswebseite geprüft. * Prototypische Entwicklung eines datenschutzwahrenden Web Analyse Services Die Analyse von Webdaten erfordert die Wahrung von Datenschutzrestriktionen. Der Einfluss von Datenschutzbestimmungen auf das Kennzahlensystem wird diskutiert. Wir präsentieren einen datenschutzwahrenden Web Analyse Service, der die Kennzahlen unseres Web-Analyse-Systems berechnet und zudem anzeigt, wenn eine Kennzahl im Konflikt mit Datenschutzbestimmungen steht. Eine syntaktische Erweiterung eines etablierten Datenschutzstandards wird vorgeschlagen. * Erweiterung der Analyse von Datenschutzbedürfnissen aus Kundensicht Eine wichtige Anwendung, die Resultate des beschriebenen Web Analyse Services nutzt, sind Personalisierungssysteme. Diese Systeme verbessern ihre Effizienz mit zunehmenden Informationen über die Nutzer. Daher sind die Datenschutzbedenken von Webnutzern besonders hoch bei Personalisierungssystemen. Konsumentendatenschutzbedenken werden in einer Meta-Studie von 30 Datenschutzumfragen kategorisiert und der Einfluss auf Personalisierungssysteme wird beschrieben. Forschungsansätze zur datensschutzwahrenden Personalisierung werden diskutiert. * Entwicklung eines Datenschutz-Kommunikationsdesigns Eine Firma muss nicht nur Datenschutzanforderungen bei Web-Analyse- und Datennutzungspraktiken berücksichtigen. Sie muss diese Datenschutzvorkehrungen auch effektiv gegenüber den Seitenbesuchern kommunizieren. Wir präsentieren ein neuartiges Nutzer-Interface-Design, bei dem Datenschutzpraktiken kontextualisiert erklärt werden, und der Kundennutzen der Datenübermittlung klar erläutert wird. Ein Nutzerexperiment wurde durchgeführt, das zwei Versionen eines personalisierten Web-Shops vergleicht. Teilnehmer, die mit unserem Interface-Design interagierten, waren signifikant häufiger bereit, persönliche Daten mitzuteilen, bewerteten die Datenschutzpraktiken und den Nutzen der Datenpreisgabe höher und kauften wesentlich häufiger. ; The aim of this thesis is to explore the border between the competing interests of online consumers and companies. Privacy on the Internet is investigated from a consumer perspective and recommendations for better privacy management for companies are suggested. The proposed solutions allow the resolution of conflicting goals between companies' data usage practices and consumers' privacy concerns. The research is carried out with special emphasis on retailers operating multiple distribution channels. These retailers have become the dominant player in e-commerce. The thesis presents a set of business analyses for measuring online success of Web sites. New conversion metrics and customer segmentation approaches have been introduced. The analysis framework has been tested on Web data from a large multi-channel retailer and an information site. The analysis of Web data requires that privacy restrictions must be adhered to. Thus the impact of legislative and self-imposed privacy requirements on our analysis framework is also discussed. We propose a privacy-preserving Web analysis service that calculates our set of business analyses and indicates when an analysis is not compliant with privacy requirements. A syntactical extension of a privacy standard is proposed. Moreover, an overview of consumer privacy concerns and their particular impact on personalization systems is provided, that is summarized in a meta-study of 30 privacy surveys. A company must not only respect privacy requirements in its Web analysis and usage purposes but it must also effectively communicate these privacy practices to its site visitors. A privacy communication design is presented, which allows more efficient communication of a Web site's privacy practices directed towards the users. Subjects who interacted with our new interface design were significantly more willing to share personal data with the Web site. They rated its privacy practices and the perceived benefit higher and made considerably more purchases.

Women's employment patterns changed drastically the last decades. But they are still different across Europe. Welfare state scholars often presume that diversity and change in women's employment across Europe is based on financial (dis) incentive structures embedded in welfare states (Esping-Andersen 1990, 1999, 2002; Sainsbury 1996, 1990; O'Connor et al. 1999; Lewis 1992, 1997). In other words: if childcare is available and affordable. Most mothers will work. If tax and benefit schemes have no financial employment obstructions, most mothers will work. This book shows, by in depth analyses of women's (and men's) employment and care patterns as well as child care services, taxation, leave schemes and social security in four different welfare states (the UK, the Netherlands, Denmark and Belgium) that this logic does not hold. It is based too much on the misunderstanding that women's decision making is exclusively based on economic self-interest. But a mother is not primarily the homo economicus welfare state scholars tend to presume. 'to work or to care 'is above all a moral predicament. A more suitable understanding is to study what march and Olsen (1989) call 'the logic of appropriateness'. This is also very different point of departure of human behaviour than the 'preference person' which is also used the explain differences in Europe (Hakim 2000, 2003). What explains better the differences in Europe is the cultural analysis of welfare states. In the case of caring and paid employment, welfare states send culturally-defined moral images of good-enough caring in the form of ideals of care. An ideal of care implies a definition of what is good care and who gives it. These ideals of care are embedded in welfare states and their regulations, laws and implementation processes. Each welfare state promotes specific ideals of care. Cultural explanations (such as Hakim 2000, 2003 and Pfau-Effinger 1998) downplay the role of the state too much. Culture, as is shown, is located within rather than outside the welfare state. Studying ideals of care not only gives insight into the outcomes of policy, but also into the origins of care policy. Ideals of care are not so much linked to the dominant ideologies that are said to explain the development of welfare states (such as Liberalism, Christian Democracy and Social Democracy) but to what the women's movement (in the broadest sense of the word) proposed, in alliance with more powerful actors, such as a political party in government, professional organisations or women in trade unions. Five ideals of care are distinguished: full-time motherhood, surrogate motherhood, parental sharing, intergenerational care and professionals care. Each of these ideals has consequences for women's employment patterns and differences between women. In Belgium, for instance, mothers' employment levels have historically been relatively high. The last decades they hardy increased. Many mothers even turn to part-time employment. The study of ideals of care shows that in this country surrogate motherhood is promoted by the welfare state. This ideal means that children are cared for well by someone who closely resembles the real mother, such as a childminder. Even though this gave mothers the moral comfort to enter the labour market, this ideal perpetuates the notion that mothers' care is still best. Childminders are just surrogate. In Denmark, in contrast, the ideal of professional care is dominant: children are cared for best by well-educated professionals, which is even better than when they stay at home with their mother. This ideal of care turns out to be the best guilt-reduction strategy: Denmark has the highest level of women working and nearly all of them work full-time. This book tries to show, by studying care policy in welfare states, that social policy has an impact on women's and men's division of labour and care. But especially when welfare states are not seen as a financial structures only, but as cultural catalysts.

By order of 29 November 1999 the Federal Court of Justice (Bundesgerichtshof) referred to the European Court of Justice (ECJ) for a preliminary ruling under Article 234 EC two questions regarding the interpretation of the "doorstep-selling directive", and the "consumer credit directive", which arose in the course of proceedings involving Mr and Mrs Heininger, who took out from the Bayerische Hypo- und Vereinsbank AG bank a loan to purchase a flat, secured by a charge on the property (Grundschuld). Five years later they sought to cancel the credit agreement, maintaining that an estate agent had called uninvited at their home and induced them to purchase the flat in question and - at the same time acting on a self-employed basis as agent for the bank - to enter into the loan agreement, without informing them of their right of cancellation. Article 1 para. 1 of the doorstep-selling directive provides that it applies to contracts under which a trader supplies goods or services to a consumer and which are concluded during a visit by a trader to the consumer's home where the visit does not take place at the express request of the consumer'. Article 3 para. 2 a) of that directive provides that the directive shall not apply to contracts for the construction, sale and rental of immovable property or contracts concerning other rights relating to immovable property. Article 4 of the directive provides that traders shall be required to give consumers written notice of their right of cancellation. Article 5 provides that the consumer shall have the right to cancel the contract within seven days from receipt by the consumer of the notice. Article 2 of the consumer credit directive provides that it shall not apply to credit agreements intended primarily for the purpose of acquiring or retaining property rights in land or in an existing or projected building, and that Article 1 a) and Articles 4 to 12 of the directive shall not apply to credit agreements, secured by mortgage on immovable property. The German legislation transposing the doorstep-selling directive (the "HWiG") provides for a right of cancellation by the consumer within a period of one week, if a transaction is entered into away from the trader's business premises. The cooling-off period does not start to run until the customer receives a notice in writing containing information on this right and if that notice is not given, the right of cancellation will not lapse until one month after both parties have performed their obligations under the agreement in full. Section 5 para. 2 of the HwiG provides that where the transaction also falls within the scope of the legislation transposing the consumer credit directive (the "VerbrKrG"), only the provisions of the latter are to apply. Section 3 para. 2 of the VerbrKrG, in setting out the exceptions to the scope of that law, provides that inter alia Section 7 (right of cancellation) shall not apply to credit agreements in which credit is subject to the giving of security by way of a charge on immovable property, and is granted on usual terms for credits secured by a charge on immovable property and the intermediate financing of the same. Given this legal framework it is obvious that the Heiningers could not cancel the credit agreement according to the VerbrKrG. Although the agreement constitutes a consumer credit under section 1 VerbrKrG, the right of revocation is excluded by section 3 para. 2 VerbrKrG, the exclusion of which is backed by the consumer credit directive. Although the credit agreement was entered into away from the banks business premises, they as well could not cancel it under the HWiG since this law is not applicable to consumer credit agreements. Thus, the claim of the Heiningers was denied by German courts until the Federal Court of Justice raised the question, if the subsidiarity clause in section 5 para. 2 of the HWiG constitutes a contradiction to the provisions of the door step selling directive.

In den zehn Jahren nach dem Tod der englischen Königin Eleonore von Kastilien (gest. 1290) wurde von ihrem Gemahl, Eduard I., eines der umfassendsten Memorialprogramme des Mittelalters initiiert. Die in der Nähe von Lincoln verstorbene Königin erhielt in der dortigen Kathedrale ein Eingeweidegrabmal mit bronzener Liegefigur, eine goldene Herzurne in der Londoner Dominikanerkirche und ein weiteres Tumbengrabmal mit Bronzegisant für die Beisetzung des Körpers in der Westminster Abbey. Die Königin wurde auf einem zwölftägigen Leichenzug vom Todesort nach Westminster überführt. An den Orten, an denen die Prozession übernachtete, wurden in den folgenden Jahren monumentale, mehrgeschossige Memorialkreuze errichtet, in denen multiple Figuren der Verstorbenen in einem Tabernakelgeschoß eingestellt waren. Drei der ursprünglich zwölf Kreuze und das Grabmal in Westminster blieben unzerstört, weitere Monumente sind in Bildquellen des 17. Jahrhunderts überliefert. Da die Abrechnungen der Testamentsvollstrecker im Londoner Public Record Office erhalten geblieben sind, die Auskunft über die beteiligten Handwerker, Baumeister und Bildhauer geben, können die Bauwerke und ihr figürlicher Schmuck einzelnen Künstlern zugewiesen werden. Eine detaillierte Auswertung der Schriftquellen erlaubt genaue Aussagen zur Organisation der königlichen Bauadministration, zu Verwaltungsstrukturen und Dispositionsbefugnissen. Eine stilistische Analyse der erhaltenen Memorialbauten zeigt zudem, daß die leitenden Architekten und Bildhauer etwa zeitgleich an mehreren Grabmalen der königlichen Familie in der Westminster Abbey tätig waren. Es konnte herausgearbeitet werden, daß das Memorialprogramm für Eleonore von Kastilien nur ein Teil eines weitaus umfassenderen Gesamtprojektes Eduards I. zur Initiierung einer familienbezogenen Grablege in Westminster war. Sie stand in unmittelbarer Konkurrenz zur dynastischen Grablege der französischen Könige in St.-Denis. Die sogenannten Eleanor-Crosses folgten dem Modell der "Montjoies de Saint Louis", den Bildstöcken, die an den letzten Haltepunkten des Leichenzuges des 1270 auf dem Kreuzzug verstorbenen Ludwig IX. von Frankreich errichtet wurden. Es zeigt sich, daß Eduard I. in den Memorialbauten für seine Gemahlin, in der Initiierung einer Grablege in Westminster und im Funeralzeremoniell für Eleonore dem französischen Königshaus und insbesondere Ludwig von Frankreich als "Rex Christianissimus" nacheiferte. Das Memorialprogramm für Eleonore von Kastilien stand im Spannungsfeld berechnender (Bau)politik und persönlicher Devotion. ; The Eleanor of Castile Memorial Programme - A Manifestation of Edward I of England's Royal Self-Assertion, 1290-1300 In the ten years following the death of the English queen consort Eleanor of Castile (d. 1290) her husband, Edward I, initiated one of the most comprehensive memorial programmes of the Middle Ages. The queen had died near the City of Lincoln, and her remains were preserved in a visceral tomb with a recumbent bronze effigy in Lincoln Cathedral, a golden heart urn in the Dominican Blackfriars Church in London and a further funerary monument adorned with a recumbent bronze effigy for the burial of her body in Westminster Abbey. In a twelve-day funeral procession, the queen's body was taken to Westminster from the village of Harby in Nottinghamshire, where she had died. At each place where her cortège stopped overnight, over the following years Edward I erected monumental memorial crosses that comprised several structural stages and included a tabernacle in which multiple figures of the late queen were housed. The Westminster tomb and three of the original twelve crosses have survived, others are known to us today from seventeenth century pictorial documentation. Since the accounts of the will executors providing information on the craftsmen, master builders and sculptors were preserved in the London Public Record Office, the monuments and the figures decorating them can be traced back to individual artists. A detailed analysis of the corpus of written documentation makes it possible to draw accurate conclusions in regard to the organization of the royal construction enterprise, its administrative structures and financial management powers. Furthermore, a stylistic analysis of those memorials that have been preserved demonstrates that the leading architects and sculptors were working simultaneously on several funeral monuments for the royal family in Westminster Abbey. It was possible to ascertain that the memorial programme for Eleanor of Castile was only one part of a much more comprehensive overall project implemented by Edward I to institute Westminster as a final resting place for many of the immediate members of his family over three generations – including his father, Henry III, Edward I's own generation, and their issue – in direct competition with the concept of the dynastic burial ground of the French kings in St. Denis. The "Eleanor Crosses" were built after the model of the "Montjoies of Saint Louis", the shrines erected at the last stopping places of the funeral cortège of King Louis IX of France, who had died during the Eighth Crusade in 1270. It appears that with the memorials built in honour of Eleanor, the institution of a burial site at Westminster and the funeral ceremonial for his late wife, Edward I was engaging in an emulation of the French royal dynasty and in particular of Louis of France as "The Most Christian King". The Eleanor of Castile memorial programme was therefore at the centre of a conflict between a calculated (construction) policy and personal devotion.

[spa] En el presente trabajo se diseña y aplica un instrumento específico para la evaluación de la calidad de la información sobre Diabetes Mellitus (DM) contenida en sitios web de Internet identificados con una estrategia de búsqueda específica y se estudia la variabilidad de los sitios web en el tiempo y los factores que influyen. METODOLOGÍA: Se ha seleccionado información de un total de 9 buscadores (altavista, google, excite, hotbot, go, lycos, yahoo, medexplorer, y metacrawler) con una periodicidad mensual entre julio de 2001 a junio de 2002. Se evaluó una muestra de las 30 primeras referencias obtenidas por cada buscador. Se diseñó un instrumento de 19 preguntas para la evaluación de la información recuperada valorando aspectos generales de la información, la estructura y el contenido. El contenido se comparó con dos guías de práctica clínica sobre DM seleccionadas según la metodología agree. RESULTADOS: Se ha encontrado una asociación positiva significativa entre la posición del sitio web según el criterio del buscador y la posición obtenida según el criterio de evaluación de la calidad. Los sitios web con información de diagnóstico (p=0,003), tratamiento (p=0,021) y complicaciones (p=0,012) ocuparían posiciones más altas si se adoptase el criterio de calidad. No se han encontrado diferencias por buscador, audiencia y procedencia del sitio web. De los 11 meses en que puede cambiar la evolución de un sitio web, en promedio los sitios están 7 meses sin variar de posición. CONCLUSIONES: La calidad de los sitios web es desigual y ha de ser evaluada. Los instrumentos de evaluación han de ser específicos por enfermedad. Existe una asociación entre la buena calidad del sitio web y la posición alta en la jerarquía del buscador. La selección de un sitio web es dependiente del buscador de Internet seleccionado. La investigación en calidad de los contenidos de salud en Internet se debería hacer desde la perspectiva del usuario y no del profesional. La estabilidad de los sitios web varía según el buscador seleccionado. Se han de realizar estudios de calidad con seguimiento longitudinal. ; [eng] The aim of this study is to analyze the advances in the nursing practice by means of task analysis and the vision of professionals and elites, and ultimately through the analysis of future strategies adequate to new trends, that will allow the development of a new approach of the profession. New trends are framed by changes in social structure, population ageing, economic crisis, migration flows, ecologic concerns, social inequalities, etc.; systems and policies of health organizations, changes in health systems, with the concurrent shortage in healthcare expenses; scientific and technologic advances and their impact in professions and, finally, the building of the nursing profession and its co-existence with other professionals' tasks. It is in this background where Nursing practice faces its biggest challenge: to grow as a profession or fade away as such. According to bibliography review, politicians, social agents, professional elites preview a bright future, while that is not the case of professionals self defined as "baseline", who give a pessimistic description of its training, practice and future. The building of a professional culture can be made by using several perspectives, like import of advanced theoretical and technological models from other experiences, as USA and Canadian nursing models. Buxó I Rey (1994) points out that emulating new ideas is not enough; it is necessary to elaborate new approaches. The new approach is based in the combination of logic and intuition, knowledge and action, reason and passion, ethics and esthetics, that is, in a better knowledge of our thoughts and actions. Following Torra I Bou (1995), the analysis of research suggests Nursing is a discipline that is building its own body of knowledge by interpreting the surrounding reality. Its task analysis and evolution will guide us on existing competencies and capacities to face the challenges of 21st century. Outcomes of this work aim to contribute to task definition and development, leaders' ideas about training, and strategies to be included in professional systems