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Social sciences and humanities have recently begun posing enquiries such as do animals have histories, memories and subjectivities. Circus animals hardly figure in the discourses on animals while a wide variety of animals existed in the rings globally as performers and workers. The ban of the training and performance of certain wild animals by the Ministry of Environment and Forests, India in 1991 was a watershed moment for the almost 150-year-old circus industry in the subcontinent. This article explores the legal battle that followed the ban, various discourses around animals, both wild and captive, the human and non-human association in circuses and the history of animal training and performance and critically examines the ideas of rescue, rehabilitation and conservation. The acquisition, taming and trade of animals are implicated in the history of hunting, wildlife policies of the colonial and postcolonial states in India. The 'rescue' and 'rehabilitation' of animals from the 'private' circus companies to the 'public' zoos would unravel how the very idea of scientific conservation becomes a violent guile of state and civil society actively propagating the binary of cruelty and mercy. The article will also briefly discuss the questions of intimacy and emotions between the animal and the animal trainer beyond the common representations.

Why do the United States and France, both capitalist economies that were dominated by private railways in the 19th and early 20thcenturies, have very different transport systems today? After World War II France developed 200 mph high speed trains, while railways in the United States declined to near irrelevance. This paper argues that cross-national divergence was caused by private and public actions that structured capitalmarkets and controlled planning. In the United States private financial institutions used capital markets to shape rail development. In France, by way of contrast, the state directly intervened in financial markets and controlled planning. Both systems thrived until World War I. But, then, faced with growing competition from cars, buses and trucks and burdened by excessive debt, they declined towards bankruptcy. The Great Depression became a defining moment as a Socialist-dominated government in France nationalized railways while in the United States, President Roosevelt's New Deal failed to enact policies to ensure the competitive viability of rail in relation to motorized transport. Rarely used archival sources provide much of the evidence for this argument.

Islam is a universal religion and final version of past divine religions. It provides guidance in every sphere of human life. It is the duty of religion to establish a peaceful existence in society. Now a days western and European countries (under modern and western political system) are facing a serious issue of pluralism. They are trying their best to solve it but all in vain. Islam presents a unique political system which is the only solution of such problems. Islamic political system provides peaceful co-existence for pluralistic society. Examples of the period of pious Caliphs is a great evidence in this concern. There are three types of Islamic government, namely Immamat, Immarat, and Khalafat. Furthermore there are three types of Khilafat; general, individual and national Caliphate. Islam provides very clear instructions for the selection of a caliph. Head of Islamic state should be a Muslim. According to Sharia, firm belief on the oneness of Allah and finality of Prophethood in the Prophecy of Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) are basic conditions for being a Caliph in an Islamic state. In this political system Allah is the only sovereign of the state. It is the duty of all Muslims to obey Allah, his apostle and ruler of the time. All the matters of the state are discussed in Majlas e Shura. Ruler of the state is answerable before his subjects and Allah almighty. In Islam, politics and religion are not different departments. This article deals with the functions and feature of the Islamic state.

This book theorizes shadow education as a new component of curriculum, expanding the concept of curriculum to include this type of learning. Curriculum scholars and theorists have largely disregarded shadow education as a valid topic of scholarly attention despite its massive growth worldwide. But shadow education has become a global phenomenon with ever-increasing numbers of student participants; it complements school-based curricula, in many cases going beyond. Thus, Jung and Kim argue that shadow education requires rigorous analysis by curriculum studies scholars. This volume analyzes the state and importance of shadow education in countries around the world: its representative forms and industries (private tutoring institutes, home-visit private tutoring, Internet-based private tutoring, subscribed learning programs, after-school programs), its characteristic forms in terms of curriculum, and its roles in student learning. It also explores various features of shadow education based on an eight-year ethnographic study in South Korea.

Background: The development of civil society is based on dialogue and participation. Young people are characterized by low interest in social activity and building a civil society, therefore it seems crucial to look at what education for participation looks like.
Objectives: The authors considered the issue of dialogue and social participation in the context of education and development of young Poles. The authors drew attention to the forms and importance of civic dialogue, as well as diagnosed the goals, functions and deficits of civic education.
Methodology: The topic was presented on the basis of the literature on the subject, the results of sociological research and hard data on the forms and scale of civic involvement in Poland, especially in Warsaw. Data analysis in the form of desk research was used.
Results: Research by CBOS and KBPN shows that only 40% of young people who could take part in the 2018 elections for the first time in their lives intended to exercise their right. Also in the parliamentary elections in 2019, the youngest eligible respondents voted least frequently. Young Poles significantly less often than adults in general show involvement in the affairs of the local community, and are also characterized by an above-average lack of trust in others and increasing individualism.
Conclusions: Civic involvement of young Poles and their participation in building a civic society are low and are accompanied by a high level of individualism combined with a lack of trust in others. Therefore, a more effective education for participation seems to be of key importance. Examples of good practice in this area, although still carried out on a small scale, are classes conducted for students in the field of public transport and tools for social participation developed and used by some local governments, such as the Civic Budget or Local Initiative.

A large number of observational and experimental studies have explored the determinants of individual preferences for redistribution. In general, inequalities are more likely to be accepted by people of higher socioeconomic status, in richer societies and when inequalities are perceived as justifiable owing to differences in productivity. Almas et al. (2019) show that in a relatively unequal society (the United States), the highly educated accept inequality significantly more than the less educated, whereas, in a relatively equal society (Norway), the less educated accept inequality more, but not significantly more, than the highly educated. Here, we replicate this finding using data from experiments conducted in four locations across three countries all distinct from the ones studied by Almas et al. However, a closer look at the data indicates that the origin of the interaction effect varies depending on which societies one compares. Data for Norway and the United States indicate that meritocratic values among the highly educated are less prevalent in more equal societies and that this is the driver of the triple interaction effect. In contrast, in our data the interaction effects have multiple drivers.

This book is an open invitation to the enterprise of re-imagining an alternative decolonial development project in Africa. It does this by focusing on the triple themes of African agency, development finance, and African developmental states in the context of an emerging multipolar world system. The book must be read as an affirmatively disruptive inquiry into the twin evils of global coloniality and global capitalist economic relations that have kept Africa on the lower rungs of the global pecking order, thereby preventing the rooting of an alternative development paradigm on the continent. As such, the book seeks to contribute towards the project of extricating the financing of development in Africa from the clutches of the Global North and the emerging powers of the Global South. In this way, it is a call for Afro-rebellion against the old and new forms of global coloniality and global capitalism. While the book is of major interest to scholars and students of African Studies, Development Studies, International Development Cooperation, International Relations, International Trade and Investment, Diplomacy, AfricaChina Relations, and Political Science, it is equally meant for the general reader as it assumes no prior knowledge in any of the field of enquiry other than interest in the development of the African continent. Gorden Moyo is Senior Lecturer at Lupane State University, Zimbabwe. He is also Founder of an independent think tankthe Public Policy and Research Institute of Zimbabwe (PPRIZ). He received his Ph. D. in African Leadership Development from the National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe. He is Former Minister of State in the Prime Ministers Office, and Former Minister of State Enterprises and Parastatals, Zimbabwe. He has edited three books and published several peer-reviewed journal articles and book chapters.

"The author introduces state and regime change in Central Asia as an example for social change in non-European societies. He criticizes the normative character of the concept of transition and relates the political changes in Central Asia to those in non-European societies such as Africa, the Middle East or Latin America, where concepts like personal rule, patrimonialism, or neo-patrimonialism can better explain the dominance of highly personalized and privatized post-colonial state structures, which, only in formal terms, established modern bureaucratic polities. The model of the bureaucratic development state is especially apt for explaining political change in Central Asia. Here the development problem appears to be fundamentally a political one and is, as such, linked to the question of how bureaucratic development state structures can be strengthened in order to overcome patrimonialism and the established primacy of politics in legal and administrative processes." (author's abstract)

One of the most notable aspects of democracy in schooling lies in the challenge of schools to prepare individuals with the skills to participate and deliberate with others who have varying beliefs and worldviews. Deliberation and dialogue are seen as core components for academic achievement and cross-cultural connections between English language learners (ELLs) and native English speakers. I analyze the notion of deliberative democracy in English language education as a way to promote a certain type of education that would foster ELL inclusion as well as expand the perspectives of native English speakers. I argue that this type of education would not only foster inclusion in the classroom but also prepare ELLs for meaningful democratic participation. By examining the role of deliberation in creating democratic classrooms, alternative ways of knowing become more evident as teachers raise their awareness about the ways that culture and language play out in everyday life and academic work.

For five years in the early 1990s, as the Conservative government attempted to drive through the new educational policies heralded by its Education Reform Act of 1988, a comprehensive school in Sheffield was the site of a bold experiment in progressive education. Located in a working-class, inner-city area, Earl Marshal School was ethnically highly diverse, with students from Pakistani, Somali, Yemeni and Caribbean families; white students made up less than 20 per cent of the student roll. With Chris Searle as headteacher from 1990 to 1995, these students, aged 11 to 16, were exposed to a very different kind of schooling from that envisaged by the government — with its newly introduced national curriculum, competitive league tables between schools and authoritarian system of inspections carried out through the Office for Standards in Education (OFSTED). Instead, Searle refused to exclude students for misbehaviour; did not sheepishly follow the national curriculum; was not over-impressed by OFSTED; sought student democracy; and involved the local community in the affairs of the school. Inevitably, he drew fire from OFSTED, from other headteachers, from the local education authority (LEA) and even from David Blunkett, the Sheffield MP who from 1994 was Labour's shadow secretary of state for education. In the end, they were able to unseat him, depriving Sheffield of the benefits of his ideas. The headteacher who opposed the permanent exclusion of students was himself, as he puts it, 'permanently excluded' from the job that he loved and lived for.

This book provides a collection of articles resulting from the International Conference on History, Social Sciences, and Education (ICHSE), which was held on 11 September 2021. The Department of History of Malang State University choose "Embracing New Perspectives in History, Social Sciences, and Education" as the main topic, and elaborates on five subthemes: 1) new trends in historical research; 2) formulation of new perspectives in history, social sciences, and education; 3) transdisciplinary research in history, social sciences, and education; 4) innovations in historical and social science learning during pandemics; 5) New ideas in the research and practice of social sciences and education. This seminar was open to international academics. This book presents new perspectives on methodology, methods, theory, and themes on history, social sciences, and education research from various perspectives on methodology and historiography. Now, history is not only about politics, economy and military, but also about environment, social, education, culinary, and so on. This book will be useful for students, historians, and the general public, in recording the development of Indonesian historical writing perspectives.

Bangladesh has continued to improve access to education and educational attainment. Gains have been equitable, reducing disparities by gender, wealth, and geography. Yet progress is still needed at higher education levels, and there are still persistent gaps between the poor and rich and across districts. Gains are partly the result of the Government of Bangladesh (GoB) efforts to improve education outcomes, but also reflect increased private spending by households. GoB education spending is still low compared to other countries in the region and presents large variation across the territory, which is not correlated with education outcomes and internal efficiency indicators. Only when public spending translates into lower student-to-teacher ratios do outcomes seem to improve, but those ratios remain inadequate compared to other countries and unevenly distributed across districts. Focusing on higher quality spending rather than increasing overall budgets will be a priority for further progress. Stipend programmes help with the progressivity of the system at the primary level. However, at the secondary level, there is still significant room to improve the progressivity of these benefits. Finally, addressing norms and expectations around the benefits of schooling can be an important avenue to increase school attendance. About four in ten secondary school-age children out of school report lack of interest or being too old to go back as their main reasons for not attending school; three in ten females cite family chores and marriage as reasons for not attending.

The glass ceiling is a vertical segregation of women from top positions and hinders women's advancement in organizations at top positions. The study was focused to investigate the effect of the determining factors on the glass ceiling in the career advancement of women in HEIs. The study was quantitative and a multistage sampling technique was used to draw the population sample of the study. Total 154 faculty members from three public sector universities were selected. To achieve the research objectives, descriptive statistics, test of independence, and multiple regression analysis were applied to investigate the significant predictors of the glass ceiling effect. The results revealed that there was an association between the gender of the faculty member and the designation. Further, the factors "Perceived discrimination" (β = .134, p < .01) and "Male dominating culture' (β = .295, p < .001) were found the significantly determined the glass ceiling. Based on the findings of the study it was recommended that to control the glass ceiling effect for women, HEIs must include the blind review-based promotion and selection criteria at least for top management positions.

United States District Court civil docket for Mapp v. Board of Education. Includes a timeline of events raning from the date the compaint was filed on 1960 April 6 to Judge Darr's deinal of a motion for summary judgetment on 1960 January 3.

United States District Court civil docket for Mapp v. Board of Education. Includes a timeline of events raning from the date the compaint was filed on 1960 April 6 to Judge Darr's deinal of a motion for summary judgetment on 1960 January 3.