Suchergebnisse

Georgia's climate allows for the production of many types of agricultural crops. However, most agricultural products produced in Georgia find it difficult to compete in both international and local markets. Low competitiveness is driven by many factors, including low yields, a weak agricultural value chain, high fragmentation of land and problems with land registration. In addition, the low quality of products, the lack of standardization, and the lack of relevant certifications leave only "familiar" markets (former Soviet Union countries, especially Russia) open, which are highly unpredictable. The preferred export alternative is the high-income and stable EU market, where certain barriers have been removed by the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTA) agreement. Though this agreement gives Georgia a certain advantage over other external suppliers, the EU market expects any supplier to produce high-quality products that are certified as complying with the relevant standards. Meeting these standards increases the cost of production for Georgian farmers and negatively affects product competitiveness in the EU market. The purpose of this study is to provide the reader with key information on the competitiveness of Georgia's agricultural sector. This includes the sector's problematic areas and export potential, the agricultural value chain, and the internal and external factors affecting it. The paper is based on the analysis of the export potential and value chains of 7 products specifically selected from 7 regions of Georgia between 2017-18 and represents an extrapolation of the results to the whole agricultural sector.

This article investigates the policy implications of national and regional climate change denial in Russia. While in general Russia has lagged behind in its climate mitigation policy, its key fossil-fuel regions are actively responding to external initiatives and pressures. As the country generally lacks substantial climate policy initiatives, the focus of this study is on the symbolic policy reactions operationalized as the media coverage of climate change at the national and regional levels in Russia during 2017-2018. Following the theoretical perspective of disproportionate policy response, the analysis elaborates on one of the suggested causes of policy over and underreactions, namely, the level of public demand for policy action. The findings indicate potential for disproportionate policy response research to conceive of public demand in broader terms, distinguishing between local, national and international domains. ; Peer reviewed

Argues that in light of NATO's widening role, the Allies may find that the controversial negotiations required to develop a new Strategic Concept may be the transatlantic catharsis the Alliance needs. Today, NATO is operating beyond Allied territory and is involved in counter terrorism, anti-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction issues, contributing to the democratization of the Greater Middle East, training Iraqi security forces, and supporting the African Union's peacekeeping efforts in Darfur-all aimed at meeting the challenges of a changing strategic environment.

본 논문은 대외정책 분야에서 드러나는 미국 대통령제의 운용원칙인 권력분립을 미국식 민주주의의 사각지대로 접근하는 시각을 제시하여 선행연구와 차별성을 추구한다. 구체적으로 헌법이 천명하는 권력분립 원칙에도 불구하고 오히려 그 권력분립의 기제인 상호간 독자적 선거제에 의해 미국의 유권자 전체가 선출한 대통령은 각 지역구에서 선출된 입법부 구성원이 내세우는 집합적 통치 위임과 확연하게 구별되는 유일한 공공리더십(public leadership)을 정책결정과정에서 독점할 수 있다는 점을 주시하고자 한다. 결국 미국 대통령제의 과제는 미국식 민주주의의 주요 통치원칙인 권력분립을 중시하는 동시에 성공적 통치를 위해 권한공유의 묘(妙)를 찾는 부단한 노력을 경주해야만 가능하다는데 있다. 특히 국내정책 분야보다 대외정책 분야에서 이 난제의 해법을 모색하는데 있어서 법제도적 및 정치적 장애물이 가로막혀 있다. 게다가 선거결과와 무관하게 통치 위임을 생성하는 정치의 사법화가 입헌 대통령제의 근간을 흔들 수 있는 위험성을 목격했다. 이에 본 논문은 대외정책 분야의 미국 대통령제에 대한 평가를 권력분립의 양면성, 즉 권력분립은 권력공유를 전제로 한다는 패러독스에 중점을 두고 대통령의 우위에 대한 주장을 가능하게 하는 헌법적 및 정치적 근거를 대조하면서 미국식 민주주의의 사각지대를 재조명하고자 한다. ; In this paper, I argue that the principle of separation of power in foreign policy under presidentialism invites a blind spot in American democracy. Although the Constitution specifies separation of power both in the conduct of domestic and foreign affairs, independent elections of President and legislators differentiate the kind of collective mandates on Capitol Hill from the unitary mandate bestowed upon President, thus prompting him to proclaim public leadership. The key to a successful governing, then, lies in the art of pursuing "separated institutions sharing powers" persistently. However, the realm of foreign affairs poses a more challenging task, both constitutionally and politically, than its counterpart in domestic policy. Furthermore, we came to witness a modern presidency whose relentless claim on mandate, or what is dubbed as judicialization of politics, was found irrelevant to the electoral outcome itself, thus creating a peril in constitutional presidency. In this paper, I explore this paradox in American democracy by comparing across constitutional and political sources of such claims. ; 이 논문은 2010년도 정부재원(교육과학기술부 학술연구조성사업비)으로 한국연구재단의 지원을 받아 연구되었음(NRF-2010-327-B00027). ; OAIID:oai:osos.snu.ac.kr:snu2010-01/102/0000040203/1 ; SEQ:1 ; PERF_CD:SNU2010-01 ; EVAL_ITEM_CD:102 ; USER_ID:0000040203 ; ADJUST_YN:Y ; EMP_ID:A076716 ; DEPT_CD:216 ; CITE_RATE:0 ; FILENAME:미국학논집4202.pdf ; DEPT_NM:정치외교학부 ; EMAIL:okyeonh@snu.ac.kr ; SCOPUS_YN:N ; CONFIRM:Y

At the beginning of 2020, the world was shocked by the coronavirus, which spread rapidly in various countries, one of which was Indonesia. So that the government implemented the Work from Home policy to suppress the spread of Covid-19. This has resulted in many people writing their opinions on the Twitter social media platform and reaping many pros and cons of the community from all aspects. The data source used in this study came from tweets with keywords related to work from home. Several previous studies in this field have not implemented feature selection for sentiment analysis, although the method used is not optimal. So that the contribution in this study is to classify public opinion into positive and negative using sentiment analysis and implement PSO for feature selection and Naïve Bayes for classifiers in building sentiment analysis models. The results showed that the best accuracy was 81% in the classification using Naive Bayes and 86% in the classification using naive Bayes based on PSO through a comparison of 90% training data and 10% test data. With the addition of an accuracy of 5%, it can be concluded that the use of the Particle Swarm Optimization algorithm as a feature selection can help the classification process so that the results obtained are more effective than before.

Narrative policy analysis provides a way of examining highly uncertain & complex policy issues whose truth-value cannot be ascertained & about which the only thing practicing policy analysts know are the stories policymakers use in articulating these issues. Here, a case study of the 1980-1982 Calif medfly crisis illustrates how a comparison & analysis of the structure of the dominant stories or scenarios in that controversy reduces some of its underlying uncertainty. By focusing on the differential risk perceptions reflected in the stories, narrative policy analysis identifies how conventional policy analysis could have contributed to the controversy's resolution. 2 Appendixes.

Since 1959 Congress has tried to protect U.S. direct foreign investments from expropriation by quite explicit amendments to various foreign assistance acts. Probably the most important of these legislative efforts, the Hickenlooper amendment, the Gonzales amendments, and the effective repeal of the Hickenlooper amendment, are contradictory and have been applied only sporadically. By developing testable hypotheses that can accurately and parsimoniously predict these varied legislative and diplomatic policies, this article attempts to demonstrate the value of a radical analysis of American foreign policy. After those hypotheses are evaluated, they are compared with propositions derived from pluralist and bureaucratic analysis. Finally, the policy history is reconsidered to show that changes in the external environment, particularly the rise of economically powerful nationalist regimes, have let to a significant evolution in the policy preferences of large multinational firms.

1979 yılında İran'da yaşanan devrim sadece asırlardır süren monarşi geleneğini değil, İran'ın iç ve dış politikasını da kökten değiştirmiştir. Şah zamanında ABD ve İsrail'in bölgedeki en önemli müttefiklerinden biri olan İran, devrimden sonra bu iki ülkenin hasmı haline gelmiştir. Aslında devrimin seyrine baktığımızda bunun İslam Devrimi'nden çok Şah yönetimine karşı yürütülen topyekün bir muhalefet hareketi olduğu görülmektedir. Zira devrime destek veren gruplara bakıldığında liberallerden ılımlı İslamcılara, komünistlerden radikal İslamcı kanada kadar birbirlerinden çok farklı birçok grubu bir arada görmekteyiz. Devrimden sonra Humeyni'nin yeteneğinin de etkisiyle radikal İslamcı kanat yönetimi ele geçirmiştir. Devrim sonrası İran dış politikasına yön veren faktörler ?tam bağımsızlık?, ?batı karşıtlığı? ile ?rejimin güvenliği ve ihracı? olmuştur. Kurulan yeni rejimin diğer Müslüman ülkelere de ihraç edilme çabası bölge ülkelerinde tedirginliğe sebep olmuş, bu yüzden de İran yalnızlığa itilmiştir. ABD ise bölge ülkeleri üzerindeki İran korkusunu canlı tutarak bu coğrafyada birçok üs elde etmiştir. Humeyni döneminde uluslararası alanda yalnızlığa itilen İran, Irak ile yapılan savaşta da bunun sıkıntısını fazlasıyla çekmiştir. Humeyni'nin ölümünden sonra Rafsancani ve ardından Hatemi'nin cumhurbaşkanlığı dönemlerinde İran dışa açılma hususunda daha istekli politikalar izlemiştir. Bilhassa Hatemi dönemindeki gelişmeler nedeniyle Humeyniciliğin bitmeye başladığı yorumları bile yapılmıştır. Ancak Hatemi'den sonra cumhurbaşkanlığına seçilen Ahmedinecad'ın sert söylemleri ve uzlaşmaz üslubu nedeniyle İran'da aslında pek bir şeyin değişmediği ortaya çıkmaktadır. ; The Iranian revolution in 1979 did not only collapse the ancient tradition of monarchy but it also produced profound change in domestic and foreign policy of Iran. Iran, which was, a prominent ally of the USA and Israel during Shah Dynasty, has become deeply antagonistic following the revolution. When we look at the course of the revolution, it can be considered a massive opposition to Shah dynasty rather than an Islamic revolution since the supporters of the revolution include many different circles ranging from liberals to moderate Islamists or from communists to radical Islamists. After the revolution, Islamic circles seized the power due to the Ayatollah Khomeini's charisma and ability After the revolution, the principles of the Iranian foreign policy have become `independence?, `anti-westernism? and `safeguarding and export of the regime?. Due to the efforts of exportation of the newly founded regime to other Islamic countries, Iran has been isolated while USA has gained many bases in countries in the region by keeping the fear of Iran alive. Iran, which was isolated during the Khomeini period, suffered from this isolation during its war with Iraq. After Khomeini?s death, Rafsanjani and Khatami successively followed foreign policies of expanding relations with the world. Especially during the Khatami period, there were even comments about death of Khomeinism. However, the harsh comments and irreconcilable attitudes of Ahmadinejad, the current president of Iran elected after Khatami have showed that very little has changed in Iran.

The Japanese government which earlier on opted for a more "balanced" relationship between the United States and China ended with a tighter US alliance. It has also adopted the National Defence Programme Guidelines to beef up the country's security arrangements. (East Asian Pol/GIGA)

The construction sector is one of the main contributors to greenhouse gas emissions and consumers of energy, making it one of the most relevant sectors when planning reduction strategies and policies. The use of timber in the built environment has been identified as a key strategy to reduce the carbon footprint of the construction sector. In this paper, we use the concept of policy gap analysis to identified underlying challenges in the implementation of timber construction on three Nordic countries, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. We carried out a series of semi-structured interviews with experts from the countries of study. The interviews came from industry, government, and construction companies. The use of the gap analysis approach was useful not only to identify areas that are being targeted but also those areas that were not covered by any programme at the time of study. The results showed that the studied programmes have a large level of coverage and congruence with the identified challenges. Moreover, they also showed that challenges related to fire safety regulations and insurance policies for timber buildings still need to be addressed, whereas the challenges of high price variability and lack of promotion are being addressed by multiple programmes. With this work, we have seen how timber construction is gaining momentum and how the challenges have been addressed systematically. ; ISSN:2071-1050

Examines US foreign policy towards Iraq since the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, and implications for the US, Iraq, and the global community.